Partition of Punjab: Sikhs and Lyallpur, Explores the Significance of Lyallpur in Partition of Punjab

Home , Ahmed Jahanzeb, Kapur Singh, Khewra Salt Mine, Lyallpur Town, Muhammad Waseem, Salarwala

THIS DISSERTATION IS BEING SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY

ROLE OF MIGRANTS

IN MAKING OF MODERN FAISALABAD 1947-1960

Submitted By: Muhammad Abrar Ahmad

Ph. D. 2011-2016

Research Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Dean, Faculty of Arts & Humanities University of the Punjab

Department of History & Pakistan Studies University of the Punjab, Lahore 2016 In the name of ALLAH, the creator of the universe the most beneficent, most merciful.

DECLARATION

I, hereby, declare that this Ph. D thesis titled “Role of Migrants in Making of Modern Faisalabad 1947-1960” is the result of my personal research and is not being submitted concurrently to any other University for any degree or whatsoever.

Muhammad Abrar Ahmad Ph. D. Scholar

CERTIFICATE

Certificate by Research Supervisor

This is to certify that Muhammad Abrar Ahmad has completed the Dissertation entitled “Role of Migrants in Making of Modern Faisalabad 1947-1960” under my supervision. It fulfills the requirements necessary for submission of the dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy in History.

Supervisor

Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Dean, Faculty of Arts & Humanities, University of the Punjab, Lahore.

Submitted Through

Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Chairman, Department of History & Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore

External Examiner

DEDICATED

To My Loving Amma Gee (Late) who has been a constant source of warmth and inspiration

III

Acknowledgement

First of all, I offer my bow of humility to Almighty Allah who opened my mind and enabled me to carry out this noble task of contributing few drops in ocean of knowledge.

I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my honorable academic advisor Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, for his tremendous love, guidance and encouragement. I would never be able to complete this task without his ongoing guidance, suggestions, and moral support in every practical, emotional and personal regard. My evolution in my academic career largely owes to his intermittent and invaluable torrents of guidance. It has helped me in refining my ideas and building my perspective about issues. He generously spent his time and energy in critically examining both the context and the style of my writing. He advised me to adopt formative ways and means of improving the thesis. The formality of student teacher relationship vanished to make him my mentor and confidential that helped me to learn maximum from him in a friendly environment.

I further extend my gratitude to the mentorship and scholarship of my foreign supervisor Professor Sarah Ansari, Royal Holloway for their special attention to streamline my ideas and writing. I am also thankful to my respected teachers especially Dr. Rukhsan Iftikhar and colleagues who helped me in this intellectual pursuit.

In preparing and writing this thesis I have made extensive use of the resources of various institutions. My special appreciation and gratitude to the staff of the libraries, British Library, National Archives, Kew Garden, Red Cross Archives, for their cooperation in providing me required material. I wish to acknowledge the help and valuable co-operation of the staff of the Main Library (PU), Punjab Archives, National Archives, National Documentation centre Islamabad and grateful to the staff of Library of Department of History & Pakistan Studies who always willing to provide the required material regarding my thesis.

I extend my heartiest thanks to Mr. Abrar Ahmed Chheena, who, as a friend and brother of mine had always spared his time for me at every step of my routine including research. Truly his assistance to scrutinize the drafts at various stages; and his comments

IV and suggestions proved quite helpful to me. Amir Ali also another source of incessant help in completion the project.

In Lyallpur I really feel indebted to Dr. Mushtaq Qadir and Toheed Chattha who always welcomed me warmly for discussion and spared their time for data collection and recording interviews. Without their support I would never be able to accomplish the research.

No doubt, I am so thankful to my loving friends Fakhar Bilal and Shumaila Ferdos for their cooperation and encouragement and moral support. Last but not least, Syed Ali Raza and Fouzia Sultana who always remained helpful with me. Their contribution is vital and invaluable for the completion of my thesis.

Above all, I dedicate my work to my Parents to whom I owe everything: my every happiness, and my all achievements. Their prayers are asset. I remember my deceased mother with tearful eyes who kept praying for my success even on bed of death ignoring her pain. I am at dearth of words to extend my gratitude for them.

May Allah enable me to return kindness of above mentioned sweet benefactors.

Muhammad Abrar Ahmad March 7, 2017.

Abstract

Lyallpur is 3rd largest city of Pakistan and 2nd major industrial city contributing major share in revenue of Pakistan. The establishment of Lyallpur is regarded to be associated with canal colonies project of the British to serve their manifold interests including population rationalization, increase in raw material through transformation of barren land into agricultural productive land, extra revenue generation, and reinforcement of strategic supply lines. However, the materialization of canal colony project was accomplished by the migrants of North Punjab who were knack at agricultural savvy second to none. The effective blend of role of government in form of providing conducive to agriculture environment and the migrants’ skill and hard work gave multiplier effect to agricultural growth of Chenab Colony enough to turn it into grainery of Asia.

The study has discussed locality of Lyallpur district under paradigm of role of migrants in defining and restructuring social and economic dynamics of the host locality. The locality serves to be interesting site of study under this paradigm as it observed two large scale migrations who took place under different circumstances and for different objective. Hence it provided potent case study to verify significance of migrants in redefining and restructuring social and economic dynamics of Lyallpur. It has further looked into status of Lyallpur in partition of Punjab 1947 and stakes of the Sikh community (migrants from Northern Punjab) in the host locality. It has investigated journey of Lyallpur from ‘Jangli land’ to miracle of Punjab and later on, its transformation to agricultural hub of Punjab earning the status of ‘Manchester of Pakistan’.

The study has argued that journey of Lyallpur from barren lands to grainery of Asia was outcome of the planned migration from North Punjab comprising Agriculturally adroit brain drain. It comprised a qualitatively significant and acclaimed portion of Sikh Jats. In wake of Partition of Punjab that was though practiced owing to repetitive demand of Sikh community; they resisted to secure their religious, social, and economic interests in Canal colonies especially Lyallpur. However, they ultimately failed to secure it owing to some logical gaps and practical complexities in their narrative. It resulted into large

VI scale outmigration of non-Muslim community of Lyallpur to East Punjab that was replaced by influx of the migrants from East Punjab.

However, the study has argued that though the second migration was abrupt, unplanned, and violent; yet it accompanied with accidental brain drain that comprised industrial and industrious migrants. These migrants by the dint of their hard work and skills not only carried forward agricultural legacy of the district; but they redefined social and economic dynamics of Lyallpur by transforming its economy from primary sector to secondary sector economy. The migrants invested their capital, skills, and time to earn the status of Manchester of Pakistan for Lyallpur

VII

List of Abbreviations

A.I.M.L All India Muslim League ADWC Akali Dal Working Committee APTMA All Pakistan Trade and Manufacturing Association C.I.D Central Investigation Department C.L.O Chief Liaison Officer CCB 1906 Canal Colonies Bill 1906 CSR Corporate Social Responsibility D.C. Deputy Commissioner D.L.O District Liaison Officer DC Deputy Commissioner DPR Director of Public Relations F.I.R First Information Report GB Gogera Branch GDP Gross Domestic Product ICS Indian Civil Service INC Indian National Congress JB Jhang Branch JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency LC Legislative Council LIT Lyallpur Improvement Trust M.E.O Military Evacuation Organization M.L.A Member of Legislative Assembly M.L.N.G Muslim League National Guards N.A. National Achieves Pakistan Islamabad. N.A.K.G National Archives Kew Garden N.D.C National Document Centre NGOs Non-Government Organizations NTU National Textile University NWFP North West Frontier of Pakistan O.I.O.C Oriental and India Office Collection

VIII

P.F.F Punjab Boundary Force P.N.N.R. Punjab Native Newspapers Reports PIDC Punjab Industrial Development Corporation PTA 1876 Punjab Tenancy Act, 1876 R.S.S.S Rashtriya Swayem Sewak Sangh RB Rakh Branch RSS Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh S.H.O Station House Officer Police SAD Shromani Akali Dal SGPG Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee T.O.P Transfer of Power TMA Tehsil Municipal Authority TMC Tehsil Municipal Committee Tors Terms of reference U.P United Province VAT Village Aid Training WPBEI West Punjab Board of Economic Inquiry WW1 World War 1 WW2 World War 2

A Note on Transliteration and Translation

This research deals and based primarily with the local historical narratives of Lyallpur. Thus, it has to incorporate a far larger number of vernacular sources. Those sources were in Urdu language and requiring an appropriate transliteration or translation done with retaining the originality of the meaning. As for as the written accounts are concerned, it was not difficult to translate with appropriate meaning aiming at proved relevant purposes. There were many newspapers reports, (Urdu) magazine article; eyewitness accounts articulated in emotional diction needed careful translation. Another important assignment was to translate the First Information Reports of police record. The particular Urdu lexicon used in Thanas in Punjab is also important to translate according to local lexicon. For this purpose, I relied upon the actual translation rather than transliteration. It helped a lot to facilitate the flow of meaning in my original and main text.

But as far as the transliteration of the oral accounts, testimonies are concerned it needed minute careful while describing their original content in respect of inserting into the main narrative of our research. In fact, it was only the oral accounts, which have got through the help of taking interview of many of the eyewitness and culprits myself. Those interviews are in Punjabi language different dialects with some localized variations. That localized sub-dialect belonging majorly to Ludhiana, Tambala, Amritsar, Hoshiarpur, Julludhar, and others that needs not much labor to differentiate on difficult level.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Declaration I

Acknowledgements IV-V

Abstract VI-VII

Abbreviations VIII-IX

Introduction 1-18

Chapter No. 1 19-63

Chapter No. 2 64-101

Chapter No. 3 102-140

Chapter No. 4 141-185

Chapter No. 5 186-222

Chapter No. 6 223-272

Conclusion 273-282

Appendices 283-300

Glossary 301-302

Bibliography 303-316

INTRODUCTION This study deals with the local history of Lyallpur1 where the migrants poured in millions into Lyallpur due to partition of India in 1947. These migrants not only filled up the space in Lyallpur in the socio-economic and political structure of the locality but also played key role in the reconstruction and consolidation of the city. In the given situation, their skills, past experience and wealth helped them to occupy important place in the locality. So rapid was the economic and industrial growth in the city that the analysts declare the city as the Manchester of Pakistan which is unprecedented phenomenon in the modern history of partition, migration and rehabilitation. Therefore, it is important to explore, investigate and analyze the local history of Lyallpur from 1947 to 1960. This study tries to find out how the Muslims, on the partition of India, arrived to Lyallpur and what was response of state and society upon their arrival and how they responded to the challenges in Lyallpur and what was their contribution in making Lyallpur a modern city and the Manchester of Pakistan? This study is of immense importance because very few have written on the local history of modern South Asia and those who have done studies on Lyallpur have not made a comprehensive study of the locality of Lyallpur in context of role of migrants in its modernization which this study aims to address.

Migration is highly researched area in contemporary world owing to its significant impacts on the social and economic norms of the sending countries as well as the host countries. But this study aims to analyze the significance of forced migration upon the city of Lyallpur. Moreover, if the Migration is perceived to be harbinger of economic wellbeing and development in the host community as the migrant community is attributed with the characteristics of skilled and hardworking people; it seems to be true in case of consensual migration; however, economic dimensions of forced migration are less explored yet and this study aims to address it while investigating case study of of Lyallpur. Lyallpur is the 3rd largest city of Pakistan that can serve interesting case study for exploring role of migrants in redefining and restructuring economic dynamics of the receiving locality. The distinction of Lyallpur lies in the phenomenon that it observed two phases of migration. The first phase of migration was observed in early 20th century after completion of ambitious project of British Raj of canal colonization 1890-1940. The

1 Lyallpur was later named Faisalabad in …… in the name of King Faisal of Saudi Arabia.

1 agriculturalists of East and North Punjab were settled here in order to turn the Crown waste2 into productive agricultural land. The migrants of first phase were adroit cultivators and they turned the whole wasteland into grainery of Asia that is highly acknowledged by historians like Malcolm Darling, Imran Ali3 and Gilmartin4. It is important to mention that first phase of migration can be regarded as consensual migration.

The second phase of migration took place in the wake of division of Punjab. It is considered a watershed moment in the political, social, cultural, and economic life of the people of Punjab. The event of partition of Punjab was materialized owing to conciliation fiasco between the Muslims and the Sikhs. In the wake of demand of Muslims for a separate homeland comprising Muslim dominated areas, the Sikh community of Punjab presented their plan of Azad Punjab comprising Sikh dominated areas.Division of Punjab is a historically significant event owing to its repercussions in social, economic, and strategic future of Subcontinent. It is considered to be the most violent demarcation of boundaries that led to displacement of over 10 million people and killings of about 1 million.

The dominant trend in initial historical investigation related to partition of India, and partition of Punjab is anchored around the processes of partition with relation to violence and ethnic cleansing. This trend of writing was supplemented with investigation of processes of resettlement of the migrants into host localities. This trend was further refined through discussion the role of migrants in the development of host localities. The aspect of development can be operationalized in differential domains; however, the dominant aspect was discussing economic development of the host localities. Ilyas Chattha has explored Gujranwala and Sialkot in terms of role of migrants in establishing economic foundations of these cities. Pippa Virdee has conducted a comparative study of Lyallpur and Ludhiana and compared them in terms of their respective industrial growth. Similarly, Indian writers have also focused on role of migrants like V.N Dutta has discussed role of migrants in Delhi. The present study is an attempt to investigate role of migrants in terms of modernization of Lyallpur.

2 The barren land of Sandal Bar was named as crown waster. 3 Imran Ali, Punjab under Colonialism 1849-1947 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989). 4 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Making of Pakistan (London: AB. Tauris & Co., 1998).

Lyallpur was the biggest host city of the migrants. Owing to lack of authentic and precise statistical figures, the actual number of migrants and emigrants of Lyallpur cannot be narrated in exact figures; however it can be approximated to 1 million emigrants and half a million immigrants. It bears additional significance of being one of the priority districts by the Sikh community of Punjab while deciding the demarcations at the time of division of Punjab. However, the point of attention is that migration radically disturbed the economic base of the cities including that of Lyallpur. This argument has been discussed by Ilyas Chattha, Pippa Virdee and Waseem Ahmad. However, none of them has noticed that how a city like Lyallpur was able to emerge as an industrial hub and acquired the status of ‘Manchester of Pakistan’ with humble infrastructure and modest beginning? The biggest migrant host city of Punjab that turned from rags to riches has not yet been explored in terms of role of migrants in its development.

As mentioned earlier Lyallpur is a distinct case study for historians to investigate the nexus of migration and development because the city observed two events of migration. the first migration took place in Colonial period as an outcome of canal colonization. The migrants attracted from various parts of Punjab by British government turned the waste lands into grainery of Asia. Malcolm considered Lyallpur lucky to have such cultivator. The first migrants had a knack at cultivating land and they established agricultural of the base of is their credit. The 2nd migration took place owing to partition of Punjab that observed great outflow of migrants replenished with greater inflow of migrants from East Punjab. These migrants had industrial background either as capitalist or workers from Calcutta, Bombay, Amritsar, Jalandhar and Ludhiana etc., who contributed to the establishment of economic base of the city and transforming its economy from primary sector to secondary sector economy.

Literature Review

There exists a plethora of literature pertaining to causes of partition of India, division of the Punjab, and its aftermaths; but little work has been done on the theme which present study deals with. However, there are few works which provide background or some snapshots of the history of Lyallpur especially on the genesis and necessarily the role of migrants in the development of city which impacted the province and Pakistan.

The story of Lyallpur begins with the greatest British achievements in India in late nineteenth century i.e. the construction of an artificial irrigation system in West Punjab.

Canal Colonies

The under-mentioned section highlights the views and arguments of different historians’ works and debates about the establishment of canal colonies. It comprises many aspects of the development, revenue generation and reduction of population density and ultimately of poverty, military grants and reward grants too. The works of Calvert throw light on the changes especially reduction of poverty as well as density of population which were the outcome of canal colonization5. Some historians have opinion that colonial masters created canal colonies for their political purposes. Gilmartin has explained the theme that the institutional development in Punjab and the contentment among the Sikh soldier was the outcome of the colonization after the annexation of the province6. On the other hand Babar argues that density of the population also urged the colonial masters to develop new plans for the reduction of the growing pressure7.

Imran Ali is of the view in this degree of the canal network that it was combined with the enormous reliance of agribusiness on canal water without solid precipitation, brought about the production of a "hydraulic" society in which the pioneer state, through its control over water, could practice a gigantic measure of control over the individuals who lived in the district8. Ian Kerr has argued that the Colonial state used its technological tools (particularly roads and railways) to produce, and impose, a space in Punjab that reduced the agency of the colonized and authority relative to the colonizers9. Ian Talbot mentions the evolution of the relationship between the British and the Punjabi feudal classfeudal; the latter focusing on the patronage the colonial government extended to specific biradari networks and landowning religious leaders who demonstrated loyalty to the regime10.

5 H. Calvert, The Wealth and Welfare of Punjab (Lahore: The Civil and Military Gazette, 1936). 6 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Making of Pakistan (London: AB. Tauris & Co., 1998). 7 Z. Babar, “Colonizing Agriculture: Scientific Knowledge, Colonial Power and Incorporation of India into the Modern World System”, British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 22, No.1 (2001): 37-58. 8 Imran Ali, Punjab under Colonialism 1849-1947 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989). 9 Ian Kerr, Building the Railways of Raj (London: Oxford University Press, 1995). 10 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj (London: Good reads Books, 1988).

On a separate but related note, Yong and Saif argue that biradari (Caste) system played pivotal role in the recruitment of the army. In result, the British also introduced structural reforms to keep stability and political alliance with the masses through feudal landlordgentry11.

Importantly recent scholarship has, increasingly questioned this account. Mishra12, Nazir13and Mukherjee14 highlight the disruptive effect of colonial economic policy, placing an emphasis on how indebtedness, rising inequality, and declining productivity characterized this period. Hussain15 and Niazi16 examine Punjab’s Green revolution and the way in which it allowed the rural elite to invest in capitalist agriculture, deepening their economic power. Ion Stone discusses the positive outcomes of the canal colonization. Paustine is of the view that revenue generation and agricultural export were the main factors behind the canal colonization17. Malcolm Darling has presented the vivid picture of the indebtness of the Punjabi peasants, attitudes towards the supply and use of capital18.

Out of various trends of writing on partition of India, the literature review suggests that initial writings comprise firsthand accounts of British officials, their memoirs, and autobiographies. These writings provide critical analysis of the communal situation of India when compared with the writings of Indian politicians. However, the higher credibility is obviously credited to primary sources. Moreover, these accounts discuss high politics that gives understanding of the specific historical circumstances.

The second pattern developed with the composition of the scores in the Aboriginal point of view. This viewpoint has differed from India to Pakistan positions. Numerous politicians composed their memoirs that construct the stories with respect to

11 Tan Tai Yong, The Garrison State: The Military Government and Society in Colonial Punjab 1849- 1947 (Lahore: Vanguard, 2005); L. Saif, “Impact of Colonial Capitalism on Peasantry in West Punjab” in Birinder Pal Singh(ed), Punjab peasantry in Turmoi (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 2010). 12 Satish Chandra Mishra, “Commercialisation, Peasant Differentiation and Merchant Capital in late Nineteenth‐Century Bombay and Punjab”, The Journal of Peasant Studies 10, no. 1 (1982): 3-51. 13 Pervaiz Nazir, “Origins of Debt, Mortgage and Alienation of Land in Early Modern Punjab,” The Journal of Peasant Studies 27, no. 3 (2000): 55-91. 14 M. Mukherjee, Colonializing Agriculture: The Myth of Punjabi Exceptionalism (New Delhi: Sage, 2005). 15 Asaf Hussain, “Ethnicity, National Identity and Praetorianism: The Case of Pakistan,”Asian Survey 16, no. 10 (1976): 918-930. 16 Tarique Niazi, “Rural Poverty and the Green Revolution: the Lessons from Pakistan,” Journal of Peasant Studies 31, no. 2 (2004): 242-260. 17 Paul. W. Paustian, Canal Irrigation in the Punjab: An Economic Inquiry Relating to Certain Aspects of the Development of Canal Irrigation by the British in the Punjab (London: Good Read Books, 1930). 18 Malcolm Darling, The Punjabi Peasant (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1947).

5 the partition of India.19 The Pakistani viewpoint, which was furnished with the Pakistan movement depended on this specific perspective, that saw the Congress and the British government on a similar side and Muslims (not just the Muslim League) being the underestimated fragment in the real Indian political scene. So whatever occurred in each city and district was not attended properly owing to communal touch attached to it by the Federalists. It prompted to debilitating of the Indian freedom movement. This point of view blamed the Muslim League for initiating of communal belligerence in Bengal and Punjab. The Indian side had a concrete vision. This section of works focuses just with violence committed by the Muslims.20 The Pakistani perspective then again delivers a few forms on the proactive part of different non-Muslim and state-possessed associations, highlighting the arranged scheme of Hindus and the Sikhs to decimate the Muslims21. There are couple of books that were composed by the Urdu essayists to offer tributes who participated in defense of Muslim community against the violence of Sikhs and Hindus in East Punjab. Similarly as Murtaza Khan Mukaish had a book on the Muslims of Eastern Punjab about the slaughters they had experienced in various parts of eastern Punjab including some princely states.22

The third pattern was set in the 1960s with scholastic exercises. The production of the Transfer of power volumes changed the already possessed places of students of history. New schools were defined by different historians from India and Pakistan. Another class of history specialists has developed on the scene with the ability of multidimensional analysis. Presently the area had centrality as another subject in the investigations of partition. The regions of Bengal and Punjab have more consideration than different locales because of their exceptional harm and in addition expansive ramifications.

19 Chuadhari Muhammad Ali, Emergence of Pakistan (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 2012). 20There were many such book portraying the atrocities committed on the non-Muslims in west Punjab highlighted. S. Gurbachan Singh Talib, Muslim League Attack on Sikhs and Hindus in the Punjab 1947 (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1950, 1991); G. D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning: A Survey of the Events of Leading Up to and Following the Partition of India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1949,1989); K.L. Gauba, Iinside Pakistan (Delhi: Rajkamal Publication,1948); J.Nanda, Punjab Uprooted (Bombay: Hind Kitab Limited,1948). 21There were many such book portraying the atrocities committed on the non-Muslims in west Punjab highlighted. S. Gurbachan Singh Talib, Muslim League Attack on Sikhs and Hindus in the Punjab 1947 (New Delhi: Voice of India, first published in 1950, reprinted New Delhi, 1991); G. D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning: A Survey of the Events of Leading up to and Following the Partition of India (First Published in 1949, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989); K.L. Gauba, Iinside Pakistan (Delhi: Rajkamal Publication,1948); J Nand, Punjab Uprooted (Bombay: Hindu Kitab, 1948). 22Murtaza Ahmad Khan Maikush, Akhraj-e-Islam az Hind (Lyallpur: Taj Company, 1948).

The Current Trend in Partition Historiography

The present pattern of partition studies expected to incorporate different subordinate human measurements. This contemporary pattern is of the view that the topic of the event of partition was more than a quintessential scene and it still needs to be investigated with huge edges. These edges can be followed by naming them with numerous classifications, for example, sexual orientation, group, subaltern, urban areas, towns and so forth. This pattern has moved the concentration of high politics to the impacts of sharing at the territorial level. Nonetheless Sindh, Assam, U.P. Tripura etc. also remained under spotlight. For instance, Yasmeen Khan has raised the political and fanatics’ reactions to the approaching non-Muslim displaced people in U.P. She discusses the abuse and non-welcoming reaction of RSS and Hindu Maha Sabha to U.P. approaching migrants.23 Notwithstanding, the prominent note here is that these displaced people were altogether different as far as their ethnic and semantic structures were concerned., Despite what might be expected, another investigation of Hindu space in West Bengal, in the wake of the Bengali migration from the Eastern part has not been a warmly welcomed. In our cover Ramola Sanyal concentrated the hegemonic transformative character that had acknowledged the Bengali displaced people in the quick history of the urban range of the post-partition Kolkata. Writers attempted to distinguish the battle character, which was embraced by these displaced people from East Bengal in the urban condition of Calcutta, to discover a "blame line" in a post-partition downtown.24

Regarding events of migration and their status of rehabilitation and resettlement in their host locality, another study mentions heartiest welcoming response for the migrants in city of Tripura. That research explores the wide hospitality extended by the authorities of Tripura to the refugees. That study had focused more on the state and central government policies to rehabilitate those refugees. Thus, it was a kind of state version.25 Sarah Ansari likewise investigated the recovery procedure taking after the

23Yasmeen Khan, “Arrival Impact of Partition Refugees in Uttar Prades 1947-52,” Contemporary South Asia, 12(4), (2003): 508-518. 24 Sanyal, Romola. "Hindu Space: Urban Dislocations in Post‐Partition Calcutta." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 39, no. 1 (2014): 38-49. 25 The kings of Tripura were also very great patron of Bengali language and even the court language of Tripura was Bengali. All this favored the refugees from the East Bengal to utmost. Nevertheless, there was another factor, which had assisted their merging. Two factors encourage the influx of refugees into the state. First, there was no perceptible local resistance to the refugees and secondly a

7 ethnic clashes in Sindh among the Urdu migrants in Karachi and different parts of Sindh26. As indicated by the author, this control was very turbulent, because of absence of assets and sufficient framework27. However she has not talked about encounters of migrants in Punjab.28 Gayanendra Pandey gives another view of factors behind partition and violence attached to it. The study disagrees with the idea that violence in the wake of partition was an outcome of calculation errors. The study views intricate high politics with its differential impact on complicated communal interaction to be subject matter in order to explore events of violence.29 The subject is further discussed by Ishtiaq Ahmed in a deductive framework as it has discussed events of violence at broader level and made an analysis of these events in locality of Lyallpur. Within paradigm of trickledown effect, the study has discussed events of violence in terms of ethnic cleansing.30 In compilation of the data and record about partition, there is a commendable endeavor on behalf of Urvashi Butalia. Though the scope of the writing is limited to partition of Punjab, however, the intellectual honesty for such a compilation renders it to be role model for other historians.31

Out of extensive literature on partition of India, unique discourse of gendered writings emerged with the contribution of women writers. These writers discussed violence in a feminist discourse and discussed brutalities of patriarchy and response of women as passive respondents.32 These writings were further supplemented with the themes of filial languishes and stoic response of the migrant caravans. It further highlighted commendable resilience of people and sharp return to life to contribute for

sizeable Bangla speaking community already living over there had helped a lot to rehabilitate those partition relate refugees in Tripura. That study had focused more on the state and central government policies to rehabilitate those refuges. Thus, it was a kind of state version. Even then, it entails many feature that how cam and confined area region could come up with the partition related displacement Gayatri Bhatacharyya, Refugee’s Rehabilitation and its Impact on the Tripura Economy (New Delhi: Omson Publications, 1988), 15. 26Sarah Ansari, Life After Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947-1962 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), 15. 27 Sarah Ansari, Life after Partition, 15. 28 Mohammad Waseem, “Muslim Migration from East Punjab: Patterns of Settlement and Assimilation,” in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial and Post-Colonial Migration, ed Ian Talbot and Shinder Thandi (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 63-77. 29His works primarily focus on genocidal violence by seeking to investigate the violent foundations of partition, communal background, ethnic cleansing, cross migration, and their interaction to formulate the genesis of both nations States-India and Pakistan. Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 45-6. 30Ishtiaq Ahmad, Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947, in Partition and the Region, ed Ian Tolbot (Karachi; Oxford Universty Press, 2002). 31 Urvashi Butalia, the Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000). 32 R. Menon and K. Bhasin, Borders and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1998), 57.

8 their family and community.33 This trend acknowledges contribution of migrants in redefining and reconstructing social and economic dynamics of the host states. In this regard a study conducted for those Punjabi migrants settled in Post-Partition Delhi.34 The study though acknowledges share of state in rehabilitating the migrants, however, the study goes a bit further in appreciating the migrants as they responded to the policies of government proactively and resulted in higher output in terms of economic and social contribution than the input. These accounts have highlighted not only individual efforts, but their communal cooperation among each other aiming at symbiotic economic consolidation/ the migrants are not only encouraged due to their rapid recovery of the trauma of partition, rather their resilient response to unfavorable conditions of lack of government support and hostile aboriginal response. These studies have focused their analyses locality to locality that gives extensive insight of the diversity in the languishes of the migrants and their differential responses to such circumstances. Such a thematic study conducted by Wazira Fazila-Yaqoob Ali Zamindar. This study has discussed localities of Delhi and this work is about the displaced communities in the cities of Karachi and Delhi. The study collected ethnographical material and oral accounts in order to explain the experiences of the migrants in terms of their similarities and differences, and some new dimensions35. It is important to mention that majority of the studies about partition contain an element of violence that is associated with vengeful communities, however, some studies highlighted hidden form of violence that is not much reported in oral or official accounts of partition historiography. In this regard, Zamindar identified a unique form of violence and names it bureaucratic violence. The study is of the view that hostile communal interaction is a historically developed phenomenon that cannot be understood until the critical analysis of perspective debates of the communities. The study adds further that the injury of physical violence was added with the insult of bureaucrat apathy that is also equivalent form of violence36.

Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, a contemporary historian of Pakistan, who adopts a unique explanation of the violence of partition. He challenges the traditional approach

33 R. Menon and K. Bhasin, Borders and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition, 31-32. 34 Ravinder Kaur, Since 1947: Partition and Punjabi Migrants of Delhi (New Delhi: OUP, 2007). 35 Wazira Fazila,Yaqoob Ali, and Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (Karachi: OUP, 2009). 36 Wazira Fazila,Yaqoob Ali, and Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (Karachi: OUP, 2009), 22.

9 about the role of Viceroy Lord Mountbatten in combatting the violence in Punjab.37 He is of the opinion that events of violence were developed in due course of history and the emotions simmered at the time of partition. He proves with use of primary sources that violence as the biggest stigma of partition was not the sole responsibility of Mountbatten, rather protraction of communal squabbles caused violence. Another research by Muhammad Iqbal Chawla investigates the various dynamics of the violence.38 This study invites the new attention of reader of the partition towards studying the partition in a complete new paradigm.

Violence and Migration

Violence may not be integral part of migration, yet it can be regarded as prevalent part of migration in some forms of migration especially the forced migration. The threat- based decision model is considered one of the most appropriate explanations of violent laden migrations. Its validity is empirically verified in the literature. This model argues that potential migrants base their decision to migrate away from a conflict on the perceived threat to their personal security. When the perceived threat to their security increases beyond an acceptable level, they migrate away39. The violent conflict in an area contributes to potential threat to one’s integrity40. However, leaving home in conflict region can render the migrants more prone to threat as there is unsafe outside. But as the violence infiltrates into fore walls of house, it leaves the people no option but to migrate to safer places. Another important dimension to this model indicates political aspect of violence and migration. The political dimension includes lack of political will to maintain order and fragile political structure incapable to establish writ of law41. The threat based decision model deems fit for analyzing the factors behind the mass migration in wake of division of Punjab. The model discusses migration at aggregate level which is relevant in case of migration partition and migration. This stance can be substantiated with the fact that up to 12 million people are believed to have crossed the new borders between India

37 Muhammad Iqbal chawla, “Mountbatten's Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (2016) Available on CJO 2016 oi:10.1017/S1356186316000225. 38 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “The Punjab Disturbances of 1946-47: Revisited,” Journal of Applied Environmental and Biological Sciences, 4(9S)( 2014):1-6. 39 Christina Davenport, Will Moore, and Steven Poe, “Sometimes you Just have to Leave: Domestic Threats and Forced Migration, 1964-1989,” International Interactions 29, no. 1 (2003): 27-55. 40 Nathalie Williams and Meeta S. Pradhan, “Political Conflict and Migration: How has Violence and Political Instability Affected Migration Patterns in Nepal,” Population Studies Center Research Report 09-677 (2009). 41 Ibid.

10 and Pakistan, with many millions of Muslims of the subcontinent crossing over into Pakistan, and the Hindus and the Sikhs moving in the opposite direction into India. This movement led to the largest displacement of populations in world history42. Such a large scale and ethnicity as well religious sensitive migration needs to be looked at broader and aggregate level instead of looking into individual causes of migration. Moreover, its assumptions of fragile political structure and lack of political will also seem relevant in case of migration in Post-independence period. It further extends to perpetuation of violence that renders the migration to be only feasible option. Several studies like Ian Talbot, Paul Brass, Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Ishtiaq Ahmad, Ravider Kaur, Ilyas Chattha43 and Swarna Aiyar have highlighted organized violence extended up to mass violence and aiming at ethnic cleansing of opposite community.

Migration and Development: Brain Drain

Brain drain is said to be major agent of development of host localities. Docquier and Rapoport have discussed Brain drain as major agent of development in host localities44. The migration of skilled labor renders the host locality technological and innovative superiority that leads to development45. Apart from development, brain drain or migration of skillful people contribute in social capital and social networking in host localities that serve to be significant tool of resettlement of the incoming migrants from source country46. There is consensus among writers about significant contribution of brain drain in development of host locality. However, there is debate regarding impact of brain drain on source regions or countries47. This aspect has been discussed by Hass in circumstances where the migrants have nonfunctional interaction with source localities. The study discusses it under neo classical perspective that considers that there is no place for money remittances flowing to origin countries. It is noteworthy that relevance of brain

42 “The End of the British Empire in India,” in Claude Markovits, ed., A History of Modern India, 1480-1950 (London: Anthem Press, 2002), 468-491; Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, Culture, and Political Economy 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2004), 135-166. 43 Ilyas Chattha, Partition and Locality: Violence, Migration, and Development in Gujranwala and Sialkot 1947-1961 (Karachi:OUP, 2011). 44 Frederic Docquier and Hillel Rapoport, “Skilled Migration: The Perspective of Developing Countries,” (2007). 45 Simona Milio et al, "Brain Drain, Brain Exchange and Brain Circulation. The Case of Italy Viewed from a Global Perspective," National interest (2012). 46 Hein De Haas, “Migration and Development: A Theoretical Perspective,” International Migration Review 44, no. 1 (2010): 227- 264. 47 Frederic Docquier and Hillel Rapoport, “Quantifying the Impact of Highly Skilled Emigration on Developing Countries,” Manuscript (2009).

11 drain with development is debated under optimistic48 and pessimistic49 perspective. However, both perspectives discuss the contribution of skillful migration in development of source localities. In conditions, when there is extinct interaction of migrants with source localities, the benefits of development are not shared and concentrate in host locality only50. In case of role of Brain drain in development of Lyallpur, the study finds the argument of brain drain as leading agent of development seems valid. Imran Ali51 and Malcolm Darling52 consider agricultural brain drain to Lyallpur as major agent of making the it hub of agricultural raw material. Similarly in wake of division of Punjab, Pippa Virdee and Muhammad Aslam argued industrially adept brain drain from Ludhiana as founding agent of hosiery industry in Lyallpur53. This argument is further discussed by Waseem Ahmad who pronounces the migrants being active agent of economic and political development of Lyallpur54. Apart from Lyallpur, the argument of role of skilled labor in development of host locality is also discussed by Ilyas Chattha in Sialkot and Gujranwala55, Wazira Fazila in Karachi56, and VN Dutta57 in Delhi. All these studies highlight role of skilled labor in development of the host locality that renders the theme worthy of investigation in case of migration and development in Lyallpur. So the dissertation tends to investigate ‘brain drain” theme of development of Lyallpur in first decade.

Rural Urban Migration and Lewis model

Rural urban migration and its relevance with development are well explained by the Arthur Lewis. He proposed his theory of economic development in terms of economic development through “Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor”58. It shows that development is dependent on supply of labor and development will take off in circumstances where supply is high. However, the model is more relevant in agricultural areas because the agricultural sector contains labor surplus that fills labor supply for

48 This perspective views that brain drain contributes in source locality by sending remittances. 49 This perspective views brain drain as depletion of human capital of source locality. 50 Hein De Haas, “Migration and Development: A Theoretical Perspective,” International Migration Review 44, no. 1 (2010): 227- 264. 51 Imran Ali and Adeel Malik, “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective”, The Lahore Journal of Economics 14 (2009): 29. 52 Malcolm Darling, The Punjabi Peasant, (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1947). 53 Pippa Virdee, "Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region 1947-61." (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004). 54 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75” Pakistan: The Social Sciences’ Perspective (1990): 207-28. 55 Ilyas Ahmad Chatta, “Partition And Its Aftermath: Violence, Migration And The Role Of Refugees In The Socio-Economic Development Of Gujranwala And Sialkot Cities, 1947-196” (PhD diss., University of Southampton, 2009). 56 Wazira Fazila,Yaqoob Ali, and Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (Karachi: OUP, 2009). 57 Vishwa N Datta, “Panjabi Refugees and the Urban Development of Greater Delhi: Delhi through the Ages”, Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,1986), 442-460. 58 Arthur W. Lewis, “Unlimited Labour: Further Notes,” The Manchester School 26, no. 1 (1958): 1-32.

12 industrial sector. The mechanical development and evolution in agricultural implements expedites agricultural economy that also latently raises surplus labor for industrial sector. John Knight has discussed theoretical explanation of development model of South Africa and China in terms of relevance of Lewis model to their development. The study pronounces rural urban divide as “Invisible wall of China” that rendered rural labor force marginal in terms of remuneration59. The Case of South Africa discusses transformation of South Africa towards democracy. Islam and Yokuta also view dual sector60 model being major determinant of Chinese development61.The labor shortage in urban areas attracted migration from rural areas that were facing under employment62. The rural urban migration in wake of wage gaps in rural and urban areas reinforces urbanization63. Machel McCatty also considers rural urban migration in order to fill supply line of labor as a determinant of urbanization and development64. The most rigorous explanation of Lewis model is given by Ranis and Fei65. Ranis and Fei are of the view that development in dual sector setting starts with the gradual shifting of the economy’s center of gravity from the agricultural to the industrial sector through labor reallocation. However, the expansion of industrial sector lies in capital accumulation and innovation. The study is of the view that if the combined forces of capital accumulation and innovation yield a rate of labor reallocation in excess of the rate of population growth, the economy may be considered to be successful in the development effort in the sense that the center of gravity is continuously shifted towards the industrial sector. As this process continues the underdeveloped economy will sooner or later exhaust its surplus labor and reach a significant turning point in the development process66.

59 John Knight, “China, South Africa and the Lewis Model,” The Rise of China and India, ed. A.U. Santos Paulino et al (UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 27-38. 60 It means that agricultural areas have labor surplus but under wage employment, and the industrial sector has labor shortage but high wage employment. It attracts labor from rural areas that contributes in development. 61 Nazrul Islam and Kazuhiko Yokota, “Lewis Growth Model and China's Industrialization,” Asian Economic Journal 22, no. 4 (2008): 359-396. 62 Ibid. 8, 10. 63 Somik Lall, Harris Selod, and Zmarak Shalizi, “Rural-Urban Migration in Developing Countries: A survey of Theoretical Predictions and Empirical Findings,” (2006). 64 Machel McCatty, “The Process of Rural Urban Migration in Developing Countries,” An Honours Essay Submitted in Fulfillment of the Degree of Bachelor of Arts to Department of Economics, Carleton University, Ottawa, Ontario (2004). Kindly recheck the format of the reference 65 Nazrul Islam and Kazuhiko Yokota, “Lewis Growth Model and China's Industrialization,” Asian Economic Journal 22, no. 4 (2008): 359-396. 66 John Fei and Gustav Ranis, “Innovation, Capital Accumulation, and Economic Development,” The American Economic Review (1963): 283-313.

The relevance of Lewis model deems fit for understanding development pattern of Lyallpur owing to availability of dual sector economy in Lyallpur. As some above discussed studies have considered relevance of Lewis model in the Asian countries who transformed their primary sector economy to secondary sector economy likes China. Lyallpur is also such a locality who transformed from headquarter of green revolution to Manchester of Pakistan. The presence of huge potential of dual sector economy in Lyallpur renders the Lewis model as important theme to understand development of Lyallpur in terms of surplus labor, labor supply, and earning of wages.

Local Histories: A New Trend in Historiography

The trends in historiography of South Asia have been to construct and reconstruct the national and regional history of some country and same trend has been set in the historiography of Pakistan where too much emphasis have been made on the construction of national or regional history, which of course, was a commendable contribution of the historians. But new trends in the world historiography have been set in by Prof Ian Talbot and his colleague like Sara Ansari Ilyas Chattha and Pippa Virdee et al, to dig out the local social history of the cities of Pakistan. This approach has resulted in bringing new dimensions to the historiography on the social history of Pakistan because it has challenged numerous calculations and conclusions of the former historians about number of outstanding issues like causes and effects of the partition of India and subsequently division of the Punjab in 1947, which have left permanent imprints on the minds and hearts of the people of South Asia particularly India and Pakistan. Following this new trend, this study is being conducted to find answers to causes and effects of the creation of Pakistan in 1947 such as violence, migration, settlements and other related issues by exploring the local social history of Lyallpur. Ahmed Ghazali has conducted an ethnographic review of Lyallpur and Sandal Bar. The book has discussed geography, culture, values, and mores of Sandal Bar of pre partition era67. This dimension of research was further carried out by Saeed ur Rahman Saqib who have discussed history of peripheral area of Jaranwala with additional dimension of history of freedom movement post Partition cultural changes in context of

67 Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar(Lahore: Feroz Sons, 2006).

Jaranwala68. However, among indigenous writers, works of Ashfaq Bukhari is a comprehensive attempt to discuss founding and evolution of Lyallpur69 which is further complemented by Ashraf Ashari with additional dimension of industrial development in Lyallpur70. Muhammad Arshad Chaudhary has discussed festivals and the luminaries of Lyallpur71. Saeed Moin Ur Rahman adds political dimension to history of Lyallpur who discusses role of Lyallpur in freedom movement of Pakistan and political impacts of visits of Jinnah in Lyallpur72. The division of Punjab and its resultant violence and migration was outcome of perturbed Sikh Muslim relations in Punjab. In this regard, Muhammad Jahangir Tamimi has conducted critical historical analysis of Sikh Muslim relations. The study suggests that the annihilation of Sikh Muslim relations was outcome of misunderstandings between both communities; however, the Sikh leadership missed their chance of reconciliation with Muslims owing to their instrumental use by the Congress. It rendered them meet political failure to achieve their separate homeland73. Owing to failure in rapprochement between Sikhs and the Muslims, division of Punjab took place that accompanied with mass bloodshed and migration. In this connection, while narrating history of Lyallpur, Rana Nazir74 Ahmed Khan and Malik Yasin75 have discussed events of migration in wake of division of Punjab and the sufferings of the migrants. The partition historiography and sufferings of the migrants are also highlighted by Khwaja Iftikhar and the study has discussed violence in Amritsar through Muslim perspective76. This trend of historiography transformed to discussing settlement and contributions of the migrants towards host locality. In this paradigm, Ilyas Chattha has discussed process of settlement and contribution of the migrants in development of the host locality by considering case studies of Gujranwala and Sialkot77. Wazira Fazila et al discusses locality of Karachi78. In case of Lyallpur, Pippa Virdee has rendered great contribution and conducted a comparative study of Lyallpur and Ludhiana

68 Saeed ur Rahaman Saqib, History of jaranwala (Jaranwala: Abqari Composing Centre, 2013). 69 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Story (Faisalabad: Shangrila Printers and Publishers, 2003). 70 Ashraf Ashari, Faisalabad ( Lyallpur ) (Faisalabad: Fizza Publishers, 2012). 71 Muhammad Arshad Chaudhary, Faisalabad: The City I Love (Faisalabad: MAS Composers, 1996). 72 Saeed Moin ur Rahman, Quaid e Azam and Lyallpur (Lahore: Mairaj Printing Press, 1988). 73 Muhammad Jahangir Tamimi, Sikh Muslim Relations: A Critical Analysis (Lahore: Punjab University Press, 2007). 74 Rana Nazir Ahmad Khan, People of Kotala and Journey towards Pakistan (Faisalabad: Mass Computer Press, 2011). 75 Malik Yasin, Pakistan Koe Sokha Banya , 2009. 76 Khwaja Iftikhar, When Amritsar was Blazing, (Lahore: Haji Hanif Printers, 2014). 77 Ilyas Ahmad Chatta, “Partition And Its Aftermath: Violence, Migration And The Role Of Refugees In The Socio-Economic Development Of Gujranwala And Sialkot Cities, 1947-196” (PhD diss., University of Southampton, 2009). 78 Wazira Fazila,Yaqoob Ali, and Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (Karachi: OUP, 2009).

15 in terms of settlement of the migrants and contribution in establishing industrial bases in the host localities79. However, her study focuses only role of migrants in providing labor force for industry. The study does not comprehend contribution of the migrants in broader perspective of capital investment. Waseem Ahmed writes the rehabilitation process and political role of the migrants. However, the article focuses capitalist in maneuvering political structure of Lyallpur and ignores working class of Lyallpur80. In Furtherance of literature regarding industrial development of Lyallpur, Ahmed Jahanzeb has discussed industrial development since 1947 to 197381. In a biography of owners of Sitara Group of Industries Lyallpur, Tahir Asghar has discussed journey of Sitara group of industries from a cloth seller to textile tycoon of the country82. Amjad Saqib throws light on contribution of Chinioti Sheikh Family in industrial development of the Lyallpur and Pakistan and conducted a theoretical analysis of in a qualitative study83. The literature review about Lyallpur suggests that history of Lyallpur can be divided in three phases. First phase discusses establishment of Lyallpur as part of Chenab colony and green revolution in the region. 2nd phase has discussed Punjab and Lyallpur in perspective of partition of Punjab and its resultant outcomes of violence and migration across the borders of India and Pakistan. In next trend of the historiography, various studies are conducted discussing settlement process of the migrants in host localities and their contribution in economic development of host localities. And in this regard, various localities like Gujranwala, Sialkot, Lahore, and Karachi have been discussed; however, there is dearth of literature regarding settlement process of the migrants in Lyallpur that served to be the largest migrants host district. Moreover, there is available literature on industrial development of Lyallpur; however, the literature does not discuss it in terms of contribution of the migrants. Though Pippa Virdee84 has discussed this theme, however, her study is limited to migrant’s labor force and establishment of hosiery industry by the migrants of Ludhiana district only. There is scope of discussion regarding role of migrants in modernization of Lyallpur and the study attempts to fill the research gap.

79 Pippa Virdee, Partiton and Loaclity, Phd Dissertation. 80 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75” Pakistan: The Social Sciences’ Perspective (1990): 207-28. 81 Jahanzeb Khan, The Industrial Development in Faisalabad (Lahore: Nasir Publishers, 2010). 82 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor (Faisalabad, Nisar Art Press, 2003). 83 Dr Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs’ Business, (Lahore: Sang e Meel Publishers, 2016). 84 Pippa Virdee, Partiton and Loaclity, Phd Dissertation.

Research-Gap

Lyallpur a very important district of Punjab not yet investiaged in terms of the role of Migrants for the development of industry and modernization. Out of various trends of writing on partition, the literature review suggests that there is dire need to investigate the history of Lyallpur with new perspective.85 This finding suggests that more work needs to be done on the relationship between brain drain, geographical proximity to labor-receiving countries, and the size of the (educated) population of labor- exporting countries86.

Research Questions:

The dissertation tries to find answer to the following quarries:

1. What were major developments during partition and post-partition history of Lyallpur that paved the way for destruction and then progress? 2. What kind of migration, Violence occurred during the partition? 3. Who was Socio-economic and religious background of the migrants from India and how they adjusted here in Lyallpur 4. What was the role of State and society to the migrants? 5. What was role of the Migrants in the industrial and economic development?

Methodology

Given that study is about important historical experience of humanity therefore, the study relies on the primary and secondary documentary sources. It approached the research questions through historical, descriptive and analytical methods. The study adopts the qualitative research methods. However, this epoch of history is not old therefore, other sources of information such as interviews (oral history) is a supplement source, because some of the characters who experienced violence, migration, and rehabilitation are still alive.

85 Beine, Michel, Frederic Docquier, and Hillel Rapoport. "Brain drain and human capital formation in developing countries: winners and losers." The Economic Journal 118, no. 528 (2008): 631-652. 86 Adams Jr, Richard H. "International migration, remittances, and the brain drain: A study of 24 labor-exporting countries." (2003).

Chapter Organization

The present study in addition to the Introduction, Conclusion, appendices, Bibliography and References, is divided into six chapters.

First chapter entitled, Historical Traces of Lyallpur: From first Migration to Second Migration, is about the creation of the Chenab Colony and demarcation of new District in Punjab as the business center/Mandi Town and it also focused on first migration and settlement that resulted in agricultural development and prosperity.

Second chapter entitled, Partition of Punjab: Sikhs and Lyallpur, explores the significance of Lyallpur in Partition of Punjab. Moreover, this chapter focuses on the Sikhs demand for the inclusion of Lyallpur in East Punjab or Azad Punjab.

Chapter Three entitled, “Migration to Lyallpur: Violence, Ethnic Cleansing and Brutality, deals with the bloodshed and communal massacres of Muslims in East Punjab and its impact on Lyallpur.

Fourth chapter titled, “Rejuvenation: Rehabilitation and Resettlement”, concentrates on the process of rehabilitation of the different strata of District from temporary allotments to permanent allotments.

Fifth chapter titled, “Rebuilding from the Wrecks of Partition: An Industrial Development”, discusses the role of migrants in the development agriculture and hosiery industry of Lyallpur during the period of 1947 to 1960 in the light of fresh sources/local newspapers or oral testimonies. Though the development of Health and Education will be included as well, yet the lions share is reserved for economic growth of the city. In other words, current Chapter will discuss migration and development in spatial context of Lyallpur.

Fifth and final chapter entitled, “Rags to Riches: Starred role of Migrants in Textile Sector”, this chapter covers the industrial development of Lyallpur focusing on the major actors. Moreover, it attempts to explore the factors behind serving Lyallpur as business haven especially for textile industry. Furthermore, it investigates the modus operandi of business communities resulting into their exponential business growth.

Chapter - I Historical Traces of Lyallpur: First Migration to Second Migration

“What the soldier begins the irrigation engineer continues,”

Alfred Deakin

This study explores, investigates and analyses the origins and development of the Lyallpur with the view to understand its historical significance. Regarding historical analysis of Lyallpur, it is impossible to study it in disassociation with Canal colonization in Punjab in late 19th century. Studies already have been made on the economic and political dimensions of the Canal colonies which, to a great extent, are important to understand political economy but the social dimensions particularly of social engineering of the British Raj is yet to looked in depth to have borader picture of history of Lyallpur, Punjab and India. In this regard, in the chapter is an effort to bridge the gap in the existing literature on the colonial history of Lyallpur. Earlier writings have pointed out that the project of Canal colonies served biggest pride of the British Raj as it proved successful in mobilizing communities, exploring new resources and generating land revenues. It helped the Raj to introduce multiple reforms and to protect and promote feudal aristocracy of the Punjab. Slowly but surely it transformed the barren land into productive agricultural tracts Therefore, it is of great importance to revisit the historical background of the emergence of Lyallpur as part of mega project of Canal colonies. The study tries to dig out the origin and development of socio-economic and political milieu of the city so that a clearer picture about the causes of partition, migration and violence can be understood in the historical perspective. The study also would like to throw light how the rich and resourceful persons, exploited the working class-mostly Muslims who on the eve of partition of India showed their anger and looted wealth and committed violence.

The British were quite successful in the establishment of the canal colonies which later on became the agricultural hubs and main production areas of the sub-continent. They highly focused on the growing needs of agricultural products and formulated their

19 best policies to successfully settlements in the canal colonies. Chenab Colony, largest of all other nine colonies, was the prime focus of the authorities; it absorbed more migrants as compared to other colonies. The Chenab Colony extended its remarkable results in terms of agriculture, agricultural products, and the agricultural industry. The modern canal hydrology system further led to the establishment of new urban centers and Mandis; these Mandis and urban centers gave boost to the trade and commerce. The allotment was made by the authorities on much planned grounds. It objectified to attract the best agriculutural talent from Punjab. In hindsight, this objective of the British government seems well met. In its furtherance, the agricultural boost which changed the course of the colonies led to attraction of the industrialist classes and these industrialists modernized the areas as major urban centers like Lyallpur and others. These industrial hubs were the outcome of the migrants who invested their untiring efforts and work and changed the barren lands in to fertile and futile plains. Their best efforts resulted into increase of agricultural products which led to the nourishment of the agro industry in the colony.

This development has been under debate in terms of its objective, procedure of settlement, its production increase, and agro policies which further caused the development of urban trade centers and Mandi towns (Market towns). Imran Ali argues that the Punjab witnessed major economic growth under British rule from the second half of the nineteenth century. This development was established on the development of a broad canal framework in the Western parts of the area. The ensuing rural settlement transformed the already desolate territory into a standout amongst the most critical districts of commercial agribusiness in South Asia. All things considered, Imran Ali contends that the colonial procedure mutilated the improvement of the supposed 'Bread and Basket' of the Indian subcontinent.1. Talbot argues that following the British conquest of the Punjab in 1849, the province became both a vital agricultural production area and the main base of recruiting ground for the Indian Army. British presuppositions about the virtues of agro- culturist ’tribes’ and the need to protect them from exploitative moneylenders led both to laws (especially the 1901 Alienation of Land Act, and its Second Amendment in 1937) and to a franchise and electoral system favoring feudal

1 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989).

20 agrarian interest. Although, the work primarily focuses British rule with the support of their allied factions especially Punjab Unionist Party which mainly consisted of the feudal gentry of Punjab2.

Some historians like David Gilmartin also have presented their stance of supportive land grants which were given especially to the Pirs and Land Lords. It is suggested that these land grants played pivotal role in the development of the power of the British. Moreover, it is argued that the British made instrumental use of these factions to rehabilitate waste lands...3

However, in this chapter, the factors evolving in the development of canal hydrology in Punjab which transformed nine canal colonies as major productive areas of sub-continent and then the settlement process is discussed. The chapter intends to investigate the British policy of water engineering including its impact on regions and how the Chenab Colony gained the status miracle of Punjab?. Moreover, the chapter concludes the key role of migrants transforming the bushy barren land into agricultural hub and industrially developed region of Punjab in the light of fresh documented and oral sources.

Introduction

After annexation in 1849, the British followed an ambitious plan of canal colonization in Punjab intending to meet manifold objectives. The historical debate leads to infer that the project served the manifest function of agriculutural revolution, raw material, and revenue generation; and the latent function of population rationalization, military supply lines, and modern control of population through urbanization. By establishing these canal colonies, they not only gained the support of various factions and outfits of the Punjab but they also got heaps of raw material and abundance of revenue too.

Historians like Imran Ali claim that even when the province of Punjab was under the direct rule of the British in mid 1880s, it experienced major transformations and growth because of irrigation projects. These projects led to the cultivation of the Doabs of

2 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj (London: The Riverdale Company, 1988). 3 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan, (London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd.; 1988).

Southwestern Punjab, which turned out to be some of the most fertilized farming lands in British India that constituted famous cities like Lyallpur (Faisalabad), Montgomery and Jhang that are now part of Pakistani Punjab.4 The importance of these cities can be better evaluated based on the vast area that they occupy that is equivalent to 1/3rd of Punjab especially after the establishment of canal colonies. Approximately, 10 million acres of land was cultivated due to the irrigation projects that took place between 1860 and 1920.5 Based on these developments in the province, wheat and cotton became major cash crops of Punjab which further emphasized the predominant claim about colonial power resting in agriculture rather than industrial growth6. However, Gilmartin believes that the canal colonies were established for a greater ulterior purpose in the political context.7. The canals allowed for employment opportunities for the Sikh soldiers who otherwise would have created disturbance for the British after the annexation and Anglo-Sikh wars. However, many people are very critical of this ‘social engineering’ structure of the Raj and believe that uniformity in the region did not exist on the basis of language, geography or economy. 8 The first phase included conception of an ambitious plan and its feasibility study by the colony officers. The plan aimed at transformation of waste land into productive land through canal irrigation that also served latent function of navigable trade route (Through small boats as it was not deep water). It was supplemented with planned settlements and integrated communication system (comprising land routes and railway tracks) in order to transport commodities to local markets and coastal points.

The second phase comprises allotment policy of land and migration of Northern and Western Punjab agriculturalists to Lyallpur. The cultivators were classified among Raees, Sufaidposh, and yeoman in a stratified manner. The third phase includes migration of peasants from North and East Punjab districts. The cultivators largely comprised Jats and the Arian whose contribution towards maximum exploitation of resources is

4 Mohammad Zaigham Pasha and Shaukat Ali, From Sand Dunes to Smiling Fields: History of Lyallpur now Faisalabad (Lahore: Fine Books Printers, 1996), 127. 5 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab (New Delhi: Foundation Books, 1999), 128. 6 Ian Talbot, Khizr Tiwana: The Punjab Unionist Party and Partition of India (London: Curzon, 1996), 4. 7 Hassan Javid. “Class, Power and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab”, (PhD diss., The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), 2012). For further studies, see, David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam (London: I.B. Tauris &Co; 1988). 8 A. Malik, “Partition of the Punjab and the Last Phase of Sikh-Muslim Dialogues: Some Rare Documents,” Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (2000): 63.

22 acknowledged and commended by the historians. These migrants mainly contributed in transformation of crown waste into grainery of Asia.

Establishment of Canal Colonies: Way to the Development

It is believed that all great civilizations thrived because of their underlying geography. This is because geography is said to determine the actions, responses, pressures and social needs based on natural changes9. It is rightly mentioned by the historians like Ian Morris that all great empires have established themselves and their rule based on giant projects. In context of Punjab, colonial empire of the 19th century, The Great Britain established its authority based on tactful planning and circumstance. The perennial canal system started in 1882 and managed to stay afloat until the last few years of the British Raj in the subcontinent. 10 The historical backdrop of channel colonies in the Punjab might be said to open with the proposition for the development of four immersion trenches, which Sir Charles Aitcheson11 laid before the Government or India in 1882 i. e. :-

 From the Chenab river at Rom Nagar in the Gujranwala District  From the Sutlej River (the Lower Sohag Para Scheme in the Montgomery District  From the Sadhnai reach of the Ravi waterway in the Multan District  From the Chenab stream at Chiniot in the Jhang District 12

It is clarified that grouping these ventures, the Lieutenant Governor had been largely affected by the way that these tracts of areas to be profited by those water system works13. There were many other individuals who played significant role in the construction of canals like Reynell Taylor14 who bought 10,000 acres of jungle to irrigate

9 Ian Morris, Why the West Rules for Now: The Patterns of History, and What They Reveal about the Future (New York: Farrar, 2010), 24. 10 James M. Douie, “The Punjab Canal Colonies,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 62, no. 3210 (1914): 615-616. 11 Sir Charles Umpherston Aitchison KCSI (1832- 1896), was a Scottish born Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, then a province of British India. He was succeeded by Sir James Broadwood Lyall. 12 Kapur Singh Bajwa, A Study of the Economic Impacts of the Punjab Canal Colonies (London: London School of Economics, 1988); For further study see also, Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989). In the book “Punjabi Century” in a chapter “Canal Colonization and Socio-Economic Change”, Parkash Tandon is off the view that Chenab Colony was the biggest of all the colonies and it was carved out by carved out of Gujranwala, Jhang and Lahore districts. The colony also extended into other contiguous areas in these three districts. The lower Chenab Canal subdivided into three major networks, those of the Rakh, Jhang and Gugera branches, which were colonized in sequence. The colony headquarters, Lyallpur, was a completely new town, and in time became an important market center, overshadowing older towns like Jhang and Chiniot. After 1947, Lyallpur became a major center for Pakistan’s emerging textile industry. 13 Kapur Singh Bajwa, A Study of the Economic Impacts of the Punjab Canal Colonies, 2. 14 Deputy Commissioner of Dera Ismael Khan.

23 with a canal project. The irrigation canals of India were the perfect example of the amalgamation of water and earth projects taken over by humans.15 Indeed, every one of them meagerly populated, and notwithstanding the contemplations of the way of the soil and building offices, there was a high likelihood of a fast convergence of cultivators to possess the waste terrains.

For this, nine canal colonies were established in Punjab during 1885-194716. Amid the settlement of the nation, instantly after the extension in 1849, the state had doled out the greater part of the then uncultivated land and announced it "crown squander." The canal colonization included the development of trenches to bring the "crown squander" the designation of land in the "crown squander" particularly to migrants from the denser areas and their settlement around the "crown squander", including the portion of private plots, migrants and arrangement of some open merchandise in the towns in the territory uninhabited then made17. According to Imran Ali, “canal colonization transformed this region (i.e. Punjab), from desert-waste, or at best pastoral savanna, to one of the major centers of commercialized agriculture in South-Asia18”. In the 1880s the Colonial state in India started one of its most prominent undertakings of social building. It kept on concretizing her fantasy of making a perfect agrarian space inside the settlement. From the earliest starting point of the pioneer administer, in Punjab and somewhere else, Colonial authorities were driven by the longing to enhance space and modernize agrarian ranges, even if they needed to augment salary proportions. Notwithstanding, they thought that it was difficult to concretize their dreams practically speaking, to change pictures into substances. They needed to think about an approach that was reasonable, plausible and practicable in the given settings.

Conceptually, late 19th century turned out to be the time when social engineering was at its best in British India. However, this project meant taking abstract images and

15 Atta Muhammad, "Mastery over Geography and the Rise of Social Development: A Case Study of the Canal Irrigation System of the West Punjab During Colonial India." Academic Research International 1, no. 3 (2011): 65. 16 Imran Ali,. The Punjab under imperialism, 1885-1947; Imran Ali, “The Punjab and the Retardation of Nationalism”, In the Political Inheritance of Pakistan (UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1991): 29-52; Furthermore, Partha Nath Mukherji, “The Farmers' Movement in Punjab: Politics of Pressure Groups and Pressure of Party Politics”, Economic and Political Weekly (1998): 1043-1048; Asad Ali Khan, “A Temporal View of Socio-Political Changes in Punjab,” An International Journal of South Asian Studies 24, no. 2 (2009): 296-321; Majed Akhter and Kerri Jean Ormerod. “The Irrigation Technozone: State power, Expertise, and Agrarian Development in the US West and British Punjab, 1880–1920”, Geoforum 60 (2015): 123-132. 17 Idress Khawaja, “Development, Disparity, and Colonial Shocks: Do Endowments Matters?”, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, PIDE, 2012. 18 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 3.

24 turning them into lavish realities which itself was not an easy task19. This vast land beyond the Sutlej was practically occupied by no one other than the usual nomadic pastoralists that moved between the riverine tracts and the highlands from time to time20. In early 1880s, the colonizers measured these vast tracts and they decided to established new settler colonies in these areas21. By 1900, a total of Rs. 92,000,000 had been invested on the perennial canals in Punjab, and by 1926 over Rs. 158,600,000 were spent in just five of the major canal projects22. Western Punjab’s canal irrigation system turned the region round from an initially deserted area to one of the main agricultural centers globally and around South Asia.23 According to Ian Morris, the development of successful societies rests on the sole factor concerning the harnessing of the land’s true potential and in this case, the British government was able to adequately do this by installing an excellent irrigation system in the region, which multiplied the agricultural output of the region. The canal colonies that came along with the canal irrigation system provided the world with the biggest land settlement ever along with 6 million acres of fertile land in Asia that came to be known as the colonizer’s most famous achievement as well as contribution to the Indian Subcontinent.24 It was the benefit of the canal colonies that made the rich revenue to the British and also made the canal colonies as rich and well developed regions. The migrants were the main beneficiaries of these schemes and all the development was the direct outcome of the untiring efforts of the migrants which resulted into the emergence of India as trade center and economically prosperous country.

19 Neeldari Bhatacharya, Promise of Modernity, Antinomies of Development, Yale University Program in Agrarian Studies, Center for Historical Studies, Jawahar Lal Nehru University, 2012: 1-51, See also online, http://agrarianstudies.macmillan.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/colloqpapers/15bhattacharya.pdf Accessed on 18/2/2017; Idress Khawaja, Development, Disparity, and Colonial Shocks: Do Endowments Matters? Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, PIDE, 2012. 20 See the early exploration reports of the different bars conducted by the Survey of India, Dehradun Records, 1850-60, Serial No, 625, Old No. Rev/5, 1854-57. 21 In 1841, Henry Lawrence rode through this region, leaving Ferozepur on 16 December and reaching Peshawar on the 28th December. His dairy and letters give us his earliest impressions of the terrain. 22 James M. Douie, “The Punjab Canal Colonies,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 62, no. 3210 (1914): 615-616. 23 Atta Muhammad, Mastery over Geography and the Rise of Social Development: A Case Study of the Canal Irrigation System of the West Punjab During Colonial India." Academic Research International 1, no. 3 (2011): 65. 24 Ian Morris, Why the West Rules for Now: The Patterns of History and What They Reveal about the Future (New York: Farrar, 2010), 12.

Figure 2: Map of Canal Colonies

Canal Colonies As the demand for the existing land increased, the British played on the weaknesses of the people and gave the world a revolutionary irrigation system25. The Canal colonies of West Punjab were also known as “Bars” that were the bread and basket of India before independence. The area of nearly 51 ½ million acres (225,773 acres) was developed adjoining areas of Lyallpur, Sargodha, Montgomery and Multan26. These canal colonies produced a large quantity of raw material to the colonial authorities and also generated heavy sums of revenue, helping to improve infrastructure. These canal colonies were also the major developed areas by the migrants and these were the migrants who changed the fate of these barren lands into smiling, fertile lands.

The Purposes of the Establishment of the Colonies

Historians have investigated establishment of canal colonies in terms of their processes of development and objectives. They have debated the concept of British canal hydrology and their intentions and purposes for the establishment of the canal colonies which further extended to emergence of extra ordinary urban trade centers and agricultural hubs in the colonies. These were the canal colonies which took the barren plains into highly productive plains. Researchers believe that canal colonization was a

25 Ian Morris, Why the West Rules for Now, The Patterns of History and What They Reveal about the Future (New York: Farrar, 2010), 12. 26 M.S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India (New Delhi: Indian Council of Agricultural Research, 1999), 282.

26 commendable contribution to the land reforms since it helped making it fertile and wholesome as well as turning it into one of the world’s main agricultural centers.27

There was a massive increase in the irrigated area and estimates conclude an approximate 11 million acres of irrigated land between 1885 and 194728. While Great Britain enjoyed many benefits of the irrigated canal colonies, the socio-economic conditions of the region also drastically improved29. While most canal colonies were located in central Punjab, only one was located in South-West district of Multan. However, after much discussion the most important question that arises is that why did the British choose the province of Punjab as their major agricultural hub? However, to understand this question, one needs to ponder over the importance of canals to the British in the first place. Did it intend to drive London’s market or there was any other regional significance?

Among various objectives of formation of canal colonies, population rationalization was a major objective. The Raj government30 considered the growing population in some districts as a potential challenge to their governance. The government tried to accommodate them in these colonies. This anticipation or a flood of immigrants strikes but keynote of government’s policy in founding its canal colonies, which was well summarized by the declaration made at the launch of the Chenab scheme that the object of the Government was twofold.

I. To relieve the pressure of population upon the lands in those districts of the province where the agricultural population has been already reached or rapidly approaching to the maximum limit which the land available for agricultural can support them.

II. To colonize the area in question with well to do yeomen of the best class of agriculturists, who will cultivate their own holdings with the aid of their families

27 M.S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture,10. 28 Idrees Khawaja, Development, Disparity, and Colonial Shocks: Do Endowments Matter? 10. 29 Kapur Singh Bajwa, A Study of the Economic Effects of Punjab Canal Colonies, 11-12.

and of the usual menials, but as far as possible without the aid of tenants, and will constitute healthy agriculture communities of the best Punjab type31.

Many scholars have put forth many explanations such as famine control, better dispersion of population and even goodwill of the British rule. However, Islam credibly disapproves of these reasons while Imran Ali believes that agricultural development, land revenue extraction, political support and encouraging military recruitment are the primary reasons for canal colonization. Although Islam agrees with Ali, his theory goes on many levels deeper. According to him, the primary reason for the construction of the canals and railway works was to increase the production and hence the export of agricultural produce to Great Britain32. Moreover, Islam further establishes the fact that the canals were also an important mode of revenue income for the government in terms of maintaining and managing the Indian Army, which was subsequently, used outside of the Sub-continent as well33. Another source for the objectives behind the canal colonization comes from Paustian who also claims that revenue generation and agricultural export were the two primary reasons34. However, based on a thorough analysis on earlier canals, Paustian finds out that revenue could be generated through a number of avenues like, selling the Crown wasteland, water rates or through mill sites used as toll highways or waterpower concerning canal transportation for agricultural produce. About exports, the canals were used for navigating agricultural produce across the ocean alongside the irrigation project35. While the canals were not very deep, flat bottom boats were used to transfer the produce across the river Ravi and then on to the ocean to be loaded for export till the concept of canal colonies erupted in the mid-19th century.

These Canal colonies were the upcoming bread baskets of India and capable to sustain their stature. These bars or areas to be inhabited and irrigated were nearly empty of its fertility and shallow of its granary. The policies of the administration embarked upon agrarian revolution in the agro history of the Subcontinent. However, one of the

31 B. H. Dobson, Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. Superintendent Government Printing, V/27/314/471 IOR (Punjab: Government of Punjab, 1915); Kapur Singh Bajwa, A Study of the Economic Impacts of the Punjab Canal Colonies, (London: London School of Economics, 1988). 32 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 3-6. 33 M. Mufakhur ul Islam, Irrigation, agriculture and Raj: Punjab 1887-1958 (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1997), 19. 34 Paul W. Paustian , Canal irrigation in the Punjab: an Economic Inquiry Relating to Certain Aspects of the Development of Canal Irrigation by the British in the Punjab(London: Good read Books; 1930), 30. 35 Paul W. Paustian, Canal irrigation, 51.

28 challenge before officials, who were interested in rural development, was to create villages of a type that is superior in comfort and civilization to anything which previously existed in the Punjab36. The canal colonies around the canals made sure that they spread the underlying message about the absolute power and control of British over the land and people. At the same time, these perennial canals silently insinuated the British Raj’s ability to perform infrastructural miracles. These canals by Western technology made historic transformation of the areas from rural or even uninhabited to urban centers of economy37. The economic revolution enhanced the taxes up to 75% between 1870-71 and 1901-92. Through wise and calculated policies, the Great Britain came to control around one-fifth of the world’s commerce collectively38.

For the nine canal colonies that were established in Punjab between 1885 and 1947, the British had to confiscate private ownership and declare the land under state protection. This way, they were able to declare the barren land as ‘crown waste’ and easily work on it without any hindrances39. The Canal scheme meant to provide water to the settlers to irrigate the barren land. The canals’ importance to the British can be seen via the money that they spent on their construction. For example, approximately 5,000,000 pounds were spent only on the construction and establishment of Upper Jhelum, Upper Chenab, and Lower Bari. One of the most successful irrigation systems was the Lower Chenab Canal that accounted for more than 40% of its capital cost of two million sterling pounds with two million acres of cultivable land and a total of 2700 miles in length40. The second best canal colony was established in 1902 between the river Jhelum and river Ravi called the Lower Jhelum Canal. However the project that led many amazed was the Triple Project in 1915 encompassing the Upper Jhelum, Upper Chenab and Lower Bari Doab canals under the supervision of a renowned irrigation officer called Col. Jawb and a civil servant Sir James Wilson41. This canal was 3400 miles in complete

36 M.S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India (New Delhi: Indian Council of Agricultural Research; 1998), 291. 37 In the period of Lord Curzon, many initiatives of public reforms were undertaken. 38 M.S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, 291. 39 Idrees Khawaja, “Development, Disparity, and Colonial Shocks: Do Endowments Matter?” 12. 40 M.S.Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, 287. 41 James M. Douie, The Punjab Canal Colonies, 615-616.

29 length and had the capacity to irrigate over two million acres of land. The total outlay on all the irrigation canals in 1926 amounted to about Rs 295,400,00042.

Due to their “well-established systems of political governance, financed by its efficient land revenue administration” in Madras and Bengal, the British rulers were able to finance and develop Punjab as the ‘model agricultural province’ in the 19th century. The British government expanded their canal colonization regime with the addition of nine new canal colonies across Punjab’s five prominent rivers during 1885 and 1926 rendering Chenab colony to be one of the most significant canal colony.43

Chenab Colony

The Chenab Colony was the first major attempt to develop a vast area entirely comprising arid wasteland with an extremely small population, which was mostly of nomadic character. The original proposals (1882) for this scheme were to construct a smaller canal to irrigate some 58,275 ha (144, 00 acres), but as the work progressed its scope was greatly extended to cover an area of over 445200 ha (1,100,000 acres). Practically the whole area coming under this scheme was Crown land not claimed by local inhabitants as private property. The Headwork’s for the Lower Chenab Canal serving this colony are situated near Khanki and the Main canal carries a flow of 11,000 cusecs at full capacity44

Initially an uncultivated waste land inhabited by nomadic cattle grazers45, the Chenab Colony46 was formed by the British between 1892 and 1905 and added with extensions in the late 1910’s to 1930’s. It was the largest colony among other canal colonies and it later bore the burden of two major settlements and migration. The journey from Sandal Bar to Chenab Colony, the development from barren lands to the fertile lands keeps history. The very region was known as Sandal Bar47 before having name of Chenab Colony. Sandal Bar was one of the important regions that they focused to

42 Bhatacharya, Promise of Modernity, Antinomies of Development, 12. 43 Hassan Javid, “Class, Power and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab”, (PhD diss., London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), 2012), 47. 44 Jasveen Jairath, Role of Irrigation in Agricultural Production: A Case Study of Punjab, (PhD diss., Jawahar Lal University, 1984), 121. 45 Imran Ali, The Punjab Under Imperialism, 1885-1947, 8. 46 The largest canal colony, the Chenab, had also the highest proportion of peasant grants, at almost 80 per cent of total allotted area. The civilian peasant grantee became less common in the later colonies as more land was diverted for other purposes, such as military usage and auction purchase. 47 It was also known as Dulle di Bar, because of renowned figure Dulla Bhatti who fought against the forces of Akbar.

30 agriculturally develop. The Sandal Bar, from which the colony was framed, consisted of a vast rolling plain or upland lying between the River Chenab and River Ravi. It is situated in the districts of Gujranwala, Lahore, Jhang, Montgomery, Lyallpur and Multan.48

In all the canal colonies, Sandal Bar was the prominent49 and it enjoyed central place in the colonial history. Sandal Bar is situated in between the two rivers, River Ravi and River Chenab and having fertile land50. The headquarters of this large colony were established at the new town of Lyallpur. Up to 1904 the colony tracts were constituents of Gujranwala, Jhang and Montgomery districts when a district of Lyallpur was carved out embracing a major area of the colony51. Major colonization work was over by the year 1906, but subsequent extensions were made in 1908-09 and later. By the year 1920 an average of more than 1,000,000 ha (250000 acres)52 were actually irrigated by the Lower Chenab Canal(LCC), out of which over 607,000 h. (1,500,000 acres) comprised government wastelands53. Moreover, the urban centers were developed in this very colony and these urban centers produced a large quantity of raw material which resulted into great revenue collection and development of the area.

Such developments lead the newly formed Lyallpur district to become the headquarters of the Chenab Colony after moving out of Gujranwala, Jhang and Lahore districts. Such a lofty status meant that the Lyallpur town became the hub of all trade transactions leaving behind older more pronounced towns like Jhang and Chiniot.54 Over the years, Chenab Colony became the largest canal colony, comprising of a vast area of over two million acres of land with the best irrigation system in the whole region. Its fame has been well recorded by many historians like Malcolm Darling who dubbed Lyallpur Colony as the richest farming territory in all India if not all of Asia.55 The best of the colonist were the Sikh Jats from Rawalpindi, Gujrat and Shakar Garh (Gujjar), Ludhiana, Jalandhar, Tambala, Amritsar and from other states of East Punjab.

48 M.S.Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, 282. 49 It is folk lore that Sandal Bar is naaf of Punjab. 50 There are myths about the word Sandal. Some are off the view that Sandal was old ancestor of Dulla Bhatti and on the contrary many are off the view that it was the name of a dacoit who belongs to the cast of Churah. It is also said that Alexander attacked this very region. For details, see Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar (Lahore: Feroz sons; 1996), 43. 51 Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar, 43. 52 Theodore Morison, The Economic Transition In India (London: John Murray, 1911), 34. 53 Kennedy Hugh Trevaskis, The land of five Rivers (London: Oxford University Press, 1928), 269 – 518. 54 B. H. Dobson, Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. Superintendent Government Printing, V/27/314/471 IOR (Punjab: Government of Punjab, 1915). 55 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt (1925), 132.

Malcolm Darling stated in his book,

“They represent the flower of Indian agriculture. It would be difficult to say which of the three has produced the best type; for industry and thrift, the Ludhiana Sikh is hard to beat, and the Sikh from Amritsar, though he may be spendthrift and violent56. Grit, skill in farming and a fine physique are characteristics common to all and in his new environment the Jat Sikh has reached a point of development probably beyond anything else of the kind in India. In less than a generation, he has made the wilderness blossom like the rose. It is as if the energy of the virgin soil of the Bar had passed into his veins and made him almost a part of the forces of nature which he has conquered”57. The migrants were the finest agriculturists of their areas and when they were settled in Chenab colony, they utilized their best efforts for their betterment as well as for the betterment of the locality. Before the establishment of Chenab colony, the area was totally barren and non irrigable. During his interview Ch. Atta Muhammad said:

“We were the local inhabitants and rest of our land was barren and uncultivated. We were dependent of rain water. We had dug out small well to whom we call “Khoi” and we get water from the well. We were used to store rain water in a big pond and that was being used by animals as well as for agricultural purposes. We people were cattle breeders and were used to take them for”.58 After the establishment of the canals, the British encouraged people from various districts to settle in the canal colonies. For this the British allotted lands to them. The scheme was termed as Horse breeding (Ghora pal Scheme). Mostly, Hindu Jats, Muslim Jats, Arains, Rajputs and the Sikhs were the main beneficiaries of this scheme. The retired soldiers of the British army were also given land grants. In villages, land was given to the horse, camel and mule breeders too. However, there were still some Sikhs known as the Jats that settled in the colony due to their distinguishing status of highly skilled cultivators59. Of the 675,000 acres of land assigned to Jats in Chenab Colony, 230,000 acres were given to Muslim Jats and the rest to Hindu and Sikh Jats. The Muslim Arains, got around 200,000 acres as opposed to the Hindu and Sikh Jats who

56 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 132. 57 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 132. 58Atta Muhammad. "Mastery over Geography and the Rise of Social Development: A Case Study of the Canal Irrigation System of the West Punjab During Colonial India." Academic Research International 1, no. 3 (2011): 65. 59 Dobson, Final Settlement Report, 37.

32 were highly skilled cultivators.60 A citation referring to the consideration factors that led to the selection of cultivators in the area is given by Malcolm Darling in the following passages. The Over 13 million acres irrigated by the new schemes covered all or parts of the districts of Shahpur, Jhang, Gujranwala, Multan, Montgomery, and Lahore, Lyallpur and Sheikhupura61

Settlement Process: Migration and Allotment

The area, which is commonly known as Sandal Bar, was in the early times uncultivated and barren but after the canal colony scheme; it was developed into agribusiness belt producing all the cash crops. Sandal bar consisted of the areas Sheikhupura, Jarranwala, Tandlianwala, Hafizabad, Chiniot, Faisalabad (Lyallpur), Summandri, Gojra, and Toba Tek Singh and the adjoining areas of Rajana Mandi62. Before the establishment of Chenab colony, the most of the people were nomads.

Before the gigantic relocation towards the Chenab colony, the bar wanderers who scattered throughout the bar were the natives. At an estimated calculation, they numbered 50000 toward the beginning of irrigation system in 1892. At the extraordinary statistics of the Chenab settlement held in 1906, the number of inhabitants in the tract which had been the Sandal Bar numbered 857, 829 individuals63. Demographically, massive internal migrations took place within Punjab during the British rule in the Sub-continent. This was primarily due to the establishment and opening of canal colonies in Western Punjab. Historical facts show that during 1886-1947, around nine canal colonies were established in Western and Southwestern Punjab where substantial desolate unproductive lands in Lyallpur, Sargodha, Shahpur, Montgomery, Multan, Gujranwala, Sheikhupura, Gujarat and Sialkot districts64 turned into highly fertile areas hence, increasing the overall amount of wheat, gram, cotton, rice and fodder produce65. Almost six million acres of land that was initially occupied by nomadic herders was transformed into canal colonies in order to meet the colonial needs regarding demographic dispersion especially in the saturated

60 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 143. 61 Ajmal Khan, “The New Land in Punjab”, Daily Dawn, Lahore, July 20, 2012. 62 Liaqat Ali Sandhu, Khoj: Kuch Tareekhi Baatin (Lahore: Gohar Publishers; 2011), 104; See also, Malik Ashfaq, Lyallpur ki mukhtasir tareekh [Short History of Lyallpur] (Faisalabad: Haroon ad.; 2014), 73. 63 M.S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, 285. 64 Imran Ali, Punjab Under Imperialism, 8; See also, Ian Talbot & Shinder Thandi, People On Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post- Colonial Migration (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 2-5. 65 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 117-118.

33 parts of Punjab, agrarian produce of wheat and cotton and rearing of mares, camels, studs, and mules for the police in the region.66

The seven heavily populated districts of central and eastern Punjab, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana, Tambala and Sialkot, were where around four fifth of the colonists came from67. Moreover, in spite the fact that migration took place from Northern Punjab districts; it also occurred from the district of Gujrat, Sharkargrah, Norwal and Rawalpindi. The Chenab colony was responsible for this fall in population in Sialkot, no less than 103,000 persons having left to take land in the newly irrigated tracts.68 The argument comes that the movement for new opportunities in Lyallpur, the example of Gujjar Chaks69 (Chodan Chaks) lies in the East of Sammundri. In addition, some colonists came from the marginal districts of Mianwali and Dera Ghazi Khan. Some of the reclaimed land was allotted to the native displaced groups.70 Furthermore, of the four fifths, two thirds were Jats, Sikh, Muslim and Hindu while Arains and Sikh Hindus, Kamboh and Rajputs were also involved71.

Settlement of Migrants: Planned Structure

The Colony towns and rural settlements that came later are a direct product of the development and extension of irrigation. They exhibit a new style, associated with new towns built where none had stood before; thus representing a massive change unparalleled in concept and boldness. Since 1880, when the first colonization schemes were inaugurated until present day development projects, planning of settlements has been an important assignment for the developers of wastelands. The government settled these migrants in the planned Chaks. These planned settlements are of two categories Chaks72 (rural settlements) and Mandi Towns73 (Market town). The British further established Chaks; those were also founded with proper planning. The immigrants were

66 Gopal krishan, "Demography of the Punjab (1849-1947)." JPS 11, no. 1 (2004): 78. 67 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony 1904 (Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press; 1905), 36. 68 http://www.encyclopk.com/2015/08/sialkot-district/ 69 This term is used for the Chaks of Gujjar who have migrated mostly from Sialkot, Norowal and near by areas of this district and they settled most in the East of Lyallpur District. 70 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony 1904, 14. 71 Durshan Singh Tatla, The Sikh Diaspora (London: UCL Press; 2005), 45-46. 72 A Chak is village bloc inhabited by tillers and peasants. It had one main chowk and bazar. 73 Mandi Town primarily functions as a trade center for agricultural produce of a large area.

34 fixed or settled in these Chaks on the basis of their cast, village or area. The Chaks were established on Pattis and the structure of the Chaks was same as like all other Chaks.

During interview Mr. Malik Ali Ahmad has given an account:

“After establishing Lyallpur City, villages were founded around the city. The government allotted lands to the settlers and numbers were given to these villages. Three perennial canals were made and the villages were given number as per of the names of the canals irrigating the lands attached to them like on the name of Rakh branch, it was (R.B), on the name of Gogera Branch, it was G.B, and on the name of Jhang branch, it was J.B”74. Every Chak had a main Chowk in the center of all the bazars and every Chak had a pond of water which served the human and animal both. . The bazars were open and wide. The house allotment was made at equal footing75. While establishing new Chak, the settlement authorities planned even the residential colonies of menials at the eastern side of the Chaks. At both the northern and southern sides, there were ponds of waters too. In the central Chowk, there were shops and markets at both sides of the bazars. Later on, the rural to urban migration resulted from the colonial development of towns as centers of trade and commerce as agricultural markets like Lyallpur76.

Settlement Types and Allotment of Land Holdings

The colonists were categorized based on the size and function of the reclaimed land allotted to them. The settlers were of various casts, tribes, regions and religions but later they developed a sense of association with each other. The Raj government had classified these migrants in various categories and the process of land allotment was made on the measures of classification. There were three main groups who were settled down in the Chenab colony. There were Jat Hindus who were mainly from Amritsar, Hoshiarpur, Sialkot, Gurdaspur and Gujrat districts. They all were the best cultivators.77 The Muslims were mainly from Julludhar, Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana, Lahore and Sialkot too. The majority of the Muslims belong to Arain cast but other groups were too.78 The third

74 Ahmad Ali s/o Sarishta Khan Kamoka, Dhudi wala 214 R.B, Lyallpur, November 25, 2016. 75 Sometimes, the land given for house was round about 36 marlas or sometimes 20 marlas or 18. For further study see, Settlement of Chenab Colony, BOR, II. 76 Ian Talbot & Shinder Thandi, People on The Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration, 12. 77 H.B. Dobson, Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement 1915, 9. 78 Dobson, Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement, 9.

35 major group was the Sikhs who were very famous because of their valor and bravery. They were also refined farmers too. They were allotted military grants in this region as well.79 They (Migrants) were allotted land as per the below mentioned categories:-

I. Rais(Capitalist) II. Sufaidposh III. Yeoman(Abadkar)

Other than these three prominent categories of grantees, land allotment was also done on the basis of auction where bids were made in the open market80. This allowed the colonists to easily generate capital, become aware of the value of the Colony lands’ worth and value in the market and allowed non agriculturists an equal chance of purchasing land81. Although these lands were free of all conditions viable on non-capitalist grants, the allottees did not get a choice when it came to exchange of lands. Ch. Atta Muhammad said that: The land allotment policy was: - Rais got 20 squares of lands, 5 squares of lands were given to the Sufaidposh and yeomen were given 2 squares of land. It was their allotment policy82.

The Jhelum Canal consisted of many less differences between the capitalists, Yeoman and the peasants. At the same time, Rais class grants given in earlier years were also given in the lower Chenab Canal83. These were equivalent to capitalist grants and included large grants for either stud farming or other businesses.

IV. Mule breeders V. Civil and military grants

The Raias (Capitalists) farmers were known as the luckiest ones, receiving around 5 square of land each which was equivalent to at least 25 acres according to the later standardized versions. From them, large payments were realized but they were subject to some privileges as they were given the large amount of lands84. The capitalist grants were made to both the agriculturalists and non-agriculturalists. Based on these scales the

79 Dobson, Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement, 9. 80 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904, 43. See also; “Chenab Canal” BOR H/251/16 A-F; and “Chenab Canal colonization” BOR printed 74, Revenue, Vol-I-III. 81 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904, 43; See also “Chenab Canal” BOR H/251/16 A-F; and “Chenab Canal colonization” BOR printed 74, Revenue, Vol-I-III. 82 Interview of Ch. Atta Muhammad Loona, Chak 238 RB, Lyallpur, October 15, 2016. 83 M.S.Randhawa, A History of Agriculture In India, 285. 84 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 19.

36 capitalist grant area was greater and usually between six to twenty squares which is approximately 160 to 600 acres. The capitalists were wealthy men or men who had rendered distinguished services to Government85. The grants were given to them because of their political, military support or any of administrative services focusing to help the British raj or because of their capital which they were intended to invest for the betterment of the land to raise the agricultural standards86. The reason of their selection was not only their promise of investment to uplift the agricultural standard but their influence in their areas was also considered.

Following the Raias farmers then came the Safaidposh farmers who were granted 3 to 5 square of land each87. The yeomen were allowed to get property rights on good terms, fulfilling all the terms and conditions of grants or allotment. The government allotted yeomen allotments to both the small and middle level land lords. The yeomen grantees were those who, without attaining the ranks of the richer gentry, were still well above the ordinary peasant class. They were selected from the families of reputed agricultural families with considerable ancestral holdings or fame in their old districts88. The rent payable was based on the fixed amount of Rs. 10 per acres according to the vital squares in the allotted land. Moreover, for every acre, six annas were charged for the wood used on the property. After a fixed settlement period of 5 years, the capitalists could attain proprietary rights after fulfilling a number of other conditions and after paying a set amount of Nazrana. The payment for the lands could be made either in one go in a lump sum amount or with the additional charge of interest over 5 installments over 5 years89. In such a case the assessment of malikana was eventually let go off after the first installment90.

The third categories of farmers receiving 0.5 to 2 square lands each were known as the Yeoman Abadkar91. The peasants were entitled to receive two to five squares of land as grants. The peasant allotters were given rights if they will live over there and

85 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 285. 86 Chenab Canal, BOR H/251/16 A-F; and Chenab Canal Colonization, BOR, revenue volume-iii, 74. 87 M.S.Randhawa, A History Of Agriculture In India, 285; See also, Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism. 88 Chenab Colony, para 7, BOR J//301/382 A-F; The yeomen were a class rich in credit and resources and including men of undoubted intelligence and enterprise. 89 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony (Lyallpur), Government of the Punjab, 1904, 29. 90 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony, 29 ib. 91 Settlement report of Chenab Colony, BOR J/301/382, A F, 116.

37 cultivate their lands for more than 20 years92. However, a few conditions still applied where the payable sum was to be equal to the land revenue and ‘malikana’ which was approximately 10 times the amount of the owner’s rate while all other conditions had been already met. Beneficiaries of peasant grants consisted of two prominent groups of migrants: nomads and hitharis. The immigrants came from Central Punjab while the hitharis were landowners from the Chenab and Ravi area known as ithari and hasdsuffered loss of tenants and twenty grazing grounds due to the construction of the canals93.

Another step down the stratification ladder based on land allotment were the military and police personnel that received land based on the existing rank or previous status94. The area reserved for the military grants was 103000 acres of land. The main purpose of the government for giving military grants to the soldiers was that through this way, the government sought their loyalty. After the start of World War I, the fixed land for military grants was increased by 75000 acres95. The factor behind its enlargement was that the government wanted to reward the war veterans and served soldiers too. The enhanced fixture of the lands for military grants also gave boost to the recruitment of the soldiers from the areas96. The colony grants were more valuable than special pension and cash rewards. That was the reason that Punjab contributed more in the World Wars than any other province of Sub-Continent.

Mule Breeders

Apart r from the usual camels, horses and mules, the government in 1904 began, bull-breeding and bull-rearing at Sargodha, district Shahpur97. Five grantee cattle farms were set up on the Bari Doab over a total area of 15,300 acres where two were primarily set up for breeding pure Montgomery Cattle and three were for Hissar cattle98. A dairy farm was set by employing near Montgomery cattle over 485 acres of grant. Moreover, in

92 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 21-22. 93 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904, 43. See also; “Chenab Canal” BOR H/251/16 A-F; and “Chenab Canal colonization” BOR printed 74, Revenue, Vol-I-III. 94 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 41. 95 The colonial government even before the launch of Canal Colony Scheme gave large land endowments to the people that had been brought up front during the 1857 revolt. For details see, Lepal Griffon, Chiefs and Notes families of Punjab, vol, I-II. 96 Griffon, Chiefs and Notes families of Punjab, 32-33. 97 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony, (Lyallpur) Faisalabad, 93ib. 98 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony 92 ib.

Shergarh, Montgomery district, 223 grantees were given twelve-and-half acres each in seven different individual villages to maintain one Montgomery bred cow in order to the 40 approval of the Civil Veterinary department99. Ironically as well as surprisingly, a nation based purely on the running of agricultural tracts did not give any more grants for dairy purposes. Two seventh of area was taken up by the mule breeders under service tenures. In 1917, the government started to prefer horse breeding rather than mules. A factor for this development was shortage of land and horse breeding was less costly than mule breeding.100

Reward Grants

For distinction purposes it can be said that the conditional grants constituted of mainly shifts and changes over time based on the colonial power’s needs, however, on the other hand the special reward grants showed a lot of consistency on the basis of allotment policies. The importance of reward grants started to become clearer over the years despite being questioned about earlier in the British rule regime101. In all, the reward grants consisted of two broad factions; civil grants and the other being military reward grants. Even though the rationale behind these grants was never discussed nor questioned before, there was no doubt and no coincidence regarding those who were among the very first lot to receive the grants102. The civil reward grants, also served a political purpose. The class whose services to the state the Lieutenant-Governor wishes to recognize by the conferral of grants of land would not possess the social status and influence enjoyed by the recipients of the new Jagirs, but instead it does not necessarily follow that their services to their community or to the government have been less valuable. The colonial masters endowed large tracts of the lands to the Pirs, influential families of various districts and zones of Punjab.103

Once the allotment process was done, work began on the Chenab canal. The colonial officials decided to put aside 10,000 acres of arable land for soldiers and moreover, on every other extension of the canal, the soldiers would be easily able to get

99 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 210-211. 100 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 152-153; For further study see, Mule breeding- Lower Bari Doab, BOR J/302/1206. 101 Dobson, Final Settlement Report,104-105. 102 Dobson, Final Settlement Report 39-41. 103 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam; for further details see, Chiefs and Notes of families of Punjab by Lepal Griffin.

39 land out of the yeoman grants104. The conclusion clearly shows that no two contradicting opinions on the matter but in fact, the only thing discussed over these special rewards grants were the terms, conditions and the land size. However, there were still some discrepancies between some officials over the latter105. Here are a few examples of the civil grants given to the influential families. Therefore, nine Tummandars of Dera Ghazi Khan received grants covering 3,625 acres or over 140 squares for, the position of the Tudors in the province is unique. Their services as a body in maintaining order district and along with an exposed border of 300 miles in length are indispensable. A grant of 125 acres was granted to Pir Nur Ahmed of Shorkot Tehsil, Jhang district106. When the shrine where the Pir originally lived was threatened by river attack, Craig wrote to the Secretary of the Government of India claiming that the Pir’s influence was always backed by the Government as many of his followers like the Awans and Tiwana's were part of the military. Another grant of 250 acres was made to Pir Ghulam Abbas, Pir of Makhad, in the Attock district107.

With the establishment of the canal colonies, the demographic spread of Punjab was reevaluated and reorganized due to the massive migration taking place across the province from central and Eastern Punjab to Western Punjab hence establishing a new land to people equilibrium. Mean distribution consisting of mostly Punjab’s skilled and notable farmers moved westward and took part wholeheartedly in the redistribution process. Western Punjab, which was initially just a piece of dry land became the agricultural hub of commerce and commercial activity due to the establishment of canals, highly planned landscape with centralized market spaces and towns.108 Colonizers hunt wherever down open spaces, which would permit the conceivable outcomes of unlimited change. The bars (peaceful uplands) past Sutlej, it appeared, was such a space. these terrains were bereft of correspondence means; there were no significant trees, no crowded town settlements, no worker developing his field, no wheat on sift floors, no carriages that conveyed nearby items to the market. The roaming pastoralists were the main individuals who were unmistakable to cross the scene with their camels and crowds,

104 G. F. De. Montmorency, The Chenab Colony, agriculture of India, III, 196-201. For further studies see also, M. S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India. 105 G. F. De. Montmorency, The Chenab Colony, agriculture of India, III, 196-201. 106 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam (London: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 98-99. 107 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam, 99. See also; Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj (Manohar Publishers, 1988). 108 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam, 99.

40 some lived on the bars consistently, others were moving between the river basins and the highlands. The upland was dry, with water level sank to more than 80 feet beneath the surface. From the earliest days of colonial govern, British authorities who had crossed the locale had been lost faith in regards to the devastation; But in the meantime fantasized about the revamping of this "wild" with their creative ability. In the mid-1880s the bushes were assumed control and renamed as rakh (waste), delineated, addressed and limited. In the next decades, this space was liable to a significantly more sensational procedure of progress.

Originally, the colonization scheme was set in a philanthropic stance. According to Dobson, Settlement Officers for the Chenab Colony the colonization scheme set in sense of nobility and generosity109. Although the stated objective was to select colonists without any ulterior interests or motives and also in regard to distribute the population pressure in different districts, however, these were implemented along with the determination of only allowing skilled agriculturists a piece of the irrigated land110. Based on the emphasis placed on good colonists, the Financial Commissioner reasoned that many other classes should also be given some relief to benefit and make good use of this advantage rather than only allowing the lucky few to farm these lands. Over the years the allotment policy duly evolved and was revised yet a distinct pattern has emerged depicting the real picture as to how land was really distributed in the colonies. It also happens to show vary features among the different categories within the distribution scheme while work continued over the canals.

The locals also witnessed discrimination and duo policy of the allotment authorities as they were neglected. Ch. Atta Muhammad, an interviewee said while interview that,

The government also followed the policy of discrimination against the locals as they were not ready to cooperate with them. They moved here and there and they were called as nomads (Daakhny). Some of them also got land allotment by vowing for the support of the British authorities111.

109 Dobson, Final Settlement Report, 83. 110 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 19-20, 26-27. 111 Ch. Atta Muhammad Loona, Chak 238 RB, Lyallpur, October 15, 2016.

The Lower Chenab Canal was distinctly known to occupy more of the peasantry class which also consisted of the immigrants. 49 per cent and 56 per cent of the total land distributed in the Lower Jhelum and Lower Bari Doab consequently was occupied mostly by horse and mule breeding grantees. While at the Nili Bar, most landowners were auctioneers or military reward grantees112.

With such dynamic and drastic migration, the canal colonies were the rapidly population growing areas of Sub continent during 1881-1941. The census report of 1921 shows increase in population from 1921 to 1931 at the ratio of 15%.113 It increased from 1001105 to 1150644 persons.114 In Rakh branch circle, there was there was increase of the population was only 11 percent ranging from 115222 to 127365 persons.115 Moreover, the population growth rate of the Punjab states that were not under British territory was lower due to the more than higher death rates hence disturbing the natural increase ratio.116 These migrants changed the fate of the barren lands and soon the barren lands were transformed into smiling fields. This agricultural development led to the urbanization of Lyallpur as major Mandi linked up with other small Mandis via better communication moods. The developed and rich agricultural system also gave boost to the agro industry which finally transformed this region as rich industrial zone with all its charms.

Sadly the village settlers were at an unwarranted disadvantage amidst all this since they could not evolve as all other groups had. For instance, they were unable to form corporate bodies as they would have in their old villages, and neither could they establish a trace based on common ancestral decent. Initially in the Canal Colonies, the grants bestowed on the colonizers were of one category or class117. This was done primarily to protect the poor from the rich for the rich were known to take advantage of the poor especially in the Punjab region118. As stated by Settlement Officer Young, the peasant grantees were settled with the yeoman and capitalist villages which were a

112 M.S. Randhawa, Out of the Ashes (Chandigarh: Public Relations Dept., Punjab, 1954), 33-34. 113 J.D. Penny, I.C.S, Final Settlement Report of the Jhang and Gugera Branch circles of Lyallpur district, (Lahore: Government Printing Press, 1925), 10. 114 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 10. 115 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 11. 116 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 11; For further studies see, Theodore Morison, The Economic Transition in India (John Murray, 1911). 117 Himadri Banerjee, Agrarian Society of Punjab (1849-1901) (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1982), 79-81. 118 Banerjee, Agrarian Society, 81.

42 useless tactic since the peasants claimed that living in an area that is dominatingly held by Nazrana paying grantees is interior based which means forming an official community is futile119.

At the same time, along with such establishments taking place, the expected events and settlement processes were strongly disturbed even after such intense care was taken when Kirpans together two or more castes arriving from the same region. The government took special care in Kirpans colonists especially when it came to the religious factor. This was because, it was nearly impossible to create a positive and workable environment where Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus could all work together120, however, in separate environments where each faith was individually grouped; working together was not seen as a threat to the other. Therefore, such conditions were laid out from the very beginning when the allotment took place. At the same time, the pressing matter of the natives that were at the time showing hostility to the government for the attack on their rights and their homes was essentially neglected that sidetracked. However, the nomads refusal to leave their imams behind as an effort to hold on to their homeland was soon met with hostility where raids, feuds and reprisals towards the immigrants. Therefore, settlement and allotment of land based on religious distinctions on the Lower Chenab Canal proved healthy for everyone. For example the Upper Jhang Branch was cut out for the nomads and the Hitharis while on the south East part of the Burla Branch, the Hindu and Sikhs were settled. At the same time, both branches had some little amount of Muslims also settled there121.

There was also a lot of discrimination witnessed especially where the original occupants of the land were concerned122. The government also followed the policy of discrimination against the locals as they were not ready to cooperate with them. They moved here and there and they were called as nomads (Daakhny). But some of them also got land allotment by vowing for the support of the British authorities. So as a result, they were not ready to cooperate with the authorities. They were used to robbery, dacoit and

119 Dobson, Final Settlement Report, 83. 120 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Kahani, 218-219. 121 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony (Lyallpur), 93ib. 122 M.L. Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 112.

43 embezzlement. They had grudge against the British123. For instance, their request for a square per male in the family was sidelined and substituted for a killa or two instead. Although 9,450 acres of land in the Jhelum Colony was reserved for the original occupants, only 5,689 acres which was mostly uncultivable, was only adequately distributed by 1909124. Despite the opposition faced by the immigrant communities in 1907, which lead to some changes, attention was still usually saturated on the important big landowners who were also the religious gurus of the society. Other than that, the land given to natives was mostly uncultivable due to the poor soil and hardly any availability of water. Such an attitude and outlook of the government was highlighted in the land allotment process125.

Some important features emerged in this context due to the allotment policy. Firstly, the land allotted and duly held on to by the Sikhs and the Hindus was comparatively larger than the others. Secondly, according to economic demography, most Muslims, old natives of the land and the immigrants were not very well off. For example the Janglis and the Hithiaris were particularly very low in the stratification ladder; however there were some rich Muslim landowners in the region as well. Thirdly and lastly, other than the already allotted and distributed land, the Hindu and Sikh money lenders came to control a vast area of arable land due to indebts or mortgage payments126.

The Muslim settlers were discriminated as they were allotted smaller and poor fertility land areas. The Rakh Branch Circle was known to hold classifications based on tribes and community standing rather than soil and water provisions. While the Sikh, Arains and the Nazrana paying grantees held most of the first two classes, Jat Musalman held the second and third ones127 while the Janglis found themselves among the last three due to the fact that they put forth their grazing occupation up front which was a faction that was already not allotted any lands were hence allotted the worst of lands ever. Around the 1930s, Janglis and Muslim formers were found to hold most of the land in

123 Ahmad Ali s/o Sarishta Khan Kamoka, Dhudi wala 214 R.B, Lyallpur, November 25, 2016. 124 Punjab Government, Colony Manual, Vol. I, 181-83. 125 P.W. Paustian, Canal Irrigation in the Punjab, 61. 126 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony, (Lyallpur), 93ib. 127 Imran Ali, Punjab Under Imperialism, 121.

Toba Tek Singh, in Lower Chenab Colony, which was known for its bad soil, terrain and climate128.

Two very extensive problems to the issue of rights over the allotted land occurred after the allotment policy came into effect. The first problem revolved around the issue of the rights that there previously enjoyed by the old natives of the land but what was to become of them after the land allotment policy was made effective? The second problem had to do with the rights of the grantees over the conditions that the allotment was made effective on129.

Rights of Colony Grantees

On the other hand, another issue that followed was the rights of the grantees, usually the peasant grantees, based on the land that they held. This issue is specifically important to discuss for the conditions under which the land was being granted was not exactly favorable therefore it is important to evaluate the terms that the grantees agreed to when getting this land and how far were the terms and conditions incorporated in these rights with regard to the prevailing custom at the time.

According to the Punjab Tenancy Act, 1876 which was amended a few times over the years and more specifically in 1893 to make the allotment procedure easy, land was given directly to the colony grantees by the government130. Based on the latest amendment, tenants with the least amount of land were able to receive more leased land from the government without the need for any official document via stamped papers of deeds. Moreover, the terms and conditions of the allotment were drawn up separately in regard with the different allotment categories at the time. Instead of going into specifications of the terms and conditions, the major issues that took place between 1905 and 1907 will be discussed here further on.

When the Canal Colonies Bill of 1906 was introduced and adopted by the Legislative Council, a very important issue of proprietary rights became evident. According to the government, the Bill was intended to amend all previous discrepancies

128 Dobson, Final Settlement Report, BOR-I, 43. 129 Paul W. Paustian, Canal Irrigation in Punjab, 51. 130 By 1880, all irrigation extensions were broadly categorized as (i) the productive works those likely to show a financial return, have essentially remunerative and regarded as commercial enterprise. For such projects, loan and funds were essentially to serve as protection. For details see, Buckly, The Irrigation works in India.

45 and also put a ceiling on all previous vaguely discussed rights. While the new bill restated that all ownership rights were confined to the statement of conditions, at the same time, it also allowed the government to employ forceful power for the fulfillment of the conditions posted. Another section of the bill also prohibited tenants to part with or transfer their assets according to their personal will. In addition, at the same time, sections 18 and 27 (1) gave the local government full autonomy and right to limit the holdings transfer by inheritance to a personally selected successor131. On the other hand, the Bill also consisted of many imposing discrepancies that materialized over the years. First of all, the Bill was drafted in a very vague and indistinct manner where rather than clearing out all uncertainties of the 1893 Bill, it only south to add more differences. Moreover, the mysterious secrecy revolving around the Bill, especially based on the way the bill was adopted, only further added more to the anxiety and uneasiness. Nevertheless, the most serious off all concerns was the grantees understanding over the condition that they would be able to purchase the land after fulfilling all conditions and a specific time period, however, with the issuance of the new Bill, they found out that they this right was solely held by the Sarkar who would be taking away the land along with all their rights.

But at the same time, the reports on this matter have not been giving much pomp. Nevertheless, the only condition on the bill that saved the day had to do with the proprietary rights that were to be given openly except to the horse breeding grantees of 1912, as per the orders of the Canal Colonies Committee. The reports are silent on this matter. Although the matter was solved in due time, still the Bill of 1906 was unable to receive the Viceroy’s approval. Hence, despite all this, the subsequent events that followed only further enhanced the government’s hold over the grantees and settlers rights which they could very easily take away at any time. Yet the irony of it all is that the rights that were put under the name of the grantees were more out of political veracity rather than for the sole benefit and respect of the locals.

131 Colony Act 1912.

Impacts of Canal Colonies: Development of Mandi Towns

The idea of the settlement was very strange initially. But they established this colony with proper planning. The basic purpose of the establishment was to get maximum of grains, cotton and other agricultural products132. The prosperity of the colony is prominently emphasized by the remarkable development of the Mandi town and Lyallpur was established as Chenab Colony’s Mandi headquarter133. Lyallpur was established in 1896 after the Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab at the time, Sir James Lyall. After a few years, in 1904, a new district named Lyallpur was established within the already existing city of Lyallpur. The boundaries of the district were:

 On the north side, the boundary of the Jhang district which follows first from the main Jhang branch and then the Budh.  On the northern East, the boundary touches Hafizabad and Sheikhupura respectively.  On the East and south East, there is Deg Nala (dek) and the Ravi River.  On the southern side, it touches the boundary of the Montgomery district134. A new administrative districts also known as Tehsils were formed within the new district known as, Lyallpur, Jaranwala, Sammundri and Toba Tek Singh135. Ch. Atta Muhammad said while an interview that “When the British establish Lyallpur, it was the area with complete forests and barren lands. They worked hard and made it the city of lights”136. Each of these Tehsils or towns were well planned and structured to represent the British flag, hence comprised of four colony squares and eight bazaars in all that connected with each at the central Chowk. This Chowk was well known for a clock tower that was surrounded by eight main roads all connecting a main town bazaar.

Initially known as Lyallpur, today, at 5,856 Sq. Faisalabad district, located in Punjab and is known as the Manchester of Pakistan because of its industrial

132 Ahmad Ali s/o Sarishta Khan Kamoka, Dhudi wala 214 R.B, Lyallpur, November 25, 2016. 133 H.B. Dobson, Final Settlement Report on Chenab Colony Settlement, 5. 134 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 2. 135 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Kahani, 79. 136 Interview of Ch. Atta Muhammad Loona, Chak 238 RB, Lyallpur, October 15, 2016.

47 significance137. It has natural boundaries towards the south because of River Ravi, while touches Hafizabad and Sheikhupura in the north while Toba Tek Singh, Chiniot and Jhang district in the west. Today, Faisalabad district is split into six Tehsils, known as Faisalabad City; Faisalabad Sadar; Sammundri; Jaranwala; Tandlianwala; and Chak Jhumra.138 The Raj authorities developed the canals colonies in the Punjab and major towns for the collection of raw material and others trades were established. The lower Chenab Colony was the biggest of all the colonies. The Lower Chenab was converted into a perennial canal in 1893. It irrigated the land of Gujranwala, Sheikhupura, Lyallpur and Jhang. The town of Lyallpur139 took its birth due to this canal140. It was highly planned project having eight main bazars and one central Chowk named as clock tower141. Lyallpur was the main Mandi at which all the trade of the nearby areas was done. The British administration planned three main towns of Lyallpur, Sargodha and Montgomery in three colonies of Lower Chenab, Lower Jhelum and Lower Bari Doab colony. Lyallpur was connected with other small Mandis through railways, metal roads and other ways of communication. Lyallpur was important and headquarters of all these Mandis. In 1904, Lyallpur was given the status of district142. From 1887 to 1892, Lt. Governor Sir James Broad wood Lyall supervised the city development plan. It was given the name of Lyallpur because of his services, which he rendered. In 1896, proper settlement was started here143. Sir Pomp Young, settlement officer made the map of Lyallpur as like the map of Khartoum on the lines of Union jack. Eight bazars were made and in the center there was clock tower. The administrator was called Deputy Commissioner and Lyallpur had 4 tehsils, Lyallpur, Sammundri, Jarranwala and Toba Tek Singh respectively144. The names of eight bazars are: - Rail Bazar, Kachehri Bazar, Chiniot Bazar, Aminpur Bazar, Bhowana Bazar, Jhang Bazar, Montgomery Bazar, and

137 Ian Talbot, "The Punjab under colonialism: Order and transformation in British India." Journal of Punjab Studies 14, no. 1 (2011): 4; For further study see, Migration and Modernity: The State, the Punjabi Village, and the Settling of the Canal Colonies in People on The Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration, I.Talbot & Shinder Thandi, (Karachi: Oxford University Press; 2004), 12. 138 Mohammad Zaigham Pasha and Shaukat Ali, From Sand Dunes to Smiling Fields: History of Lyallpur now Faisalabad (Lahore: Fine Books Printers, 1996), 130. 139 Masood ul Hasan in his book, Pakistan: Places of interest that Lyallpur was the important town of Sargodha division but it is pertinent to mention that in other documents and all other w riters are off the view that Lyallpur was the part of Jhang division and later it was declared as division to. For further details see, Masood ul Hasan, Pakistan: Places of interest (Lahore: Feroz Sons, nd). 140 Indu Agnihotri, Agrarian Change in the Canal Colonies, Punjab, 1890 – 1935, (PhD diss., JNU, 1987), 5; see also, Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 141 Masud ul Hasan, Pakistan: Places of interest (Lahore: Feroz Sons ltd. ud), 240. 142 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony (Lyallpur) (Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette; 1905), 35. 143 Liaqat Ali Sandhu, Khoj (Lahore: Gohar Publishers; 2011), 122. 144 K.L. Ralia Ram, Punjab Ki Khushhali; Sarkar-i-Angrezi kay zer-i-Saya, 109.

Karkhana Bazar. These eight bazars were also the main business centers as described by Ali Ahmad:

Main centers of business were eight bazars of Lyallpur. Every necessity of life was found over there. Jhang Bazar was the busiest of all. Commonly, Bhuwana Bazar, Montgomery Bazar, and Aminpur Bazar were the bazars where doctors and Hakeems had shops. Majority of the business men were Sikhs and Hindus. All the business was in their hands. Majority of the British were used to go to kacheheri bazar. There was a London house and they bought things from there145. In 1911, its population was round about 4 lakhs fifty thousand but in the census of 1914, it was round about 6 lakhs and seventy thousand146. It increased of 14 percent in 1921 census, although there were not as such fresh allotments or new settlement147. The increase varied greatly from circle to circle with the fecundity of the prevailing tribes and was at height in Gugera branch and its extensions.148 As it was the major Mandi and all the raw material was collected over to export to U.K149. Wheat was one of the major exports to U.K. The export was made via rail to Karachi for Europe. There were also cotton ginning factories in the district especially in Lyallpur city. The Hindus and the Sikhs were economically well and they were controlling nearly all the business of Lyallpur. They were even more educated than that of Muslims. They were more influential than Muslims as well.

Establishment of Mandis Towns

The main Mandi of the colony was Lyallpur150 and the government also established other minor towns or Mandis, in Chenab Colony, were Chak Jhumra151, Mandi Rajana, Gojra Mandi152, Tandlianwala Mandi153, Buchiana Mandi, 154Jarranwala

145 Ahmad Ali s/o Sarishta Khan Kamoka, Dhudi wala 214 R.B, Lyallpur, November 25, 2016. 146 Geography of Lyallpur District (Lahore: Mufid-i-Aam Publications; ud.), 21. 147 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 9. 148 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 9. 149 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 36. 150 Lyallpur was major Mandi town on bigger or largest Chenab colony was strategically connected with other small Mandi towns. 151 It is an important small Mandi 12 miles away from Lyallpur. Prof. Masod ul Hasan is off the view that it was initially called as Chiniot road and when railway line was extended to Chiniot, it was reanmed as Chak jhumra. 152 It was founded in 1899. It was at the time of colonization known as “Mauza 470 Jhang Branch”. Most of the inhabitants are Gujjars. So because of this reason, it is known as gojra. It also has railway station on the juncture of Lyallpur-Khanewal railway link. 153 It was also developed by the settlement officers as small Mandi and it is located on Lahore-Shorkot railway, 61 miles away from Lyallpur. It was famous grain market. 154 It is sub-division headquarter of Lyallpur. It is 22 miles East from Lyallpur and it is connected by metal road. There is also a railway junction of Sheikhpura- Shorkot link railway. It also has industry likewise Crescent Jute mills, Husain Sugar mills, Lyallpur chemical factory etc.

Mandi155, Jhang, Sammundri156 and Toba Tek Singh157. These Mandi towns or urban trade centers were connected to each other via railways, metal roads and link roads. The primary focus of the British authorities to establish these Mandi towns was that they tried to set up these urban centers on railway lines and connecting roads. These were the main centers of collecting of raw material and revenue generation. The history of the Lower Chenab Canal very well illustrates the importance of railways as a means of transport158. At the time of the colonization of the tract now known as the Lyallpur district, the railway line extended up to HafizAbad159. The construction of the railway line commenced in 1895 and it was opened to Lyallpur in 1896. In 1899, it was further extended to Toba Tek Singh and was linked up with Khanewal in 1900160. A railway line was also made from Gangapur to Lyallpur which was run by horses and it was just for special people. It was called as horse train, said Atta Muhammad161. The people used to go to these Mandis.

Dost Muhammad narrated in interview:

We use to sale our products in the main grain markets of Lyallpur. There was no residence for the farmers in grain market. We took our products to the Mandis using bull carts and mule carts162. Business in Mandis (Market)

Communication networks based on transportation as well as communication were established via many components and streams such as railways, roads and even water. Although road transportation was the foundational point for the other two means; colonial officials added them to their reports in order to mitigate their rule in the province although the amount of mitigation largely varied official to official.

155 Jaranwala Mandi was also a sub division of Lyallpur and important industrial as well major town of the bearer of the settlers coming from Amritsar, Ludhiana and other major settlers. 156 It is a tehsil of Lyallpur, situated at the junction of the Gojra-Tandlianwala and Lyallpur Kamalia road. The town was founded in 1900. It had its name from the expense of water that used to stand after the rains. 157 Taireth Ram Sethi, Beupar Aarhat India (Lahore: Punjab National Press; 1942), 151-61. At that time Lyallpur, Chak Jhumra, Gojra, Toba Tek Singh, Tandilanwala, Kamaliya and Pir Mahal and Mamokanjan were the main trade centers and Mandis. These Mandis were near to the railway lines so that the transportation of the goods could be made on easy grounds. 158 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Kahani, 182-183. 159 The Land of the Five Rivers, Government Publication, 157. 160 Geography of Lyallpur District, 45. 161 Interview of Ch. Atta Muhammad Loona, Chak 238 RB, Lyallpur, October 15, 2016. 162 Dost Muhammad Bala s/o Baqir Ghulam Muhammad Abad Lyallpur November 12, 2016.

According to colonial officials, James Wilson, Paul Paustin, H. Calvert, and Anstey Vera, the development and establishment of an adequate communications system was largely responsible for the province’s economic development. To justify their claim, they took different aspects of the economy and built on its success factor. For instance, James Wilson claimed that the growth and expansion of communications via railways, roads, post offices and telegraphs, after the annexation led to the boost in trade in the Punjab region. He further went on to mention that due to this development; price changes are easily ratified all over the province and subsequently lead to the easy transfer of goods. Hence concluding that, communication networking was the essential reason behind trade boost. Wilson’s views were supported by Darling who cited the developments surrounding the first railway in Punjab in 1861 that went from Amritsar to Lahore163. Over the course of 11 years from 1861 to 1872, many developments in communication channels had taken place which allowed trade to flourish drastically. For example, booking goods from Bombay, Calcutta and Karachi became increasingly easy due to the 400 miles of railways, 1000 miles of roads and around 1750 miles of canals164.

Another writer, H. Calvert further wrote about the establishment of the modern communication channels which he believed were the primary factors that allowed the Punjab fields a singular and independent representation in the world market with the advantage of easily comparing prices from around the world. His primary agenda was to portray the colonizers in a positive light and hence, concluded that it was due to the British raj in the Subcontinent that the economy of Punjab had become widespread across the nation and the world. The communication system was very poor. Commonly, people used to move on foot but bull carts, mules, horses were used as tools of journey. Camel carts and mule carts were used for goods transportation. The British also developed communication system connecting Mandis with each other.

The railway system was established first at the main ports and then linked to the major cities and agricultural centers of the empire. Although the first passenger train was established in Bombay in 1853, within 14 years, all of the 10 major cities on the country had railways lines connecting them to each other. On the same course, by 1871, even the

163 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant, 171-172. 164 L. French, The Punjab Colony Manual (Lahore: Superintendent of Government Printing,1913) 161 .

51 important trunk line were all connected and a further 2 years later, 20 more cities got connected hence adding to the previously established 10 cities. And by 1878, Lahore and Karachi also got connected via railway lines165. The introduction of the railroads in the 1880s incredibly modified the course of business and trade in the area. Once in the past, the greater part of the exchange was done by mule carts or camels, which was less expensive. Notwithstanding, the rail was more secure and speedier and it was favored after its introduction in the district. The region’s farming exchange was supported by the infrastructure of streets, railroads and communication networks. By connecting the canal colony territories to Karachi and different parts of India through railroads, inside and outer trade of Punjab in agri-business produce expanded drastically.

Mandis and Road Links

The British authorities gave proper ways to reach Mandis. The moods of communication, roads to the major and minor Mandis were also developed. So they tried their best for the betterment and development of the Chenab Colony. The colonizing officers also paid attention towards the development of road. The British also made roads and developed the communication structure. Some were metal roads but majority were the link roads. They also made roads alongside of the canals.

There are four main roads: - From Satiana Bangla to Lyallpur, From Lyallpur to Dijkot and Koro Bangla, From Chiniot to Lyallpur and then to Jarranwala, and from Sammundri to Gojra. There are many minor link roads are also there. There was not common phenomenon of post office but for the settlers it was also. The area of district Lyallpur was three thousand one hundred square mile. In the census report of 1901, its population was round about four lakhs and fifty thousand but in 1901, some villages of district Montgomery were merged into district Lyallpur. The village settlement plan was also well planned and the Chaks were found after early settlement of 1892. There were 233 miles metal roads maintained by the Public Works Department. There were 117 miles un-metaled roads which were not direct under the control of public works

165 Kapur Singh Bajwa, A Study of the Economic Impacts of the Punjab Canal Colonies, 32; For further study see also, Azhar Hameed, Growth of urban centers in the upper Indus plains as influenced by the development of irrigation potentials, (PhD Dissertation, University of Durham, 1972).

52 departments. These were to be managed by the district board.166 Some of the other major road links were

 From Lahore to Bhakkar in Mianwali district running in Lyallpur district through Jarranwala, Lyallpur, Thikriwala, and Khairwala,  District board roads from Lyallpur to Sammundri via Dijkot, 29 miles  Chak Jhumra to Jarranwala, 21 miles  From Gojra to Tandlianwala, the only metal road in Sammundri circle under district board167

One distinguishing feature of the Colony Towns is that, as contrasted to earlier urban settlements none are located on a river. Being away from active flood plains, these towns are spared from flood menace. The establishments of nine canal colonies and the turning of barren land into fertile land led to the socio-economic transformation in the Punjab as it emerged as “bread basket” and also military recruitment center in the World Wars.168 Radical changes based on power politics came about in the state after Punjab’s value rose. Issues of land settlement between the locals and the state were dealt with first.169 There were two primary reasons for this. For the generation of revenue and book keeping of farming records, the land was turned into private property for individual proprietors to own, sell or farm on the land. With this system mortgages and selling of the land became comparatively very easy.170

The revolutionized development made the reservoirs of the British full and they developed the Land Revenue Systems that allowed them to extort high amounts of revenue from the landowners and classify every inch of the existing land.171 The British not only thought about the increasing value of the irrigated land but also about the politically stabilization of region.172 System was established; it irrigated the more than 26

166 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 6. See H.B. Dobson, Final Settlement Report on Chenab Colony. 167 Penny, Final Settlement Report, 8. For further studies see also, H.B. Dobson, Final Settlement report on Chenab Colony. 168 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947, 10. 169 Multan District Revenue report, 1901-1902(Lahore: Civil and Military Gazeete,1902),20. 170 Himadri Bannerjee, Agrarian Society of the Punjab, 1849- 1901(New Delhi; Monahar Publications,1982),105. 171 David Gilmartin, “The Strange Career of the Rule of Law in Colonial Punjab”,The Journal of Asian Studies 53 (1994): 1134. 172 Pervaiz Dandal and Saud-ul-Hassan, Punjab Ka Ibtadai Batawain Daur-Abadkari or Nehri Nau Abadian , Punjab No(Lahore, Fiction House, 2004), 27.

53 million acres that increased the revenue based on export and especially on lands cultivation.

Even though the developments that took in Punjab were initially centered upon the provision of public goods, however due to the states objectives, the colonial power was able to derive many paternalistic advantages from the region hence earning the label of ‘paternalism towards Punjab’.173 The developed and planned irrigation system helped the British’s to improve and develop infrastructure in the canal colonies and in especially Chenab Colony as major one. While the railway system allowed for the easy export of cash crops and import of manufactured goods, the canal system was able to better communications around the whole sub-continent. Also, it allowed for agricultural output to increase phenomenally. For instance, the province of Punjab alone was able to produce almost one-tenth of British India’s complete cotton and one-third of the entire wheat crop. Multan became the center of trade in the fiscal year 1880-81 after the railway line completed from Karachi into Punjab.174

Before the settlement, the land was largely occupied by the gangs of goons and thieves. Most of them were nomads who move place to place. By giving ownership rights of the land to the locals, the government was able to capitalize greatly on this endeavor. But at the same time it, along with the construction of the perennial canal system, brought about a major socio-economic change in the lives of the locals when the production increased in the occupied lands.175 Canal Colonies also gave the employment opportunities to the inhabitants especially the Sikhs, which made the Punjab as wealthy province somehow.

Agricultural Development

Despite allotting land and providing water, the colonial objective of maximizing revenue and export was not sufficient but in fact the transportation of the final produce from farm to the market was going to help achieve the colonial object adequately. The last years of the nineteenth century saw the colonial deliberate domineering of rural

173 James M. Douie, The Punjab Canal Colonies, Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 62, no. 3210 (1914): 615-616. 174 Atta Muhammad, “Mastery over Geography and the Rise of Social Development: A Case Study of the Canal Irrigation System of the West Punjab during Colonial India”. Future (New York: Farrar, 2010), 24. 175 Atta Muhammad, Mastery over Geography, 32.

54 stability by the transformation arising from the commercialization of the colony’s agriculture. The sources suggest that Chenab colony served as the richest agricultural hub in Punjab and it may be called ‘agricultural miracle. Moreover, agricultural production was increased incredibly as expected by the British Policy maker. This was additionally on the grounds that the monetary change of the territory relied upon the division and type of agrarian change. Toward the start of British lead in Punjab, the rural hardware, the nature of the seeds, the animals rearing, the arrangement of yield turn, the advertising of horticultural items and so forth were described practically by stagnation and out of date quality. Different innovative enhancements, for example, the utilization of high return assortments of seed, more effective gear and apparatus, enhanced water system framework, better animals, new methods of development, for example, a superior arrangement of pivot of harvests, utilization of more manure, control and keeping away from yield maladies and a superior Marketing framework for agrarian items were presented methodically. New cash crop culture, for example, wheat, tobacco, sugar stick and cotton were presented. Changes in the generation techniques prompted to changes in the social and monetary establishments in the territory. M.L. Sweetheart speaks quickly about the new hardware and seeds presented by the British government and the development of exchange and marketing spirit in agribusiness.176

More contemporary strategies of agriculture, for example, a superior yield turn , the utilization of compost and the control of reaping illnesses were presented. The rural agriculturalists of Lyallpur were advised to avoid monotony in cultivation and prefer crop cultivation. The development of grain, which gathered nitrogen with its underlying foundations, was taken up into the pivot. Likewise, the advancement of water system has created isolate pivots of yields for the different land classifications. The approach of the administration was exhaustive as in it was the advancement of the most recent gear for a bigger agrarian creation. The undertaking to advance the enhanced gear was supplemented by the town rural unions composed in 1911-12.177 The cultivators shaped the affiliations and attempted to take after the guidance and suggestions of farming in all matters associated with agrarian enhancements. They maintained the contact with

176 M.L. Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 151-52. 177 Annual Reports on the Administration of the Punjab for the year 1911- 12, (Lahore: Civil and Military Gazeete, 1912), 5, P.S.A.

55 agriculture office to keep it updated with needs of farmers.. In 1920-21 these unions were essentially functional in each area. Likewise, the farmer week in the administration was seen in many circles. The cultivators were conveyed to these focuses from everywhere throughout the area, so they could benefit from the presentation of the most recent improvement and revelations in farming practices. 178

The Agronomy Department had a few trials on which the examination business related to the testing of relative benefits of various sorts of yields, seed determination, advancement and testing of new analyses, research for crop rotation, work on the proficiency of excrement, Etc. , was completed. In 1920, the Agricultural Department had 7 trial organizations, 15 horticultural ventures for the elaboration of nearby issues, and 9 seed organizations for the engendering of immaculate seeds.179

In the 1920s, Punjab delivered one tenth of the aggregate British cotton harvest and 33% of its wheat. Wheat, which had beforehand been decayed when a grain guard had been created; it was traded in substantial amounts on the new railroad arrange. While different areas, for example, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa saw a developing agrarian emergency, Punjab had risen as the pacemaker of Indian rural advancement. Per capita generation of all products expanded from 1891 to 1921 about 45 percent.180 To the assumed average annual acreage of each crop, various rates of outturn were applied in the different circles, based on crop experiments conducted in the ordinary course by the agricultural department and during settlement operations by the settlement staff. The farm of produce estimate was, however, simplified by reducing to a minimum the number of crops for which separate calculations was made, a course which was unlikely to affect its accuracy when different crops account for so small a portion of the total area. The outturns were:-

Sugarcane was round about 21 munds per acre in Jhang branch, 28 munds per acre in Gugera branch circle I and II. Same was the example of wheat which was 13

178 Annual Reports on the Administration of the Punjab for the year 1920-21, 65, P.S.A. 179 In 1946, the college at Lyallpur had 679 students and the department had 12 experimental farms, 13 district farms and 14 seed farms. M. Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt,149; Agricultural department had large number of establishments in all the districts for instance, it had three establishments an agricultural station at Montgomery and two seed farms at Shergarh and Patna. Montgomery District Gazetteer, Lahore, 1933, 163. 180 Ian Talbot, “The Punjab under colonialism: Order and transformation in British India.” Journal of Punjab Studies 14, no. 1 (2011): 4. Quoted by Ian Charlesworth, British Rule and the Indian Economy 1800-1914 (London, 1982) 26.

56 munds per acre in Jhang branch and 15 munds per acre in Gugera branch and extensions respectively181.

For transporting the produce road and rail way networks that ran from central markets all the way up to the Karachi ports were required. The government was very keen in the agricultural produce of the land and hence an Agriculture college and research institute was established at Lyallpur in 1909182. Despite the initial failure faced by the Agriculture College, they were still able to successfully establish the high quality American cotton183. In college, many experiments were made for new seeds and highly producing seeds were invented. After such a successful break, 7500 acres of land was set aside to be allotted via grants for the production of finest cotton of the colony and subsequent export of high quality cotton to the Lancashire mills in United Kingdom184 . the Although the costs for every product were determined by the government, they were easily transferred and transmitted to other canal colonies through telegraph such as in the case of Bombay. Furthermore, for the farmers own protection from the malpractices of the middle man, the government established a cooperative shop in the region that is known as the largest producer of cotton- Lyallpur. Over the years interest in the sufficient marketing and export of cotton and other crops increased and to address this interest, transport infrastructure was set up185. The best part of this infrastructure was that it easily carried the produce right from the farmer’s house to Karachi port and other markets.

The allotted land pieces in the canal colonies were distinctly larger than those in the non-colony areas. For instance an average land size in the colony was 12.5 acres while it was 10 acres in non-colony areas186. Farmers with larger landholdings obviously had better infrastructural and marketing opportunities hence also had a better income. Researchers like Islam point out that after a while, the farmers started producing on a commercial level rather than producing to cater to their own needs187. This stance is also supported by who found out that eventually over time the production of food grains reduced while the production of crops like wheat and cotton increased in the province of

181 Penny, Final Settlement Report of the Jhang and Gugera Branch Circles, 22. 182 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Kahani, 218. 183 Muzammdar Ranjit, The Army and the Making of Punjab (New Delhi: Paramount Books; 2003), 76. 184 Muzammdar Ranjit, The Army and the Making of Punjab, 85. 185 Ian Talbot and Shinder Thandi, People on Move: Punjabi Colonial and Post-Colonial Migration, 71. 186 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant, 11-12. 187 M. Mufakhur ul Islam, Irrigation, Agriculture and Raj: Punjab 1887-1958, 98.

Punjab188. In support of the colonization process, Darling claims that before the canal colonies were formed, the average farmer would not be able to manage increased price in the market because he would be unable to produce enough according to the requirement of the market and would most definitely be a net buyer than a net producer189. Moreover, even if they were able to produce enough, most of it would go to waste because of the lack of proper marketing and transport facilities. By providing the farmers with larger land tracts, proper infrastructural facilities along with marketing endeavors, he was able to transform from the meager buyer to the stocky seller which proved quite beneficial for him in the long run.

Industrial Growth

The colonial agricultural development190 of the region led to the introduction of a number of new crops including cotton which culminated intrinsically with Lyallpur city's textile industry. Being known for the best market of Punjab, bearing surplus raw material, there emerged little industry relating to ginning, oil and agriculture in Lyallpur. it emerged as a Mandi town that transformed it major trade centre. The agro policies of the authorities throughout from the establishment of the canal colony helped the farmers to be the best agricultural producers. The products boost gave way to the nourishment of the urban trade and commerce centers and finally in Chenab colony, Lyallpur emerged as main market town of Chenab Colony as well as sub-continent. It became the main industrial hub of cotton related business as well agro-business.

Immediately after the First World War, the main priority of the British was to develop a substantial industrial infrastructure in India. Britain’s industrial decline was becoming apparent as to why this development was essential as it could transform India. It could alleviate Indian capitalists who might otherwise direct towards congress with their expertise and capital. This development was said to be of economic use as it would provide employment and administer some efficacy into the Indian economy. In order for their empires to flourish, the British had to develop the Indian economy. On the other hand, industrial development, specifically as in the case of cotton textiles gave rise to

188 Mazumder Ranjit, The Army and the Making of Punjab (Telangana: Orient Blackswan, 2003), 143. 189 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant, 218. 190The British planted their best administration policies for the nourishment of agriculture. Agricultural development later was main motivating factor in the trade urbanization centers and towns.

58 competition. There was a high chance that the rapid advancement of capitalism might deteriorate the basis of the agrarian social order. Nationalist criticism targeted the performance of the industrial economy and the effects of imperial rule upon it. The gathering of large masses of workers in the cities gave rise to restlessness and uncertainty about social conditions and their political repercussions. The role of British investment and entrepreneurship has been emphasized in the literature on early industrial development. Some scholars are of the view that these factors are crucial in the development of an economy that is scarce in capital, entrepreneurial skills and technology. Contemporary historian like Imran Ali has viewed Chenab colony and Suhagpara, indefinitely produced finest cotton. Ian Talbot suggests that Colonial policy privileged the Punjab’s agrarian development at the expense of industrial growth. Idrees Khawaj called canal colonies a chief industrializing agent of the province. Pippa Virdee has mentioned the pre partition industrial growth that linked with agriculture in Lyallpur. According to her:

“Once the Chenab Colony development began to make an impact, some industry started. In 1912, there were only 11 factories located in Lyallpur, all of which specialized in cotton ginning and pressing. By 1935, however, the number of factories had increased to 25, and while the majority still specialized in cotton ginning and pressing, there were a number of saw, oil and sugar Mills. It is clear from this that industry in pre-partition Lyallpur was dominated by the production of cotton in the district, a feature that has continued in the post- partition period”191. Table: Factories in Lyallpur 1935

Sr. Cotton ginning Oil Flour Sugar Foundry Cotton Pressing Total 51 11 11 2 2 21 64 District Gazetteer Lyallpur 1935

It is difficult to find actual figure of factories in Lyallpur as the common narrative about the industry in Lyallpur District is 25192, 71 and 72193factories which failed to mention the figures whether it was located in Lyallpur City or District. such kind of

191 Pippa Virdee, "Partition and Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61." (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004). 80. 192 Pippa Virdee, Partiton and Loaclity, 80. 193 Partition of Punjab, vol. 2.

59 debate has spelled over during the partition process as difference claims were made. The Government194 sources demonstrations a very detail information about the industries in district and work force.

Table: Factories in Lyallpur District 1936

Lyallpur T.T. Singh Salarwala Jaranwala Gojra Chak Jhumra Tandlianwala Total 32 13 1 7 13 12 4 64 District Gazetteer Lyallpur 1935

Prior to the partition, there were 64 main cotton ginning factories who were mainly related to the agricultural products and other relevant things.195 Before colonization, almost every farmer used to be in debt to the traditionally exploitative moneylender. The debt due to the traditional money lender was considerably lower in the canal colonies due to the increase in income. While it was only 4 times the land revenue in canal colonies, and in 5 out of 8 tehsils of Lyallpur it was only 0.5 times the revenue and in non-colony districts in the South-West, like Mianwali it was 28 times the land revenue and in Muzaffargarh it was 22 times the land revenue196.

Colonists were granted colony land at nominal prices and the land prices enormously appreciated due to the subsequent success of the colonies, resulting in huge profitable gains to the farmers. By late 1920s, agriculturists who were poverty stricken before the canal colonization were also much better-off. At annexation, Lyallpur was a treeless waste covered with bushes. The region had a population density of 7 persons per square mile in 1891. There were no factories, no cities and nothing of the sort in the region. It was characterized by nomadic tribes and den of notorious. By1901, the population had reached 187 persons per square mile, 301 in 1921 and 927 in 1998, just within a decade. One estimate suggests that in terms of GDP per capita, Lyallpur is third most prosperous city of Pakistan. Here the question arises that was this wilderness transformed into a highly prosperous agricultural-cum-industrial-cum-trading center that it is in the current time? It will not be wrong to say that canal colonization is the answer

194 Punjab District Gazetteer Lyallpur District, 1935. 195 Punjab District Gazetteers, Lyallpur District, Statistical Tables 1935, volume-XXV, (Lahore: Government printing Press, 1936), xxvi. 196 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant, 117,145.

60 for this transformation. With an allotted area of 2 million acres, Chenab colony was the largest of the canal projects.

The colony was developed during 1892-1905 with extensions during 1926-1930. It covered the entire district of Lyallpur and served portions of three other districts as well. The introduction of American cotton in the district, the establishment of Agriculture and Research institute in the Lyallpur, railway line that passed through the district and the railway workshop, the ginning factories that grew and spread on their own in the district and the present-day share of the district in the country’s exports all owe their origin and growth to canal colonization. Furthermore, the procedures that took place in Lyallpur were repeated on a smaller scale in other canal colonies.

Role of migrants

The Canal Colonies were established in Punjab to reduce the density of the population and to regenerate more sources and raw material for export. The scheme of canal colonies was at large successful as it helped the British to make a supportive feudal gentry and through their support, they were able to manage state affairs very beautifully. The process of settlement was various terms and phases and even these canal colonies bore the burden of migrants while partition and the migrants bore lot of problems but hope they had. Chenab Colony witnessed two major migrations; both were very important changing the whole structure of the colony. The first migration was agricultural migration in which the Raj government settled best agriculturalist class from the various parts of the Punjab. The migration was based on skilled workers and fine agriculturalists that made this area as one of the major agricultural raw producing areas of the Subcontinent. This area was developed so much that it attracted the industrialist. It was the main market of raw material of agriculture. The industrialists made cotton ginning factories, oil factories and agriculture related products. Both the factions developed Lyallpur as magnetic hub of agro based industry.

Both the groups sacrificed a lot. They sacked, left their homes, their relatives and properties too. Both migrations were different in term of their consequences. First migration was completely peaceful and without bloodshed but the later migration witnessed bloodshed and killing of the people at large scale. The total development of the

61 area was just because of the efforts of the migrants those sacrificed a lot for the betterment of the locality. The migrants turned the fate of the land of shrubs into granary. They changed the barren plains into smiling fields. But second migration painted the picture of efforts of the migrants for the development into bloodshed and killing. All the development was highly result of the migrants and settlers who were settled into early stage. The British administration focused on the settlement of the migrants very narratively and by dividing Chenab Colony in sub- division and on the canal based settlement like Rakh Branch, Gogera Branch and Jhang Branch, they (migrants) were settled.

The hard work of the migrants resulted into the boost of the agro-industry which later transformed into the best cotton ginning factories hub and its cotton was very famous, admired across the world. Although, Raj government deployed her best sources for the development of the canal colonies but the migrants also did their best to make these colonies as great and Chenab Colony, as emerged as rich, prosperous and well developed colony was the result of admirable efforts.

Migrants played pivotal role in the development of Chenab Colony in every sphere. It was just the result of their remarkable efforts that area which was nothing became main Mandi town and industrial hub of the sub-continent which later was declared as “Manchester of Pakistan”. Even after the partition, its progress was highly indebted of the migrant industrialists who used capital and their experience to make it developed and flourished.

Conclusion

Canal colonization is a wonder of irrigation engineering motivated by British’s economic, governance, and strategic interests. Lyallpur served to be headquarter of Chenab colony that constituted largest share of newly established nine canal colonies. Canal colonization transformed 6 million acres of barren land into productive agricultural land. This progress was accompanied by development of integrated communication system and Mandi towns that contributed in development of the region and ensconcing its economic base. The transformation of crown waste in productive agricultural land and hub of industrial raw material can be classified into following stages.

There is debate regarding motives of colonial masters behind such an ambitious plan. It is debated either it meant for serving monetary and strategic interests of colonial master or it objectified welfare of people and development of the region. Leaving intention surmises apart, it is obvious with respect to its impacts that it provided a win - win situation for the agriculturalists of the area. The development of Chenab colony (Lyallpur as it’s headquarter) is resultant of impeccable planning and effective management of colony officers and second to none hard work of the migrants who rehabilitated the land.

Due to this land mark development, canal colonies and especially Chenab Colony witnessed great changes. It was Chenab Colony that served as great factor in the partition that it was inculcated in the Sikhs Azad Punjab Scheme197. The Chenab Colony, right from its establishment was an important base for the raj government as well as for the migrants. The British canal hydrology scheme and establishment of canal colonies helped them a lot in revenue collection and raw material too. The role of migrants that is equally significant in terms of making the barren bushy land into miracle of united Punjab.

197 They claimed that Lyallpur region must be added to their Azad Punjab Scheme. It was because of their religious, economic and military claims. They (Sikhs) had nearly major important religious places like Gurdwara Janam Asthan Nankana Sahib, the birthplace of Guru Nanak. There were many gurdwaras of high religious value and esteem in Chenab Colony. Further, there was a large community of the Sikh settlers who were settled in this colony and they were also rewarded military grants in Chenab Colony as resul of their military services.

Chapter -II:

Partition of Punjab: Sikhs and Lyallpur

This part of thesis analysis the argument of the Sikh community for the establishment of the Sikh tate and the division of the Punjab, and also counter narratives of the opponents of partition of Punjab. The major stakeholders of Punjab were the Muslims and the Sikhs who failed to maintain its geographical integrity owing to their irreconcilable differences. The Sikh toed the Congress line and chose to opt for India which led them in wilderness as their dream of having Sikh State in India remained unfulfilled to date. INC, in its effort to damage the establishment and survival of the new country of Pakistan, supported the Sikh claim of division of the Punjab and thus achieved its objective of giving Jinnah maimed and mutilated Pakistan. Whatever are the contradictory narratives of the division of the Punjab, the present author has taken the position that that none of the objectives of Sikh community has ever been achieved so far, rather the Sikh community has paid high price for freedom and division of the Punjab. Their dream of Khalistan or Azad Punjab could not be materialized and while avoiding the Muslim domination, they experienced the Hindu domination. On eve of the partition of India the Sikhs intended to secure their economic base in canal colonies, secure their religious shrines, and avoid large scale migration of Sikh population. Therefore, this study tries to find answer to the following quarries: What were the aims and objectives of the Sikhs behind their demand of division of Punjab and to what extent they have achieved those goals.

Day of 14th of August 1947 is marked with end of British Raj in India, Partition of India, creation of Pakistan and the division of the Punjab. These events cumulatively impacted to be watershed for the future of South Asia. The freedom movement of India was politically fought by Indian National Congress (hereafter INC) and Muslim League (hereafter ML). INC claimed representation of whole India; however, Muslim League challenged this claim and claimed that she is the sole authoritative representative of the Indian Muslims. Moreover, ML demanded partition of India on the basis of two nation theory. This extreme tides of the communal tangles were also experienced in Punjab because this province was considered as nucleus of Pakistan movement. This political tussle between INC and ML resulted into emergence of a third stakeholder, the Sikhs. The Sikhs claimed that on basis of religion they are a force to be reckon, therefore, demanded a separate homeland for the Sikhs. Their main argument was that they are a distinct nation on the basis of their religious, economic, and historical contributions. Though the Sikh claim neither on basis of religion nor on population was as solid as of the Muslims who got

64 majority in the Punjab, but it was because of their claim and Hindu’s support along with partition of India the division of Punjab was made by the British Raj.

While advocating the case for the territory to be included into Pakistan or Sikh State or India, , both Sikhs and the Muslims made contradictory claims of their input in the canal colonies. But the British Raj/Radcliffe Award turned down the argument of Sikh community on two counts, firstly contribution of the Muslim was far greater than the Sikhs, secondly, the population of the Lyallpur was overwhelming Muslims and thirdly, it was more geographically adjacent to the Pakistan. Therefore, Lyallpur was included into the West Punjab. The chapter attempts to explore the factors that led to the division of Punjab. This study also attempts to understand the claims of the Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims over the inheritance of the city of Lyallpur after the termination of the British Raj.

Introduction

The British Empire ruled India almost a century and finally had to quit it which they did in 1947. While liquidating the Raj they wished to and hand over the country to elected representatives of India. Stanley Wolpert pronounces it ‘shameful flight’ as he is of the opinion that Mountbatten, opted to adopt defeated approach and cut ten months down from original timeline suggested by the His Majesty Government to transfer power to the Indians.1. Despite Mountbatten’s utmost efforts to keep India united, he had to devise a partition formula where he had to divide and quit India. Thus, India was partitioned into two sovereign states of India and Pakistan. He finally agreed on the two nation theory and conceded the main argument of Muhammad Ali Jinnah that the demand of a separate homeland for the Muslims is in fact due to their apprehension that they would be unsafe under the Hindu majority on permanent basis in the United India. However, he also found the Sikh claim on the same lines logical; therefore along with partition of India he divided Punjab as well to alloy the fears of the Sikhs against the Muslim rule in the proposed Pakistan scheme.

Their apprehensions of the Muslims regarding the mistreatment of the Hindu majority had been manifested much earlier from their demands of separate electorate and sizeable representation in the political system of India that the British authorities had been gradually introducing in the second half of 19th century and first decade of twentieth century. Ambedkar has recorded:

1S. Wolpert, Shameful flight: The last years of the British Empire in India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2006).

“I do not think the demand for Pakistan is the result of mere political distemper, which will pass away with the efflux of time. As I read the situation, it seems to me that it is a characteristic in the biological sense of the term, which the Muslim body politic has developed in the same manner as an organism develops a characteristic. Whether it will survive or not, in the process of natural selection, must depend upon the forces that may become operative in the struggle for existence between Hindus and Musalmans2”. When it became crystal clear that the British democracy in pure and simple form had deprived Muslims in getting their due share the political development of India, the Muslims demanded right of separate electorate to ensure their representation in the elected bodies. Thus British conceded separate electorate to Muslims in the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909 that critics maintain sowed the seeds to two nation theory and consolidated the strong case of Muslim League to partition of India and advocate for Pakistan in the later period of Indian struggle for independence3. The case of Pakistan was mainly expounded by Allama Muhammad Iqbal on the basis of two nation theory that demanded for a sovereign state comprising of North Western and Eastern Muslim majority zones of India4. The thought of Allama Muhammad Iqbal was formally translated into prime political objective of Muslim League on 23rd March 1940. 5 Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah while advocating the demand for a separate homeland for the Indian Muslims said that nation entails a geographically specified territory. He argued that the Muslims are a separate nation according to any definition of nation6.

Ambedkar writes that “the Muslim League Resolution on Pakistan had called forth different reactions. There are some who look upon it as a case of political measles to which a people in the infancy of their conscious unity and power are very liable. Others have taken it as a permanent frame of the Muslim mind and not merely a passing phase and have in consequence been greatly perturbed”7. Yet apart from theoretical debate, the matter of fact is that India was partitioned on the basis of two nation theory and Muslims were given a separate homeland in the form of Pakistan. Though along with India Punjab was also divided but the Sikhs could not get the Sikh state in India which they had been earnestly looking for.

2 B. R Ambedkar, Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches 3,( New Delhi: Education Department, 1987), 1. 3 M. Adnan Abdullah, “Pakistan Creation and Genesis,” The Muslim World 96, (Connecticut: 2006): 12. 4 First time, it was presented by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan while stopping the Muslims to join INC because he was of the view that Hindus must overpower the basic rights of the Muslims. It came to limelight when Iqbal openly asked for the separate homeland. 5 A. H. Sandhu, “Communitarian Response to the Lahore Resolution of 1940 in the British Punjab: an Analytical Discourse”, Al- Hikmat 32 (2012): 15. 6 Abdul Majid, Abdul Hamid, Zahida Habib, “Genesis of the Two Nations Theory and the Quaid-e-Azam,” Pakistan Vision 15 no 1, (ud):181. 7 B. R Ambedkar, Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches Vol. 3, 1.

Talking specifically about Muslims, Maulana Azad writes:

“As a community, the Muslims were extremely anxious about their future. It is true they were in a clear majority in certain provinces. At the provincial level they had therefore no fears in these areas. They were however a minority in India as a whole and were troubled by the fear that their position and status in independent India would not be secure”8. Muslim community had attempted to go in cooperation with Hindus but it met fiasco owing to adamant attitudes of Hindus. Such voices of autocratic and inflexible attitude of Hindu majority towards minorities especially Muslims are also expressed by staunch nationalists like Azad and Ambedkar. Muslims had ultimate option to go for demand of separate homeland9. Ambedkar had expressed his grudge over injustice attitude of Congress towards minorities10. So Muslims were not an exception. Ambedkar attempts to give a global perspective and generic explanation of freedom movements. He quotes Freidman who had given account of several states like Germany, Poland, Italy and a host of Central European and Balkan countries, whose forces of Nationalism did not rest until they had thrown off the shackles of State Power and formed a State of their own11.

The Congress advocated the Nationalist perspective and demanded United India on the basis of one nation theory. Being staunch ideological rival of Muslim League, the Congress party was expected to take even extreme steps to hinder the goal achievement of Muslim League. It seems as if their political failure to undo partition proposals obliged Congress to play its other card of giving truncated and moth eaten Pakistan to Muslims. For this purpose, they played their communal cards effectively to partition Punjab and Bengal. All India National Congress Committee passed a resolution during March 6-8, 1947 asking for partition of the provinces of Punjab and Bengal, so that predominantly non-Muslim part may be separated from Muslim part12. Jinnah had requested Mountbatten not to partition Bengal and Punjab as it might result into truncated, maimed, muted and moth-eaton Pakistan. Whereas, Congress asserted partition of Punjab and Bengal on the communal basis as it was potentially significant to curtail the popularity of Jinnah among Muslims and to weaken the new country Pakistan. Mountbatten, agreeing on INC’s interpretation of two nation theory divided the province of the Punjab besides the partition of India in 194713.

8 A. K. Azad, India Wins freedom, 47 9M. Adnan Abdullah, Pakistan Creation and Genesis, The Muslim World 96: 7 10 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful flight, 101 11 B. R. Ambedkar, Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches, 11 12 Ghazala Nawaz, “ British plan of partition of Punjab in 1947,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture,. XXXIV, no.2 (2013): 105. 13 Ghazala Nawaz, “British plan of partition of Punjab in 1947,”: 106.

Division of Punjab

The demand for the partition of the Punjab was the most radical one that the people of the Punjab had to face since the fall of the Sikh empire and the annexation of the Punjab by the British. It came as the culminating point of the social, economic and political upheavals of nearly half a century and as a result of sectarian and partisan intrigues of the parties concerned. But when the Muslim League’s demand for the partition of India was agreed to, the Congress used the same arguments for the partition of the Punjab and Bengal14. Despite some genuine apprehensions of Sikh community and their undeniable significant status in Punjab, there is also a perspective that suggests that the proposal of partition of Punjab was moved in order to make Pakistan unattractive for Muslims15. Like Muhammad Iqbal Chawla16 and Zahid Lodhi17 also have observed that demand of partition of Punjab by wooing Sikh community was a sort of grudge that British and Congress gave vent in response of their failure to keep India United.

Ishtiaq Ahmed writes that the partition of Punjab was mainly an agreement between major political forces of India comprising INC, Muslim League and the Sikhs. The division plan was declared by the British government on 3rd June 1947 and was bolstered by delegates of the primary political parties and Baldev Singh as illustrative of the Sikhs of Punjab. The international boundary between the two states was attracted by Punjab the northwest and Bengal in upper East India in August 1947. The British Punjab comprised of 29 areas with an aggregate populace of 28418819, Whose Muslims were 57.1%; Hindus 28.8%; Sikh 13.2%; and Christians 1.7%.18. The choice to partition the Punjab was not emerged by the Punjabi masses or even by their elites, yet focal pioneer government in Delhi, high summons from the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. Just the Sikhs of Punjab were counseled by the Viceroy. It was over all that it were Sikhs who requested the division of Punjab and Congress indicated them to obstruct the political targets of the Muslim League19. The demand of the Sikh community was reactionary to League; hence the partition could have averted in case of conciliation between League and the

14 Satya M Roy. Partition of the Punjab (A study of its effects on the politics and administration of the Punjab.( New Delhi: Asia Publishing house.), 6; For further studies see, Akhtar Hussain Sandhu, Punjab: An Anatomy of Muslim Sikh Politics, (Lahore: Dogar Publishers, 2014). 15 Ghazala Nawaz, “British plan of partition of Punjab in 1947,”: 103; For further studies see, Mohammad Zahid Khan Lodhi, Mountbatten: Facts about the Partition (Lahore: Annore Publishers, 1993), 22. 16 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “The Punjab Disturbances of 1946-47: Revisited,” Journal of Applied Environmental and Biological Sciences, 4(9S)( 2014):1-6. 17 Zahid Khan Lodhi, Mountbatten Facts About The Partition (Lahore:Annoor Printer & Publishers, n.d.): 83. 18 Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab Bloodied Partitioned and Cleansed (Karachi: Oxford university Press, 2014), 43. 19 Ghazala Nawaz, “British plan of partition of Punjab in 1947,”:106.

Sikhs.20. But the situation was not like that. Muslims could not be satisfied less than sovereign Muslim state and Sikhs claimed grave apprehensions under Muslim domination. So it raised questions about successor of Punjab crown. Hence it can be commented that partition of India took place owing to unbridgeable differences between Hindus and the Muslims, and partition of Punjab was result of irreconcilable differences between Sikhs and the Muslims.

Sikh Perspective

Though Sikhs in Punjab did not enjoy numerical superiority over Hindus and Muslims, still they managed to maintain their identity visible21. Their attachment for Punjab lies in their religious genesis, language development, and their nostalgia of political dominance, and their efforts in rehabilitating canal colonies22. Though Satya M. Roy writes that inception of Sikh consciousness dates back to ignoring Sikhs in Lucknow Pact (1916) and speech of Muhammad Iqbal in 1930 being Sikh void23, however, its formalization started in 1943. Master Tara Singh said that Ministry of Sardar Baldev Singh was insufficient to safeguard the Sikh interests in India24. Therefore, the Sikhs lay special claim to the Punjab as its homeland25.

The genesis of Sikh religion is from the province of Punjab. Founder of their religion was Baba Guru Nanak who was born in Talwandi District Sheikhupura26. Therefore, their claim for the Sikh state was not only on the origins and development of the Sikh religion which was born and nurtured here in Punjab but also all of their sacred shrines situated in Punjab.27. Moreover, their claim did not confine to their religious attachments, they also emphasized the extraordinary economic and military contributions to British Raj. They were mainly concentrated in the two central divisions of the Punjab and the colony districts of Montgomery and Lyallpur. Jat Sikhs from the central districts of the Punjab had been largely responsible for the building up of the colony areas of Lyallpur and Montgomery in the Punjab. Their contribution to revenue in Lahore district was 46% which was very high in comparison with their population of almost 18%28. Moreover, Sikhs of Majha and Central Bari doab were main military strength of Sikhs that also

20 Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab Bloodied Partitioned and Cleansed, 65. 21 J. S. Grewal, Historical geography of the Punjab." JPS 11, no. 1 (2004): 2. 22 Sikh Memorandum 1947. 23 Satya M Roy, Partition of the Punjab (A study of its effects on the politics and administration of the Punjab(New Delhi: Asia Publishing house, 1965), 36; In response to Iqbal’s speech, in a memorandum submitted to the R.T.C. the Sikh delegate, S Ujjal Singh, stated that in case the Muslims refused to accept anything but a reserved majority on the basis of separate electorates, they (the Sikhs) would, then, press for a “territorial rearrangement” of the province which would consolidate the Sikh population. 24 Master Tara Singh,. “Azad Punjab Scheme”. The Tribune 23 (1943). 25 Sikh Memorandum 1947; Harjot S.Oberoi, "From Punjab to" Khalistan": Territoriality and Met commentary," Pacific Affairs (1987): 26-41. 26 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Movement (New Delhi; Manohar Publications, 1997), 53. 27 Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The case of the Punjab, (London: Routledge Publishers, 2000), 83; See also, Partition of Punjab (Lahore; Sang e Meel Publications 1993), Vol 01, 362. 28 Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India, 364, 362.

69 had contribution for British government as well29. Though Sikhs were less in number, yet their contribution and significance in Punjab was undeniable. All these factors collectively render Sikh community equally important to Muslims and Hindus to be attended. That’s why; Sikhs were going to play consequential role in the future of Punjab. The Sikhs documented their case to boundary commission known as ‘Sikh Memorandum’.

The Sikh Memorandum

The Sikh perspective can be precisely understood from the ‘Sikh Memorandum’30 that presented Sikh case before British authorities effectively. The Memorandum starts argument by pledging their allegiance to British crown and clarifying misperception on the behalf of British authorities regarding31. As the memorandum intended addressing Sikh issue in wake of Partition, hence it is obvious that it linked with Sikh Muslim relations. The Memorandum pronounced anti Sikh activities of Late Mughal Jehangir32 to be zygote of bitterness in Sikh Muslim relations33. However, on the behalf of Muslim rulers, the list of Sikh grudges is long and it involves Aurangzeb34, Farrukh Siyyar35, Abdul Samad Khan36, and some military governors of Punjab like Yahya Khan37, and Mir Muin-ul-Mulk, Alias Mir Mannu38. It attempted to substantiate that Muslims and the Sikhs had long irreconcilable historical differences39.

Their further argument sought the buttress of fundamental ideological differences with Muslims in furtherance demanded a land tract for them. For land tract, they attempted to repeat the argument of Muslims in order to validate their demand. The ideological difference was claimed on undemocratic creed of Muslim League as they pronounced that Muslim League did not perceive democracy to be suitable for Muslim interests in United India40. The gist of their argument leads to infer that Muslim League advocated two nation theory claiming Hindu Muslim

29 Khushwant Singh, The Sikhs (New Delhi: Paramount Publishers; 2010), 9;. See also, Sikh Memorandum 1947. 30 A document presented to British authorities to plead their case of Azad Punjab. 31 The Proclamation of the 29th of March, 1849, stated that “The Sikh people and their Chiefs had, on their part, grossly and faithlessly violated the promises by which they were bound under the Agreement of Bhairowal of the 16th day of December, 1846 and for that reason the Governor- General was constrained to declare that thenceforward the Punjab was to form an integral part of British dominions in India.” 32 Sikh Memorandum, 17. Emperor Jehangir further recorded:“ I fully knew of his heresies, and I ordered that he should be brought into my presence, that his houses and children be made over to Murtza Khan that his property be confiscated, and that he should be put to death with tortures. 33 Sikh Memorandum, 17. 34 The Ninth Guru of the Sikhs, the saintly Guru Teg Bahadur, to be beheaded at Delhi, again for “State reasons.” 35 Emperor Farrukh Siyyar, adding that “wherever the followers of this sect were found, they should be remorselessly put to the sword. 36 A Royal edict was issued to put all who professed the religion of Nanak to the sword, and a money reward was offered for the head of every Sikh. 37 The Governor Yahya Khan of Lahore issued a proclamation for a general massacre of all Sikhs, wherever they could be found. 38 Paul F.Brass. Sikhs under British Rule (London: Oxford University Press: 1981), 356; Abdul Latif records in The History of the Punjab: “ Firmly established in his authority, Mir Mannu considered the best mode of chastising the Sikhs 39 Paul F Brass, Sikhs under British Rule, 356; Sikh Memorandum, 21. 40 Sikh Memorandum, 21. The Creed of the All India Muslim League since 1940 has been that democracy is not suited to India and for that reason the League has wanted the division of the country into India and Pakistan.

70 coexistence being unnatural, similarly Sikhs also presented their Two Nation Theory lime lighting Sikh Muslim coexistence being unnatural and improvident. In emulation of League’s argument, they demanded a contiguous piece of land where Sikh’s concentration was high. The Sikh argument preferred to have Jullundur41 and Lahore Divisions42 and Montgomery43 and Lyallpur districts of the Multan Division and some Sikh dominated and geographically contiguous districts of Ambala division44 . These areas form one contiguous tract and it is in this tract that the Sikhs have played, and must continue to play, the most important role in the life of the province. It is important to mention that Sikhs did not claim some districts of Ambala division, Rawalpindi division45, and other districts of Multan division (Excluding Lyallpur and Montgomery) as they acknowledged that their population concentration and geographical contiguity does not entitle the Sikhs to claim these districts. It apparently presents Sikh perspective in a very logical and pragmatic form.

The Sikh case was further advocated on the basis of ‘Special Status of Sikhs in Punjab’. This special status was claimed on the basis of special contribution of Sikh community towards Punjab and the Colonial masters. The Sikh perspective gave rebuttal to Muslims and the Hindus regarding their claim of Punjab on the basis of their past political domination. If Muslims could claim Punjab with an argument that Muslims ruled Punjab for centuries and the Hindus claim being predecessor even of Muslims, then Sikhs claimed the same status as they were the Punjab masters before British annexation of Punjab in 1849. Moreover, the special status of Sikhs was acknowledged46 and ensured by the British authorities47. They claimed their special status not bestowed by British authorities, but earned because of their hard work and efforts48.

41 In the Jullundur Division, the Sikhs are only '53 % in the Kangra district. In other districts, their population is distributed as under Ludhiana 41.68 % Ferozepore 33.69% Jullundur 26.50% Hoshiarpur 16.94% 42 Lahore Division had following population distribution Amritsar 36.13 % Gurdaspur 19.18 % Lahore 18.32 % Sheikhupura 18.85 % Sialkot 11.71 % Gujranwala 10.87 % 43 In Multan Division Lyallpur ... 8.82% Montgomery ... 13.17% 44 Sikh Memorandum, 23. In the Ambala Division, the Sikhs are mainly concentrated in the Sirsa sub-district of the Hissar district and Rupar and Kharar sub-districts of the Ambala district. These three sub-districts of the Ambala Division are contiguous to the central districts of the Jullundur Division. 45 Sikh Memorandum , 24; “The Sikhs formed 4.98% of the total population of the Rawalpindi Division, before the March Massacre, and thus in the demarcation of the two parts of the Punjab, they cannot lay claim on population basis alone to any part of the Rawalpindi Division”. 46 Sikh Memorandum ,25, 26; Jagdish Chand Aggarwal and Surendra P. Agrawal. Modern History of Punjab: A Look Back Into Ancient Peaceful Punjab Focusing Confrontation and Failures Leading to Present Punjab Problem, and a Peep Ahead: Relevant

The study of Sikh narrative leads to infer that canal colony districts enjoyed special stature in their arguments. The significance of canal colony is based on their un-comprisable economic and social interests in the districts49. The Sikhs were mainly concentrated in the two central Divisions of the Punjab and the colony districts of Montgomery and Lyallpur50. In this area the Sikhs had vital essential agricultural interests51. They argued that the agricultural economy of the Jullundur and Lahore Divisions of the Punjab and colony areas depends very largely upon the labor that the Sikhs have put in this area52. The argument was attempted to substantiate with the observations of Malcolm53. “The peasant- proprietor is the backbone of the colonies as he is of the Punjab. In the Lyallpur colony he holds about 80 per cent of the land and in Shahpur nearly as much54. These contributions were attempted to signify with revenue contribution Sikh community. In their memorandum, they said

In Lahore District they pay Rs. 8,41,921 on account of the annual land revenue out of the total of Rs. 14,19,455 and in Amritsar they pay Rs. 11,94,574 on account of land revenue out of a total of Rs. 15,77,131. The Sikh share in the annual land revenue of the Lahore Division is 46 %55. Through all these references and arguments, the case they attempted to prove was that the Sikh population is alone rooted in the soil of the Lahore and Jullundur Divisions and in the colony areas whereas the Muslim population is not so rooted and a large part of it is of a “floating character”56.

The additional significance of canal colonies in Sikh perspective is claimed on the basis of inseparable links with colony districts and East Punjab districts. Lyallpur bears additional significance as Malcolm Darling writes:-

Select Documents. Vol. 37.(Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1992), 45; Pattabhi Sitaramayya, The history of the Indian national congress. Vol. 2.(1935-1947).(Dhaka: Padma Publishers, 1947), 202, 203. Pethick- Lawrence said, “It was inconceivable that either the Constituent Assembly or any future Government of the Punjab would overlook their special Place in the Province” 47 Kirpal Singh, Partition of Punjab (New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1968), 238; Gurdarshan Singh Dhillon, Truth about Punjab: SGPC White Paper, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, 1996; Constituent Assembly Debates on 17 December, 1946, Sir Stafford Cripps said, “special means should he devised for giving the Sikhs a strong position in the affairs of the Punjab. 48 Sikh Memorandum, 26; Malcolm Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 202. 49 Farah Gul Baqai, “British rule in Punjab: 1849-1947”, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 31, no. 2 (2010); Ian Talbot, “The Punjab under Colonialism: Order and Transformation in British India”, Journal of Punjab Studies 14, no. 1 (2011): 4. 50 Sikh Memorandum ,26. 51 Sikh Memorandum,” It is clear that the Jat Sikh from the central districts of the Punjab has been very largely responsible for the building up of the colony areas of Lyallpur and Montgomery in the Punjab, which form the granary of a large part of India. 52 Sikh Memorandum, 26; Busharat Elahi Jamil, “The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947”, Pakistan Vision 17, no. 1 (2016). 53 Malcolm Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 122; The peasant- proprietor is the backbone of the colonies as he is of the Punjab. 54 Malcolm Darling, “Punjab peasant, 122. 55 Sikh Memorandum, 27. 56 Sikh Memorandum, 28

“Lyallpur is the daughter of the Central Punjab as Shahpur is of the North and of the West, and its influence is felt accordingly. From Amritsar alone, over 100,000 have migrated to the Bar”57. As mentioned in Chapter 1 also, the migrants who developed colony districts especially Lyallpur and Montgomery were originally from East Punjab districts of Ludhiana, Ambala, Jullundur and Amritsar. Hence some family members were residing in East Punjab districts and some in Colony districts. Hence in case of involvement of colony districts in West Punjab, there would be great concern of Sikh families who possibly would lose connectivity with each other58. In other words, a concern was raised by Sikh community that involvement of colony districts to West Punjab would imply demarcation of persons instead of land. Hence all the possible outcomes of losing canal colony districts were unacceptable and unaffordable by the Sikh community. They neither could accept losing their economic interests nor social capital of these districts. And coexistence with Muslims was already rejected and pronounced out of question59.

In continuation of economic aspect of partition of Punjab and significance of Canal colonies for Sikhs, the Sikh community demanded partition on such grounds leaving no part economically either advantageous or disadvantageous. As economy of Punjab was mostly agricultural, hence the argument of justified economic distribution was based on cultivable lands. The figures show superiority of West Punjab districts in terms of cultivated areas and production of agricultural commodities.

According to the census of 1941 there are 49,718 square miles of cultivable land in the Western Part as compared with 23, 857 square miles in the Eastern Part. This comes to 1.86 acres of cultivable area per capita in the Western Part as against 1.322 acres per capita in the Eastern Part. The disparity in economic resources between the two parts becomes more glaring when one remembers that almost the whole of the mineral wealth of the Punjab is to be found in the Western part as will.

All the above discussion shows that the rise of Sikh nationalism comprises two major components. First one is ideological that is associated with their religious, political and cultural aspects. Punjab was birth place of Sikh religion which they claimed land of Gurus. Hence in view of Sikhs, a simile can be used that banishing Sikhs from Punjab was like banishing Muslims from Makah60. Secondly, the Sikhs claimed that they had ruled Punjab and on this count they deserved special status in Punjab.. However, there is another perspective that is of the Punjabis.

57 Malcolm Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 143. 58 Sikh Memorandum, 27. 59 Khushwant Singh, The Sikhs (New Delhi: Paramount Publishers; 2010), 23. 60 W.H. Macleod, The A to Z of Sikhism (Toronto: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 27-28.

They disagreeing on the Sikh argument, argue that the contributions of Sikhs do not deserve to address the case of Sikh community mere on numerical grounds. Furthermore, Punjab is the land of Punjabi. The Punjabi language was mentored and guarded mainly by the Sikh community who adopted the language religiously. Second aspect is economic aspect. Sikhs had economically laid rudiments of modern Punjab and sweated for the development and economic wellbeing of the province. They claimed it unjustified to keep them away from the fruits of development whose foundations were laid by them.

Demands of the Sikhs

The above mentioned argument of the Sikhs can be regarded as a case building of Sikh special status in the Punjab. The Sikhs tried to prove that on eve of the partition of India should be followed by division of the Punjab and partition of Punjab must give the Sikh community a special status. The following discussion will highlight that what was Sikh proposal of partition of Punjab and how they operationalized their claim of ‘Special statuses.

While submitting the Sikh case the Sikhs while other arguments in favor of the Sikh State also advocated to consider “Other factors’ before deciding the boundaries between India and Pakistan. Therefore, in light of ‘Other factors’ in terms of reference of boundary commission, the Sikhs demanded the tracts mentioned below for the Eastern Punjab;

(1) Ambala Division

(2) Jullundur Division;

(3) Lahore Division;

(4) Lyallpur District; and

(5) Montgomery District and Khanewal, Vihari and Mailsi sub-districts of Multan Division.

The case of Ambala division is unique in a sense that it did not have higher concentration of Sikh population except Hoshiarpur and some other districts. Even in Sikh memorandum, they acknowledged that Sikh community did not have larger role to play in Ambala division. However, as none of the district of Ambala division had Muslim majority. The Muslim population was spread along one side of riverine tracts. Similar case was with Jalandhar division. Muslim population comprised 28.07% and 34.54% respectively. Sikhs claimed it because Pakistan did not deserve this tract. Sikhs also gave an economic reason owing to less fertile lands of Ambala division and demanded its accession to Sikhs on the basis of economic justice as well.

In claims of Lahore and Amritsar, the Sikh memorandum contains almost all reasons to claim that they used to present their case. In other words, this claim was distinctive in a way that it had religious, political, cultural, and economic arguments to claim for Sikhs61. The tract of Bari Doab comprising Lahore, Amritsar, and Gurdaspur had geographical contiguity62 and cultural conduciveness63. This tract had single irrigation source of Upper Bari Doab with its head works in Ferozpur and Madhupur64. Moreover, The Bari Doab Part of the Lahore Division commanded by the Upper Bari Doab Canal is a non-Muslim majority tract65. The major landowners and revenue contributors of the tract are non-Muslims that in their contribution outweigh the Muslims. Moreover, the irrigation tract had religious significance66 because the link canal ‘Hasli’67 was also part of the same tract.

Counter Narrative

Counter narrative implies critical analysis of Sikh memorandum and highlighting the gaps in it. Furthermore, critical analysis of the memo reveals that many of the arguments that apparently seem carrying weight lose their significance when analyzed in other way round. The first narrative or the founding narrative that led to unbridgeable differences with Muslim community to which the study pronounces ‘two nation theory of Sikhs’ is that Muslims rulers and the community had shown them hostile attitude. Furthermore, in such situations, coexistence of Sikhs and the Muslims is impossible. This argument seems weightless when analyzed in the light of historical events. The anti-Guru Arjun Dev attitude of Mughal Emperor Jahangir is perceived to be zygote of hostile Sikh Muslims relations. Yet there are evidences that Prince Jahangir had great reverence for Guru Arjun Dev. Even first five Gurus had good relations with Mughal Empire68.

The inception of hostility was outcome of giving asylum to Khusru by Guru Arjun Dev. Some evidences suggest that Sikhs were establishing a parallel state under leadership of Guru Arjun Dev69. Even Sikh writers agree that elder brother of Guru Arjun Dev intrigued in Mughal

61 Khushwant Singh, The Sikhs, 45 62 Sikh Memorandum, 49; J. S. Grewal, “Historical geography of the Punjab”, JPS 11, no. 1 (2004): 2. 63 Sikh Memorandum, 49; George Abraham Grierson, ed. Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. 4. Office of the superintendent of government printing, India, 1906. 64 Inderjeet Singh and Kesar Singh Bhangoo. “Irrigation System in Indian Punjab”, Center for Research in Economic Change Economics Department (Patiala: Punjabi University, 2013). Sikh Memorandum, 48. 65 Sikh Memorandum, 49. Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Radcliffe Award,” Friday times, November 1, 2013. 66 Guru Ram Das first settled near the tank about 1574, and obtained a grant of the site with 500 bighas of land from Akbar in 1577. The tank was called Amritsar, the tank of nectar or immortality, later on Amar Das, Arjun, the next Guru, built the temple. 67 Maharaja Ranjit Singh renovated the Hasli Canal to replenish the sacred tank about the Golden Temple at Amritsar. 68 Jahangir Tamimi, Sikh Muslim Relations, 12. 69 Robina Shoeb, Tauqeer Ahmad Warriach, and Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, "Mughal-Sikh Relations: Revisited." Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 52, no. 2 (2015): 175.

Darbar against Guru Arjun Dev70. The coexistence of Sikhs and the Muslims is very pragmatic as the foundations of Golden Temple were laid down by Hazrat Mian Mir71 and Guru Nanak had great reverence for Baba Farid ud Din Shakarganj72. These differences seem political instead of religious or ideological and political differences are reconcilable and even if not reconcilable still coexistence is not an issue.

Their second argument of declaring the Creed of Muslim League being undemocratic seems an accusation without prudence. The claim of Muslim League of being sole representative of Indian Muslims was outcome of a democratic process and Muslim League asserted demand of Pakistan after winning an election within constitutional and democratic setup of India. It leads to infer that the demand of Muslim League of redistributive policies towards minorities and extra representation in legislature was misconstrued as undemocratic attitude of League. However, no definition of democracy out rules such a demand being part of democracy. Furthermore, Muslim League was ready to all those special treatments to Sikhs which they asked for themselves. Hence again, source of differences are political instead of being ideological.

It is obvious out of Sikh memorandum that they attempted to take advantage of ‘other factors’ in order to achieve Sikh homeland. The term of ‘other factors’ is not concretely defined; hence it can be perceived rather abstract point of terms of reference of boundary commission73. Furthermore, it is important to mention that numerical superiority and geographical contiguity were also major and obvious parameters for boundary demarcation. It might be true but the real argument could be based only on the basis of numerical superiority and geographical contiguity. If it is analyzed, it is obvious that Sikh claim seems invalid on the basis of first two ToRs. Sikhs did not enjoy numerical superiority in any district. Their whole population was dispersed. The claim of Muslim League seems quite valid because they enjoyed simple majority in West Punjab districts. Muslim population was 62.5 % in Lyallpur, 69.1% in Montgomery, 63.6 %, 70.4 % in Gujranwala, 62.05% in Lahore. Moreover, neither of the Tehsils of these districts had Sikh majority, even Nankana Sahib had 74.3 % Muslims74.

The above discussion leads to gather that Sikh case could not be built on the basis of numerical superiority. It can be argued that Sikhs did not even build their case on the basis of

70 Ibid. 71 Habil James Massey, “Guru Nanak Dev Ji's Teachings in the Context of Inter-Faith Dialogue,” Sikh Review 51, no. 5 (5-2013): 19- 23 72 K.A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Chowk Farid-ud-Din Ganj-i-Shakar (Aligarh: Department of History, Muslim University, 1955). 73 Sikh Memroandum, 1947. 74 Partition of Punjab, vol 3.

76 numerical superiority. However, Muslims built their case on the basis of numerical superiority that was far more effective than the Sikh case.

The second foundation of Sikh case was contiguous tracts of Jullundur and Lahore Divisions, and Montgomery and Lyallpur districts of the Multan Division, and some Sikh dominated and geographically contiguous districts of Ambala division75 . They claimed that these areas form one contiguous tract and it is in this tract. But, Muslims had the same argument valid for their claim and more pragmatic as well because as discussed earlier, numerical superiority was in favor of Muslims. The cross comparison of arguments of major stakeholders of Punjab has so far substantiated that among ToRs of boundary demarcation, the postulates of numerical superiority and geographical contiguity were in favor of Muslim perspective. The only option left with Sikh is to focus ‘other factors’. The Sikh memorandum operationalized it in subjective manner that was potentially vulnerable to be rebutted with same arguments. The same happened in case of perspectives debate of partition of Punjab.

The other factors were operationalized aiming at granting the Sikhs special status in Punjab. As mentioned earlier, the special status was claimed on the basis of

 Sikhs being former ruling contingent of Punjab

 Sikhs being loyal to colonial masters

 Sikhs being developers of canal colonies

 Sikhs being contributor in military assignments

 Sikhs having religious sacred places in Punjab

 Sikhs being the native Punjabi speaking community76

As far as claim of Sikhs to have special status on the basis being former ruling class of Punjab is concerned, it seems quite awkward because Muslims had ruled Punjab for almost 8 centuries77, and the Hindus being primitive rulers of the land78. However, it is important to mention that Sikhs did not asserted this point much as they realized that this argument was weightless for any community to claim79. Furthermore, the claim of Sikhs being loyal to colonial

75 Sikh Memorandum, 23. In the Ambala Division, the Sikhs are mainly concentrated in the Sirsa sub-district of the Hissar district and Rupar and Kharar sub-districts of the Ambala district. These three sub-districts of the Ambala Division are contiguous to the central districts of the Jullundur Division. 76 Sikh Memorandum, 1947 77 Jagtar Singh Grewal, Muslim Rule in India: The Assessments of British Historians (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1970), 165. 78 Majid Sheikh, “How last Hindu ruler of Lahore went away”, Daily Dawn,”, Jan 05, 2014. 79 Sikh Memorandum, 25.

77 masters is historically incorrect. Annexation of Punjab by the British was claimed owing to reported political shenanigans of the Sikhs80. There are two series of wars between the British and the Sikh empire. How is it possible that there are two series of wars between two clouts and they still claim to be trustworthy for each other? Baba Ram Singh Nandhari81, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, and Gurdwara Reform Movement of the Sikhs (1921-24) are obvious factors of the Sikh claim. The Akali Dal was political voice of the Sikh community. They have contributed in freedom movement and that contribution is acknowledged even by stall worthies of INC including Pundit Moti Lal Nehru82, Pandat Madan Mohan83 Malaviya, Lala Lajpat Rai84, and Dadabhai Naoroji85. The ‘sole spokesperson’86 of Sikh community Master Tara Singh said,

I would not mind if you, instead of standing with the Congress, boycott it and stand in front of it in the fight for India’s freedom. But if you boycott the Congress and stand in the back lane, it will be a shame for our community87. However, there are some allegations regarding role of the Sikh community regarding failure of the War of Independence in 1857. It is opined that betrayal of Sikhs was a major factor of failure of war of independence Regarding this blame, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad writes that pronouncing mutiny of 1857 as a freedom war on the behalf of whole Indian people is a historical misquote and mere a political propaganda88. Ganda Singh89 writes that how the Sikhs could be blamed for betrayal in a situation where Sikhs were not even consulted for joining the war90. No clout supported their resistance against British in Punjab91. The question of sidelining with British and betraying the War of Freedom (1857) could be possible if Sikhs had joined the war and then made a pact with enemy camps92. The whole discussion substantiate only one thing that Sikh

80 Sikh Memorandum, 10. 81 The Namdharis strongly believe that the tenth Guru Gobind Singh lived up to the age of 146 years and then nominated Balak Singh of Hazro as his successor in 1812. They negate the theory that the tenth guru had appointed the Guru Granth Sahib as his successor in 1708. They have their one long line of gurus, who succeeded Balak Singh till 1872, when their last guru was exiled by the British in 1872. They strongly believe that their leader will soon return. They are strict vegetarians, animal activists and have strong views against caste system and practice of dowry. For further studies see, Anuradha Kumar, Caste conflict in Sikhism: Vision and reality, Sikh Review 51(8),(Amitsar: Journal of Sikh Studies:2003):75–76; For detailed study see also, Ethne K. Marenco, The transformation of Sikh society (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1976). The technique of non-co-operation adopted by Mahatma Gandhi is preceded by the Namdhari crusade by boycotting British institutions and trying to be self-sufficient with the native ways and means. 82 ” I salute the Akalis who have started the struggle for freedom and are fighting for it.” 83 “Guru Ka Bagh Morcha has given birth to the freedom movement which must lead us to Swaraj” 84 Freedom is our birthright. The Akalis are the legitimate sons of Mother India who are fighting for her 85 The Sikh brothers have shown us the way to freedom; no one can keep us slaves any more. 86 Majid Chowk, “The rage of the Sikhs sole spokesman” Daily Dawn, Oct 30, 2012. 87 K S Duggal, Sikhs in the Freedom Struggle. 88 Surendra Nath Sen, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad in in his foreword to Eighteen Fifty-seven (New Delhi: Publication Division of the Government of India). 89 Ganda Singh was a prolific Punjabi historian. Ganda Singh was born on November 15, 1900, at Hariana, a town in Hishiarpur. He died on 27 November 1987. 90 Ganda Singh, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 and the Sikhs (Amritsar: Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, 1969), 23. 91 Turab-ul-Hassan Sargana, Punjab’s Role in the War of Independence 1857-58: An Analysis. 92 Ganda Singh, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 and the Sikhs, 23.

British relations were not that optimum as claimed by the Sikhs and it invalidate Sikh’s claim of being loyal to colonial masters.

Another major claim of Sikhs is related to Canal Colony districts. They claimed districts of Sheikhupura, Gujranwala, Lyallpur, and Montgomery on this basis. Lyallpur being headquarters of canal colonies and owing to concentration of Sikh population bears additional significance. They claimed these districts on the basis of following three arguments as mentioned previously too,

 Sikhs have developed canal colonies

 Sikhs pay heavy revenue turnout to the govt.

 The families of Sikh community are dispersed in Colony districts and East Punjab districts. Hence, depriving the Sikhs of this land would demarcate humans also93.

First of all, these concerns or reservations of the Sikhs are genuine and the study does not disagree with this. However, demanding the whole land to govern and administer seems improvident and pragmatic. It was not the land resided by Sikhs only; hence it was essential to consider other stakeholders also. In beginning of the argument, it is important to consider that the project of canal colonization was not an initiative of the Sikh government; rather it was initiative of British government materialized under supervision of Lord Curzon94. The canal colony districts especially Lyallpur was developed by the migrants mainly95. It was not sole Sikh community who sweated for the development of these districts but the Muslims equally involved96. Sikhs have quoted references of Sir Malcolm Darling in order to substantiate their efficient farming. Malcolm Darling writes about Muslim farmers

The Arain, the price of market gardeners, is his (Sikh’s) only rival. As thrifty as he is prolific, for dawn till eve bent over cabbage and onion, able to draw a living from the tiniest plot, the Arian extracts, as we have seen, the last ounce of produce out of the soil. Lyallpur was certainly fortunate in the selection of its colonists97. Furthermore, the boast of Sikhs of agricultural dominance is not much validated as 64% of canal colony land was owned by the Muslims. Sikhs had mere 26%, Hindus 9%, and

93 Sikh Memorandum, 28. 94 Atta Muhammad, “Mastery over Geography and the Rise of Social Development: A Case Study of the Canal Irrigation System of the West Punjab during Colonial India”, Academic Research International 1, no. 3 (2011): 65. 95 Imran Ali, Sikh Settlers in the Western Punjab during British rule: Punjabi Identity in a Global Context (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 139-151. 96 Malcolm Darling, “Punjab peasant in prosperity and debt”, 136- 137. 97 Malcolm Darling, “Punjab peasant in prosperity and debt”, 136- 137.

Christians 1 %. Even among occupancy tenants, and tenants at will, the Muslim percentage was much higher. For example, the Sikhs repeatedly claimed Montgomery, but in Montgomery district, out of total area of 122953 acres held by tenant at will, Muslims occupied 837892, and out of total area of 298145 acres held there by the occupancy tenants, the Muslims share comes up to 233931 acres98. As far land revenue is concerned, it is true that Sikhs paid heavy land revenue. However, this case has two major aspects. First of all it presents the Sikhs being major beneficiary of the canal colonization as they got big land allotments. The second aspect is that not only the Sikhs paid land revenue, but the all allottees. Moreover, the claim of Sikhs that they paid higher revenue than any other community seems statistically incorrect. For example, in Lyallpur, 69.1% of Muslim population paid 5436870 Rs as land revenue against area of 1074019 acres, whereas, 43.7% of cumulative population paid 3638323 Rs against area of 562998 acres. Similarly statistics of other districts also present the picture other way round than the Sikh claims99.

Demarcating between the families in case of partition was a valid concern on the behalf of the Sikhs, but it was the insistence of the Sikhs who was leading to partition of Punjab. Muslim League also raised the same concern. Rather it would be precise to say that proposals of Sikhs were wrongly attempting to secure 18% on the cost of more than 60% population. Similar case is associated with their claims of shrines and military assignments. If shrines to be considered, then Muslims could claim whole India as their religious sacred places are included in Indian side. Moreover, the Sikhs’ claim of military contributions can be given accolade but preference to Muslim contributions would be again statistically and historically incorrect. Muslims comprised almost one third of Indian British troops for 2nd world war.

The whole discussion implies that the differences between the Muslims and the Sikhs were political and circumstantial instead of ideological. The Sikh perspective might look impressive when studied it solely, however, it might seem containing several logical gaps when analyzed critically in a broader perspective. Moreover, it is evident in discussion that Sikh Muslim interests were interlinked. The differences could be negotiated and political solutions could be driven out. However, the differences failed to reconcile and issues could not reach rapprochement.

98 Partition of Punjab, Vol 3, 33. 99 Partition of Punjab, 152-153.

Muslim League in Punjab and Political Tussle with Sikhs

The claim of Muslim League to be sole representatives of Muslims and two nation theory to be collective political voice of Indian Muslims got mandate in the elections of 1946 where Muslim league gained vivid majority among Muslim seats. It contributed largely in consolidating Muslims League’s stance. Moreover, their performance was key player in this regard as Punjab was going to be fate changer of Indian politics in upcoming years100. Jinnah had realized that Punjab was the cornerstone to materialize Pakistan. The importance of the Punjab as the nucleus of the demand of the Muslim League for Pakistan made it the hot-bed of all types of political intrigues101. Every political party tried its best to turn the election results in its favor. Some of the historians are of the view that the election campaign of the political parties was responsible to widen social gap between the Muslim league and other communities. But the elections were held in separate constituencies under separate electorate, therefore, it does not deem fit to blame the canvassing for the social chaos rather than conniving for ministry formation. Owing to separate electorate principle, no party could contest, except in its constituency, such as the Akali Daland the Muslim League. Therefore, form the day one; it was clear to everyone that they were going to form coalition government.

Though Muslim league had gained vivid majority and captured 79 out of 86 Muslims seats in Punjab and emerged as leading political force, yet it could not form its government in Punjab owing to communal award that altered majority of Muslim league into minority. Congress and Akali Dal made an alliance and in their negotiations with the Muslim League, put up certain conditions which were unacceptable to the League. The League could not reach a separate agreement with the Sikhs as they insisted on their claim for a Sikh State in the event of the establishment of Pakistan. Eventually, a coalition ministry consisting of Congress, Akali and Unionist parties, under the leadership of Malik Khizr Hayat Khan was formed102. Unionist party had lost its absolute popularity in Punjab and its seats had reduced to 18 which were previously 96. It rendered political standing of Khizr Hayat bit fragile in Punjab. Khizr’s government could not bear the political pressure of Muslim League and its direct action plan. Resignation of khizr proved to be watershed in the politics of Punjab and apprehended Sikh community in Punjab103. According to Riaz Ahmed, there was unwritten agreement between the Governor and the

100 Sharif al Mujahid, “1945-46 Elections and Pakistan: Punjab’s Pivotal Role”, Pakistan Vision 11 no. 1.(Lahore, Punjab University, 2010). 101 Satya M Roy, Partition of the Punjab (A study of its effects on the politics and administration of the Punjab.(New Delhi: Asia Publishing house,ud), 41. 102 Satya M Roy, Partition of the Punjab, 41. 103 Tahir Kamran, “The Unfolding Crisis in Punjab, March-August 1947: Key Turning Points and British Responses”, JPS 14, no. 2 (2007):189-190.

President, Punjab Muslim League that Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana Ministry will be removed in order to call off political strikes. As a result of this agreement Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana submitted resignation to the Governor on 2 March 1947. Thus the Muslim League agitation won and was able to get rid of the Unionist-Congress Ministry in the Punjab104. In order to fill the political gap, Jenkins attempted for communal cooperation and formation of Mamdots’ ministry but the Sikh community openly expressed their reservations. Master Tara Singh vividly said that they would not join Muslim League’s ministry under any circumstances. Baldev Singh declared it political shenanigan of Muslim league to undo inter communal ministry which he pronounced sinister move on the behalf of League to prevail its hegemony in Punjab105. In simple words, the political turmoil had accelerated communal disharmony which led to violence as well. Rawalpindi riots aggravated the situation and drove the unrest to the level of irreconcilability. Congress and Sikh community reiterated partition of Punjab on communal lines106.

Division of Punjab seems strange phenomenon as none of the major stakeholders approved partition of Punjab. It seems as if congress and Sikhs demanded partition of Punjab just to counter proposal of Pakistan. Partition of Punjab served interests of neither community. In other words, it can be said that Sikhs compromised their interests just to harm Muslim League. There were some evidences; the Punjab Congress was to carry the Sikhs with them on the instructions of their High Command107. While expressing about partition resolution, Baba Kharak Singh (president of the Central Akali Dal) called the partition of the Punjab a betrayal - a deviation from the path of the great Sikh Gurus. He called the demand of a section of Sikh panth unfair. The future of lakhs of the Sikhs in the West Punjab was at a high risk. He was in favor of plebiscite on the issue of the Punjab division108. Raghuvendra Tanwar admitted that the newspapers in the Punjab did not approve the resolution of the Punjab division109. Sarat Chandra Boss called the resolution, a defeatist mentality and was no solution of the communal problem110. Ayesha Jalal reveals that the provincial Congress Committee also did not support the partition idea. She added that the Sikhs from the West Punjab too were not in favor of partition. According to her, a sub-committee of the Panthic members of the Assembly stoutly opposed the partition proposal that was supported by Sikhs of the capitalist and Akali persuasions and rejected by those

104 Riaz Ahmad, “Muslim Punjab’s Fight for Pakistan: League’s Agitation Against the Coalition Ministry of Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana, January-March 1947”, Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 28, no.1, (2007): 43. 105 Jenkin to Wavel, no 652,3rd March 1947. MB1/D259; T Kamran, “The Unfolding Crisis in Punjab, March-August 1947: Key Turning Points and British Responses”, JPS 14, no. 2 (2007):191. 106 T Kamran, The Unfolding Crisis, 194. 107 Ahmad, The Punjab Muslim League 1906-1947, 240. 108 RaghuvendraTanwar, Reporting the Partition of the Punjab, 1947, 128. 109 Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of the Punjab, 1947, 128. 110 N.H. Mitra, The Indian Annual Register Vol.l, 1947,46.

82 of the Congress nationalist ilk111. Jenkins too stated that the Hindus of the Rawalpindi and Multan Divisions were protesting against the partition of the Punjab112. Even six weeks later of the passing of this resolution, Jenkins reported that the Hindus were in favor of partition; anyhow, he was not sure about the Hindus of Rawalpindi and Multan Divisions113. Thus, the Sikh as well as the Hindu public was not agreed upon the partition unanimously. It had been the exaggerated stories of Rawalpindi massacres that paved the path for negative public opinion.

Offers of Muslim League

Though Sikh community had reservations regarding alliance with Muslim League as they thought it unacceptable to submit to Muslim domination, yet role of Muslim League seems conciliatory towards Sikh community. Sikh community had reservations about fall of Khizr’s ministry and blamed Muslim League for this. But that was apparently a fragile alliance. Majority winning party was cornered and minority parties were asked to form ministry. It seemed politically impractical. On his departure, Glancy also reported that,

There is no denying that the coalition is an ill-assorted conglomeration and there is no saying how long it will last. A coalition which includes so small a percentage of Muslims is a strange anomaly in this province. Evan Jenkins who succeeded Glancy reported in his very first report on 5 April 1946 that, “though there is as yet no sign of a compromise between the League and the Sikhs, it is through such a compromise that the coalition is most likely to be dissolved”114. As far Sikhs are concerned, Muslim League had always attempted to gravitate Sikhs through enticing offers. League had assured Sikhs the protection of their rights and attempted to assuage their reservations. Iftikhar Mamdot reiterated constitution of Pakistan to be democratic and minorities’ friendly. He also showed flexibility to negotiate with Sikhs on reasonable terms115. Feroz Khan Noon offered a table talk in a press conference to the Sikhs to resolve the issue. He also offered to respect from the Muslim side to their will of separation if the majority of the Sikhs were in its favor116. He offered five out of eleven seats to the Sikh community in the Muslim League ministry but all his efforts proved futile to bring round the Sikhs117. It seems that Sikh had nonpolitical attitude towards Muslim League and they had ear to Congress that resultantly proved

111 Ayehsa Jalal, Self and sovereignty: Individual and community in South Asian Islam since 1850 (New York: Routledge, 2002), 519- 520. 112 Lional Carter,Punjab Politics, March - May 1947, 76. 113Carter,Punjab Politics,154. 114 Carter, Punjab Politics, 180-181. 115 Mansergh, The Transfer of Power, Vol.vii, 91. 116 A.B. Rajput, Muslim League: Yesterday and Today (New Delhi: Ashraf Publishers, 1948), 173. 117 Ahmad, The Punjab Muslim League 1906-1947, 338.

83 fatal to their interest. That’s why, their attitude towards rapprochement efforts was non responsive. Then a delegation comprising of Iftikhar Mamdot, Mumtaz Daultana and Feroz Khan Noon met Jenkins. They stated that they had made efforts to contact with the Sikh leaders for rapprochement but they turned down their desire. Therefore, the delegation requested Jenkins for mediation in between the both. Jenkins was of the view that the Sikhs blamed the Muslims for the attacks and were not in happy mood at this time. He also disclosed that the Sikhs might be closer to the Congress than to the League so it was hard to break up118. A.B. Rajput was of the view that the riots in the province proved harmful for the ministry making of the League. That was why the League had been trying to find way out to console the Sikhs. However, every effort of them ended on a dot119. Harbans Singh gave his point of view that at that time the Muslims offered the Sikhs whatever maximum they could but the Sikhs could not came around. They were unwilling to put the Punjab on the mercy of the Muslims in Pakistan that until then had become a certainty120. Thus, the Muslim League gave its assurances of a fair share to the Sikhs at all levels of the administration but they turned down all such overtures121.

Iftikhar Mamdot stated that, “the latest demand for the partition of the province on property basis is, in reality no more than a subterfuge”. Therefore, he asserted, “The Sikhs too know that none is going to take it seriously, but it may create the necessary grounds for stepping back”. In his statement, Mumtaz Daultana appealed the Sikh compatriots to give second thought, as partition would make them ineffective on the both sides of dividing line. It would sever their connections, disrupt their life, and isolate them from the places enriched by their culture, their religion, and their industry. He concluded that, “let us judge the past in its true perspective and apportion blame in the stem light of justice and in no case must we, in anger or in hatred, despoil and disrupt our future destiny”, because the Muslims and the Sikhs were destined to live together. He advocated holding a round table conference to solve the Punjab problems122. However, in his statement Feroz Khan Noon expressed Muslims’ efforts to prevent the Sikhs from committing political suicide123. The more they tried to win them over the more their leaders pushed them into the Congress lap. He asserted that the Muslims would not be willing to surrender an inch of the Punjab territory as, “if we divide the land of the five rivers with its common irrigation system, we are laying the foundations of future wars”124. The Sikh leaders

118 Carter, Punjab Politics, 240. 119 A.B. Rajput, Muslim League Yesterday and Today, 176. 120 Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1985), 315. 121 Akhtar Hussain Sandhu, Punjab: An Anatomy of Muslim Sikh Politics, 179-180. 122 Zulfiqar Mohal, The Unfolding Crisis in Punjab March- August, 1947: Key Turning Points and British Responses (Phd diss., GCU Lahore, 2016), 131. 123 Feroz Khan Noon, Chashm-i- Deed (Lahore: Takhleeqat Publications, 1968), 57. 124 Daily Pakistan Timess, Lahore May 7, 1947; Daily Nawa-i- Waqt Lahore, May 6, 1947.

84 considered this statement as an open challenge to their community whereas the Muslims of the Punjab appreciated it125. Professor Muhammad Hasan, a well-known economist, was of the view that the division of the Punjab was extremely different as compared to the division of India. It would not interfere with its productive capacity. On the other hand, fragmentation of the Punjab would involve a complete disruption of the province’s productive system and distribution machinery126. While opposing the Congress and the Akali demand for the partition of the Punjab, Shaukat Hayat Khan too suggested a round table conference of the Punjab leaders and said that after examining their individual cases, “let the Hindus, Muslim and Sikh leaders of the Punjab put their heads together and find a solution which would benefit all. Thus instead of leading our masses to bloodshed, let us find balm to heal the lacerated body of our beloved land of rivers”127. All such statements by the League leaders showed that the Punjab Muslims wanted to make successful negotiations with the Sikhs to resist proposed Punjab partition but the British did not encourage any such efforts for rapprochement between them. The Muslim League attempted her best to gravitate Sikhs by giving them winsome offers of extra representation and special status in Punjab; however it was turned down by the Sikhs on the grounds ‘attractive yet insufficient’.

Jinnah’s Offers for an Autonomous Sikh State

The Punjab Muslims were still in a hope that the Sikhs would see some sense by concluding a compromise with the Muslim League. On 4 May 1947, in his interview with Jinnah and Liaquat, Lord Mountbatten asked them that the Sikhs were in truculent frame of mind so he thought that it would be a good thing if Jinnah would see the Maharaja Patiala to have a talk with him. Jinnah responded in positive128. Therefore, it was left on Sir Eric Mieville that he should get into touch with the Patiala to make this suggestion to him. Then, on 14 May, Jinnah and the Maharaja of Patiala had a long talk in this respect. According to Ayesha Jalal, “Jinnah’s meeting with the Maharaja of Patiala aroused some speculations in Muslim League ranks which optimistically hoped that some compromise could still be reached between the League and Panthic leaders”129, but nothing could steer Master Tara Singh away from the war path. Regarding Jinnah-Patiala negotiations, Jahan Ara Shahnawaz described that, “Quaid-i-Azam agreed to give the Sikhs a compact Sikh state within the Punjab”130. According to her, in spite of

125 Ahmad, The Punjab Muslim League, 349-350. 126 Daily Pakistan Timess, Lahore, 9 May 1947; Daily Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, 9 May 1947. 127 Daily Pakistan Timess, Lahore, May 11, 1947. 128 Kirpal Singh (ed.), Select Documents on Partition of Punjab-1947 India and Pakistan (Delhi: National Book Shop, 1991), 84; The Daily Pakistan Timess, Lahore May 12, 1947; See also, Akhtar Hussain Sandhu, Punjab: An Anatomy of Muslim Sikh Politics, (Lahore: Dogar Publishers, 2014). 129 Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam since 1850 (New York:Routledge, 2002), 528. 130 Jamil-ud-din Ahmad, Quaid-i-Azam as Seen by His Contemporaries (Lahore: Publishers United Ltd., 1966), 100; See also, Ziauddin Ahmad Suleri, Muhammad Ali Jinnah: the architect of Pakistan (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 2000), 92.

85 it, they insisted on having a separate Sikh army, which of course, was out of the question, and the negotiations broke down131. Satya M. Rai stated that Jinnah tried to disrupt Hindu-Sikh unity by making an offer of an autonomous Sikh province within Pakistan but the Akali leaders decided to throw in their lot with India132. She quoted that in an interview Master Tara Singh admitted that he had thought about the proposal for some time but dismissed it on account of deep social and cultural ties between the Hindus and the Sikhs133.

The Maharaja reported to the Viceroy that during his negotiation with Jinnah, he tried to make him realize about the disastrous consequences of the partition of India. It would make an irrefutable claim for the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. However, according to him, “Mr. Jinnah does not view with favor the proposed partition of the Punjab although his demand is a direct corollary of the claim for a separate sovereign Muslim State”, thus, he found Mr. Jinnah uncompromising and adamant134. Raghuvendra Tanwar mentioned another suggestion by Maharaja to Jinnah. That suggestion was unknown to the Viceroy’s office. According to him, “the Maharaja of Patiala had suggested to Jinnah that the only way to avoid the partition of the Punjab and have the Sikhs stay on in Pakistan was to give them a separate army under their own commanders”. Therefore, “though Jinnah was willing to go a long way to woo the Sikhs,” but he was unwilling to concede this demand135. Harbans Singh also writes that,

“At the instance of the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten two of the Sikh Maharajas - Yadavendra Singh of Patiala and Harinder Singh of Faridkot held separate talks with Mr. Jinnah. The League leader repeated his usual assurance for the protection of the rights of their community, but the Sikh rulers were too well trained in the art of statecraft to put their trust in the vague guarantees offered. The negotiations started by the Viceroy were foredoomed to failure.”136 In this relation, Sher Muhammad Garewal asserted that the Maharaja asked Jinnah about terms and conditions to accede Patiala State to Pakistan. At this, Jinnah handed over a writing pad and pen to the Maharaja and said that, “you write down the conditions and I shall accept them. The Maharaja wavered and could not decide”137. According to Sadiq A. Gill, Jinnah reiterated at length while pointing out that, “if the whole of the Punjab were included in Pakistan the rights of the Sikhs as a community would be respected by the Pakistan Government and they would have a

131 Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, 528. 132 Satya M. Rai, Legislative Politics and Freedom Struggle on the Punjab 1897-1947 (New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research, 1984), 326. 133 Satya M. Rai, Legislative Politics and Freedom Struggle, 326. 134 Kirpal Singh, Documents on Partition of Punjab, 84. 135 RaghuvendraTanwar, Reporting Partition of Punjab, 187. 136 Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs, (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1985), 322. 137 Sher Muhammad Garewal, “Quaid-i-Azam and Sikhs,” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 36, no.4 (Lahore ,1999): 8.

86 real voice in the affairs of the country. They would have as many representatives in the Pakistan parliament as Sind or the North West Frontier Province and that if a Sikh proved his ability as a public servant he would be given a position of responsibility, same would be apply to a Hindu or to the members of the minority communities”138.

Baldev Singh. Mr. Jinnah met Sikh leaders and assured them that if they joined us, they would receive a very fair deal. In the later stages, i.e. on the eve of independence, he was even prepared to concede to the Sikhs a small homeland of their own within borders of West Pakistan where in they could be autonomous in the day to day life and administration of the state139. However, according to him, the Sikh leaders refused and said that, “they would have no truck with the Muslim League nor they want a share in Pakistan. They even went to the extent of openly declaring that they were basically Hindus”140. Kirpal Singh illustrated that, “Mr. Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan agreed to the formation of the Sikh state with its separate military establishment within Pakistan, provided the Sikhs did not insist on the partition of the Punjab and agreed to join Pakistan”. In his point of view, “the Sikh leaders demanded the right of opting out of Pakistan for the Sikh state and the Muslim League leaders did not agree”141. Regarding Kirpal's this assertion, Sardar Kapur Singh opined that an expectation of a state for the Sikhs from Jinnah or the Muslim League within Pakistan and then arm it with the right of secession so that the Sikhs might breakup Pakistan whenever they so desired, could come only from a people too simple like the Sikhs142. He also described that Jinnah came to Lahore in May 1947 to get Tara Singh's support for the acceptance of the following proposals by the Sikhs,

i. Tthe Punjab should not be divided and whole of its should be included in Pakistan, recognizing the country lying between the Ravi and Jumna rivers as the motherland of the Sikhs within Pakistan, the Sikhs shall be a sub-nation and as such shall enjoy complete autonomy.

ii. -The Muslim accept that the Sikhs shall have 33% and 20% reserved seats in the Punjab and the Central Legislative Assemblies respectively, having the same percentage of seats in Punjab’s High Court and Pakistan’s Supreme Court.

iii. –Either of the two offices, the Govern ship or Chief Ministership of the Punjab be held by a Sikh.

138 Sadiq A. Gill, Anglo-American Diplomacy and the Emergence of Pakistan 1940-1947 (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab, 1990), 289. 139 M.A.H. Ispahani, Qauid-i-Azam Jinnah - As I knew him (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1976), 259. 140 Ispahani, Qauid-i-Azam Jinnah - As I knew him, 259. 141 Kirpal Singh, The Partition of the Punjab (Patiala: Punjabi University Patiala, 1972), 31. 142 J.S.Garewal, Quaid-e-Azam and Sikhs, 11.

iv. –The Sikhs shall have 40% share in both the Pakistan’s army and the military high command.

v. In Pakistan no law or constitution shall be implemented which is considered by the majority of the Sikhs as ultra-vie to their interest unless, however, it is declared otherwise by the higher courts.

Moreover, according to him, Jinnah was told that the Sikhs were afraid of the Muslim majority as regarding this; their previous experience was not good either.201 Therefore, Jinnah said that,

“It was in fact the Muslim who ought to feel frightened. Because Pakistan created with the help of Sikhs would provide statutory assurance and guarantee to their religion, worship places, life, property, land and other interest. With the result that within period of less than six months after the emergence of Pakistan all Hindus living in Pakistan would declare themselves to be Sikh, thus making the Sikhs (in the Punjab) a majority and converting the Muslims into minority”143. Kapur Singh recorded that he was tremendously impressed by Jinnah’s farsightedness and pragmatic approach, so, he conveyed his feelings to the top Akali leaders. These leaders instead of appreciating it behaved indifferently and ridiculously. However, according to Kapur Singh another meeting was arranged between Jinnah and Master Tara Singh. The latter looked inclined to hold talks with the former. So, after reaching at the meeting spot, “He all of sudden changed his mind, having been struck with a queer panic, slipped away very mysteriously from the back door of the bungalow only ten minutes before Jinnah’s arrival”. This meeting could not be conducted therefore another meeting was arranged between Jinnah and the Patiala. Jinnah accompanied by some Muslim and Sikh ICS officers went to Patiala. He met the Maharaja and told him that the Sikhs like the Muslims and the Hindus were undoubtedly a separate nation but as they did not have a majority in any area, so, it was not possible for the British to create a Khalistan for them even though they did not intend to leave the Sikhs unshielded. Jinnah proposed, “Instead of a Sikh state, Greater Patiala should be demanded by the Sikhs, which should include all the Sikh states lying between the Jumna and the Ravi as well as some parts of the Punjab province”. Jinnah added, “The Maharaja of Patiala being the undisputed commander of the Sikh community should be the ruler of this Greater Patiala which should join Pakistan and have all possible statutory rights”. Maharaja took some time to think over the matter with the intention to respond with in due time. Ironically, the Maharaja secretly communicated the details

143 Garewal, Quaid-e-Azam and Sikhs, 11.

88 of his talks with Jinnah to the Congress leaders in Delhi. Owing to it, negotiation broke down, bearing no fruits. Later on, giving the details of his talks with Jinnah, the Maharaja wrote an article under the title “I remember Jinnah’s offer of a Sikh state” that was published in the Tribune Ambala”.

The Raja of Faridkot also said that, “Mr. Jinnah was agreeable to the inclusion of the Sikh states within Pakistan, giving them a very substantial measure of independent action”. Sher Muhammad Grewal writes that the Sikhs did not pay any heed to Jinnah’s assurances and proved naive people to whom the Hindus and the British had exploited. By rejecting this offer, they indeed committed Himalayan blunder144. Therefore, Jamil-ud-Din Ahmed rightly asserted, “The unbiased reader can decide for himself whether the criticism about the Muslim attitude towards the Sikh is justified”145. M.A.H. Ispahani too truly maintained, “No unbiased observer, therefore, would agree with the criticism that the Muslim League did nothing to reassure and conciliate the Sikhs”146. Then, H.V. Hudson rightly concluded, “The Sikhs were in a more advantageous position, through their relationship to the main Hindu-Muslim conflict, especially in the Punjab. But they were unable, thanks largely to their own politics ineptitude, to make much of it”147. Anyhow, the British too were responsible for this failure, as they never encouraged the League- Sikh compromise whereas in the light of above mentioned facts it was a certain possibility.

Process of Partition: Advent of Mountbatten

The corollary of League and Sikh dialogue fiasco was partition of Punjab. With the advent of Lord Mountbatten as last viceroy of India with primary objective of transfer of power was last era for all stake holders to gain maximum. Sikhs had to fight final round for Sikh state, congress had to play final cards for united India, and Muslim League had to put final effort to gain Pakistan with United Punjab and Bengal. On December 18, Attlee offered Mountbatten the viceroyalty of India. He claimed to be “staggered” by the offer, so Cripps, who was at 10 Down- ing Street when Attlee proffered it, volunteered to return to India as his chief of staff. Mountbatten shuddered at that prospect, insisting it would be “too great an honor”.

The process of partition starts with the Jinnah- Shone148 meeting convened by Viceroy Mountbatten. Jinnah reiterated demand of Pakistan with undivided Punjab and Bengal, and

144 Garewal, Quaid-e-Azam and Sikhs, 13. 145 Garewal, Quaid-e-Azam and Sikhs, 13. 146 Ispahani, Qauid-i-Azam Jinnah - As I knew him, 259. 147 H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide Britain - India-Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 237 148 The British High Commissioner in India from 12 Mar 1947-11 May 1948, He also served as the United Kingdom’s Minister to Syria and Lebanon from 1944.

89 separate army149. Stanley Wolpert writes that Jinnah was opinion that Sikhs would preffer united Punjab as only United Punjab could serve their interests150. He also pronounced Sikh people “in many ways admirable people,” still lacking provident leadership151. Mountbatten presented himself controversial Viceroy152 owing to his inclination towards Nehru153 and his decisions like ‘hurried partition’154, controversial boundary commission155, and his ambition to stay in power156. There are some evidences that staff of the Viceroy was also critical regarding partition of Punjab owing to its population distribution and the Sikh factor157. They were also critical of hurried actions of Viceroy Mountbatten as the task could not be accomplished within narrow time frame of 10 months.

However, Lord Ismay gives justification of hurried partition as he mentions that the communal differences were at its peak and any delay in plan could outburst communal riots. However, there is a critique on Mountbatten’s plan that it overlooked probability of riots during course of partition. Hence the arrangements were nonexistent to counter such an atmosphere that later on was observed158. However, it is apparent out of incessant argument of Muslim regarding unity of Punjab that the League had sympathetic corner for the Sikhs not mere on political grounds but on humanistic grounds159. League had to concede to partition of Punjab owing to repetitive demand of the Sikhs.

Through the analysis of the events, it shows that Jinnah did not slowed down his endeavors to keep the Punjab and Bengal united not only for the Muslims but for the all residents of these provinces. This historical discourse raises questions about role of Sikhs as they kept on demanding partition of Punjab despite the fact that partition of Punjab was more lethal for Sikhs. Sikhs continuously kept demanding Lyallpur and other colony districts as they claimed these districts to be lifeline to their economy and religious practices. These interests could be served

149 Notes dated 16 April 1947, Shone-Jinnah Meeting, Item No. 159, Volume 10. 150 As for Punjab, he insisted that its 3.5 million Sikhs would be “making a great mistake” if they refused his offer to join Pakistan, since if Punjab were divided, the line would be drawn through their rural heartland. 151 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009), 143. 152 S. Hashim Raza’s book is collection of articles about Lord Mountbatten’s viceroyalty. The author also tried to obtain Lord Mountbatten’s viewpoints through conducting interviews and getting questionnaires filled on controversial issues. It is a balanced book reflecting both Pakistani and the British points of views, S. Hashim Raza, 65-75. 153 Alex Von Tunzelmann, Indian summer: The Secret History of the End of An Empire (New York: Macmillan, 2007), 2. 154 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful flight: The last years of the British Empire in India, 43. 155 Zahid Khan Lodhi, “Mountbatten Change the original Boundary Award”, Journal of Research Society of Pakistan 32, no. 1, (1995): 55-61; Zahid Khan Lodhi, Mountbatten Facts About the Partition (Lahore: Annoor Printer & Publishers, n.d.), 83. 156 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Revisiting The Mountbatten’s Viceroyalty, JRSP 51, no. 2, (2014): 290; “In fact a request was furnished by the Congress High Command to Mountbatten to serve as the Governor General of India after independence. This offer enticed Mountbatten to remain in office even after the independence”. 157 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 145; Cripps said, “I have been and am very worried about the Punjab part of our plan”. 158 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 146. 159 V.P. Menon, Transfer of Power, Jinnah’s Muslim League Note against Partitioning Bengal and Punjab, 17, 852; “It cannot be justified historically, economically, geographically, politically or morally. These provinces have built up their respective lives for nearly a century. The principle underlying the demand for establishment of Pakistan and Hindustan is totally different.

90 only with United Punjab. In other words, it can be said that historical events provide space to comment that Sikhs themselves were responsible for breaking down their lifeline and disturbing the whole province for worst.

Stanley Wolpert writes that on May 17, 1947 Jinnah made one final attempt to warn Mountbatten and the British cabinet against partitioning Bengal and Punjab160. He said, “The Muslim League cannot agree to the partition of Bengal and the Punjab. Because it will be sowing the seeds of future serious trouble and the results will be disastrous for the life of these two provinces”161.

Jinnah raised his concerns with Churchill162 and Sir Eric Mieville and asked for convincing Mountbatten for revisiting his decision163 in larger interest of the residents of Punjab and Bengal164. Sir Eric Mieville met with Jinnah several times in May, and on May 20 he wired Mountbatten in London:

“Jinnah told me that he thought we were going too fast. At the end of our talk he took my arm and said ‘I am not speaking as a Partisan, but I beg you to tell Lord Mountbatten once again that he will be making a grave mistake if he agrees to the partition of Bengal and the Punjab165.” The events of partition lead to infer that Mountbatten did not pay heed to ground situations and in this regard, he even tended to ignore warnings and reports of Political leaders and British administration. In this regard, reports of Governor Jenkin to Mountbatten166 and reminders of Vallabhai Patel167 regarding possible eruption of violent activities in the partitioning provinces are significant which were not responded with actions. Stanley Wolpert comments that Mountbatten was too busy in London to worry about arson and murder in the streets of Lahore168.

Mounbatten announced his return on May 22 1946 and manifested his intentions to get the partition plan (to be presented on 2nd June) finalized by the political representatives of INC, Mulism League, and Sikhs. He expected to the political representatives to accept the plan. Some British cabinet members raised concerns about possible fallouts of disorder. The Viceroy was of

160 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 145. 161 Wolpert, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 145. 162 “Churchill also understood what Jinnah meant, of course, but realized too late just how much damage Mountbatten’s frenzied rush to retreat would inflict on moth-eaten Pakistan and the princes he loved and admired”. Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 147. 163 “I am not speaking as a Partisan, but I beg you to tell Lord Mountbatten once again that he will be making a grave mistake if he agrees to the partition of Bengal and the Punjab” Jinnah’s Muslim League Note against Partitioning Bengal and Punjab, 17 May, For further Studies, see also, V.P.Menon, Transfer of Power, 852. 164 Mieville to Mountbatten, 20 May, 916. 165 Mieville to Mountbatten, 20 May, 916. 166 Jenkins to Sir J. Colville, Acting Viceroy, 21 May; Ibid., 927; the report warns of possible riots in Lahore 167 Patel to Sir J. Colville, Acting Viceroy, 21 May; Ibid. 928, 29; Patel reminded Colville that “Lord Mountbatten gave the assurance that in future such disturbances would be put down with an iron hand”. 168 Stanley Walport, Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India, 148.

91 opinion that the differences between the communities were so intense and their interests so conflicting that a concerted plan (fulfilling all demands of all stakeholders) would be impossible169. It was mainly suggested to follow cabinet mission plan a guide and ensure ultimate smooth British withdrawal170. Lord Wavell opined a time frame of one year suitable to accomplish the task of transferring power171. It suggest end of 1948 as deadline for the transfer of power, that would initiate from winding up of the Secretary of State’s Services and ultimately end with the departure of British troops.

Based on the analysis of Mountbatten of Indian situation after his meetings with Indian leaders, a draft was devised. A session was moved on 10 April1947 in the office of Viceroy attended by Viceroy Staff only; the draft was consulted. After staff consultation, it was sent to London in early May 1947 where Lord Ismay briefed the cabinet on the plan172. These principles were the outcome of the preceding events that had been unfolding since his arrival in India, and were categorized as below:

(a) ‘Although Mr. Jinnah was determined to have Pakistan, and Congress, with the exception of Mr. Gandhi, appeared to be prepared to let him have it, no mention of Pakistan as such should be made in the announcement giving the plan for India’s future.

(b) There would be demission of power to provinces, who would be free at their own discretion to join together into one or more groups. These groups would be free to form their own constituent Assemblies. States would be free to join if and as they desired.

(c) The Interim Government, possibly strengthened by the inclusion of Mr. Jinnah, would remain in being until at least June 1948; Provinces would, however, be at liberty to withdraw to themselves with subjects excluding certain reserved subjects, as they wished.

(d) The Punjab and Bengal would be partitioned.

(e) There would be a general election in the N.W.F.P. and possibly in other provinces also.

(f) Apart from the plan proper, which would simply be announced and not subject to agreement, advice in the form of a charter would be tendered to the Indian leaders on how certain points might be dealt with after the departure of the British. Their agreement

169 Michael Edwardes, The Last Years of British India (London: Cassell, 1963), 145-146.

171 Wavell to Pethick-Lawrence, 3 February 1947, T.O.P., Vol.9, 596 172 See Mountbatten Papers, Viceroy’s eleventh miscellaneous meeting, 10 May 1947, Doc.2, 268-272.

to these would have to be obtained. An example would be laid down by the Commander- in-Chief before we left173.

The plan incorporated principle of making it “known to all” and the provinces were to be given the right to decide ‘whether they will all work with the present Constituent Assembly; whether only some will adhere to it (Hindustan); and whether others will wish to set to set up a new Constituent Assembly (Pakistan)174. However, Punjab, Bengal and Assam enjoyed prerogative to decide either for partition or against it. Owing to the communal and political situation of India, even Mountbatten seemed bit uncertain of the feasibility of his formula, but he had to go for it tentatively175. Stanley Wolpert seems critical of Mountbatten’s approach and views his obsession for speedy transfer of power responsible for the problems in partition. Just for the sake of political appreciation an idea of hasty transfer of power that lacked consideration of several important factors surely provides sound justification for Churchill to call it shameful flight176.

As mentioned earlier, stance of Jinnah seemed reinforcing United Punjab and Bengal177. Jenkin did not support the idea of referendum and disapproved. Jenkin believed that any solution about Punjab should get concrete response from communities. The resposes that neither showed willingness nor disagreement were potentially detrimental to peace of province178. Nehru and the Congress had been ‘passionately attached to the idea of a United India’ but had reluctantly conceded to partition, in the expressed hope of avoiding conflict179. The Sikh community had unshakable commitment to partition of the Punjab was deep rooted to the extent that it was ‘difficult, and perhaps impossible for them to take a different line180. The division of Punjab was going to result into partition of Sikh community and their dream of Khalistan was becoming untrue that was becoming unacceptable for Sikhs. The cost of partition of Punjab would be economic, cultural, and religious attachments of Sikh community which was unaffordable for them181. In such an atmosphere of conflicting views, divergent interests and the Viceroy decided upon meeting the Indian leaders, who in his opinion ‘have refused to agree to anything other than partition, and even that with bad grace’182. The purpose was to resolve the political crisis and reach a conclusive settlement with regard to the planning of India’s partition which was to be

173 Viceroy’s staff Meetings, Uncirculated Record of Discussion No.5, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 176-177 174 Viceroy’s Personal Report No. 5, 1 May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 533-534. 175 Viceroy’s Personal Report No. 5, I May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 534. 176 Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight, 143. 177 Minutes of Viceroy’s Ninth Miscellaneous Meeting, 1 May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 507. 178 Mountbatten to Ismay, 5 May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 628. 179 Nehru to Mountbatten, 1 May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 519. 180 Jenkins to Mountbatten, 30 April 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 506. 181 Viceroy’s Personal Report No. 6, 8 May 1947, T.O.P, Vol.10, 685. 182 Viceroy’s Personal Report No.5, 1 May 1947, T.O.P., Vol. 10, 534.

93 largely based on his draft Plan, incorporating the suggestions and recommendations of His Majesty’s Government as recorded by Lord Ismay in London.

All major stakeholders accepted the plan with reservations. Jinnah accepted the decision as a settlement183 and left the validating decision to central executive committee184. However, he also acknowledged and appreciated efforts of Mountbatten185. Baldev Singh also ratified the plan with reservations and called it ‘settlement’186. Mountbatten on June 4 explained how he had worked in conciliation with Indian leadership and devised a roadmap of transfer of power. He however asserted to maintain order in remaining processes187.

However, major Sikh leadership disagreed with plan and conveyed their concerns to Governor Jenkins. Sikh pioneers were in consistent contact with British. The Akali DalWorking Committee met on 2 June 1947 in Delhi. The meeting was attended by Gyani Kartar Singh (Chairman), Tara Singh, Amar Singh Dosanjh, Pritam Singh Gojran, Mangal Singh Gill, Swaran Singh, Ujjal Singh and Baldev Singh Baldev Singh. The pioneers chose to campaign for a division of Punjab, however to keep up the unity of the community, it was asked to mark the borders to Chenab. In 1947, Giani Kartar Singh, Shiromani Akali Dal, conveyed to Sir Evan Jenkins, that political voice of Sikhs (Akali Dal) had not endorsed the partition proposal and Baldev Singh had acknowledged the arrangement without counseling the party. The Sikhs energized the gathering of Nankana Sahib, the origination of Guru Nanak, the originator of Sikhism, in Punjab. To underline their perspective, they saw on July 8, 1947, as Nankana Sahib Day. The national division in the division arranges had similarly separated the Sikhs into East and West Punjab. Referring to the position of the Sikhs, Mountbatten said he found that

It was mainly at the request of the Sikh community that the congress had put forward the resolution on the partition of the Punjab….but when I studied the distribution of the sikh population….i was astounded to find that the plan which they had produced divided their community into two almost equal parts. I have spent a great deal of time both out here and in England in seeing whether threw was any solution which would keep the Sikh community more together… I have not found that solution188.

183 Text of Jinnah’s Broadcast, 3 June “The plan does not meet, in some important respects our point of view”. 184 Text of Jinnah’s Broadcast, 3 June, 97-98 “final decision could only be taken by the council of the all India Muslim league”. 185 Text of Jinnah’s Broadcast, 3 June, 97-98 “The viceroy has battled against various forces very bravely, and the impression that he has left on my mind is that he was actuated by a high sense of fairness and impartiality”. 186 187 The Times reports on Lord Mountbatten’s radio broadcast on partition, 4 June 1947(CAB 21/2038). The Times (June 4, 1947) Transcript available at the website of the National Archives, Official Archive of the UK Government. 188 Walport, Shameful flight, 154.

Ch. Muhammad Ali writes that plan was accomplished with an apparent objective of transferring powers to Indian people according to their wishes189. Ishtiaq Ahmed writes Mountbatten acknowledged significance of Sikhs as major stake holder of partition but viewed all their proposals unfeasible190. Though Muslim League, Congress, and Baldev Singh had accepted plan, but they accepted it as they had no other option. Partition of India was inevitable despite opposition of congress owing to inflexible demand of Muslim league for Pakistan. Punjab was going to be partitioned despite unwillingness of League and owing to unwillingness of Sikhs to live under Muslim rule. That was situation of something better than nothing. Even Gandhi conceded that British government should not be blamed for partition, rather it was outcome of unbridgeable inter communal trust deficit. Lubna saif is of the opinion that Nehru had the assurance from Mountbatten that Muslim League would be made sufficiently realized ‘that the grant of Pakistan was dependent upon the partition of the Punjab191. Jenkin remarked that partition plan did not all go down well with Punjabis in general, while the politicians put their own spin on the pronouncement. He opined that political parties had agreed to the idea of division but for different reasons192.

On 9 June, the leading group of the whole Indian Muslim League met in Delhi and received a determination for the arrangement. The Council gave Jinnah full authority to "acknowledge the essential standards of the arrangement as a settlement and take every important measure and choices in contact with it193. Sikhs in their press conference though appreciated partition of Punjab, yet showed reservation on partition formula as it could harm their integrity in the province194. On june 14, the all India congress committee passed a resolution accepting the plan, although it regretted, the secession of some parts of the country195. Govind Ballabh Pant moved the resolution. Abul Kalam Azad and some others opposed it. Azad’s distress is understandable; he was the only congress leader who genuinely supported the cabinet mission plan196. But it was Patel who delivered the key note address. He used the analogy of diseased body and argued that if one limb was poisoned it must be removed quickly lest the entire organism suffer irreparably. The speech was typical of the man pointed, brutally frank,

189 Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1973), 147. 190 Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed, 247. 191 Lubna Saif, “Kashmir and 3 June Plan,” Pakistan Vision 14 no. 1,102 (2013): 98. 192 Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan, 218. 193 Abdul Quddus, The Political Parties and the Constitutional Reforms in British-India, 1909-1947 (New Delhi: Gatidhara, 2001), 255. 194 Vapal Pangunni Menon, Transfer of Power in India (New York: Princeton University Press, 2015), 384. 195 , Abdul Quddus. The Political Parties and the Constitutional Reforms in British-India, 1909-1947 (Dhaka: Gati Dhara, 2001), 255- 256. 196 Asghar Ali Engineer, “Maulana Azad and Partition”, Dawn News, Aug 15, 2010.

95 unemotional Gandhi threw his support in favor the resolution and it was carried by 157 votes to 29 with 32 obstentions197.

By far the worst and most destructive sentiments were prevalent among the Sikhs. They had insisted on the partition of the Punjab but now were seething with anger at the consequence of their own demand. On the surface they were quiet, and many people were misled when Baldev Singh called the partition plan a settlement, not a compromise as Jinnah had suggested. But the calm was deceptive and intentionally so. The Sikh leaders were working feverishly on a scheme for bringing their community together and regaining their lost integrity. Their scheme was madly anihilistic and it was to bring immense suffering upon the people of the Punjab, including the Sikhs198.

But the most serious handicap for Pakistan was the time allowed for the implementation of the plan, 72 days. VP Menon after noting the acceptance of the plan said: “Acceptance was one thing; its implementation was a different matter altogether. Here was a task which normally should have taken years to accomplish but which had to be compressed into the sort space of a few weeks”. And who it may be asked, was responsible for this compression with all its tragic consequences, the loss of millions of lives and untold all its tragic consequences, the loss of millions of lives and untold suffering? It is worth mentioning that Muslim League did not loose hope to talk to Sikhs till the end.

Last attempt of League to Persuade Sikhs

The Sikhs were angry and bellicose about the proposed Punjab partition plan. In a press statement on 4 June, Baba Kharak Singh said that the plan was the most unfair and did gross injustice to the Sikhs. Therefore, he appealed to the Sikhs to muster strong under the banner of the Guru to get and to defend their legitimate rights. He advised them not to depend on the assurances of the British Government in this regard199. An official report revealed that the Sikhs were between the devil and deep sea as partition plan divided their strength and left them in a minority in both areas. Their predicament had increased by their fear of the Congress offending. The Shiromani Akali Dalissued a circular that Pakistan meant total death to the Sikh Panth. Therefore, “the Sikhs are determined on a free sovereign state with the Chenab and the Jamna as its borders; and it calls on all Sikhs to fight for this ideal under the flag of the Akali Dal”200.

197 Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan, 218. 198 Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, 521. 199 RaghuvendraTanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 211. 200 Disturbances in the Punjab 1947, 238.Interestingly, it was also reported that, “Master Tara Singh have said that although he did not welcome or approve the 3rd June Plan but he could not boycott it.

In this scenario, some League leaders believed that they should approach further for the Sikhs as the British had unfairly treated them201. Therefore, after the announcement of 3rd June, the Muslim League’s campaign to woo the Sikhs again picked up the pace. According to Raghuvendra Tanwar, “the League leadership was more than willing to roll out the red carpet for the Sikhs to remain in Pakistan because this alone could prevent the partition of Punjab”202. The daily Dawn also launched a full-scale campaign to prevail upon the Sikhs to change their mind and to stay on as part of and stop insisting for the partition of the Punjab. It advised the Sikhs to run away from the Congress and think about the unity of the Punjab. In another report, it wrote that, “The deterioration of Muslim-Sikh relations was a process initiated by Baldev Singh who did this because all his financial and other interest lay in the eastern districts of the Punjab”. In its editorial on 7 June, it stated that no doubt, the Sikhs had suffered serious injury in the March disturbances but the Muslims had not started those disturbances. The Sikhs themselves were the cause. Then appealing to the heart the editorial added that, “there is nothing but sadness in Muslim hearts. These memories can be forgotten and wounds healed...friendship can emerge out of welter of enmity. Muslims and Sikhs can together add to the glory of Pakistan”. According to Tanwar, “Dawn’s editorial of 7 June clearly had the approval for senior League leaders”203. At the same time, Iftikhar Hussain Mamdot said, “Sikhs would have got a homeland within Pakistan if they had desired on amicable settlement with the Muslim League”204. On the eve of the Sikh Conference on June, Feroz Khan Noon also stated that, “I appeal to Sikh representatives to join hands with the Muslim League...The Sikh problem in Punjab is a Muslim Sikh problem and we two alone can solve it with goodwill of which there is plenty on our side.”205 Anyhow, according to Tanwar, “The Akali leadership itself appears to have been uncertain on what road to take”206. Thus, the League leaders in their approaches towards the Sikhs remained unsuccessful. At the same time, the League’s woo to the Sikhs were not encouraged by the British whose encouragement in this regard could definitely ease the prevailed political scenario in the Punjab. To great tragedy, the efforts of reconciliation between Sikhs and the Muslims ended up in fiasco and the decision of partition of Punjab was confirmed. The next phase led to the formation of boundary commission to demarcate the borders.

201 Ahmad, The Punjab Muslim League, 357. 202 RaghuvendraTanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 209. 203 Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 209. 204 Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 209. 205 Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 209. In this regard, later on, Ishar Singh Majhel also pointed out that, “Giani Kartar Singh had met Jinnah many times to find some way-out for the Sikh future though Tara Singh did not approve of this approach.” Majhel further said that, “leaders are helpless - one has to look to the thinking and desire of the ‘awam’ (masses), meaning possibly that even if the leaders had been able to work out some agreement, the people were obviously opposed to an understanding with the Muslim League and this is what weighed in the minds of the Akali leadership” 206 Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of Punjab, 209.

Boundary Commission

The Punjab as a consolidated province was purely a British creation but they could not maintain its consolidation at the end of their reign. Blue print for the Punjab demarcation was so much clear that Cabinet Mission offered 16 Muslim majority districts excluding Gurdaspur in the Punjab to M.A. Jinnah for his Pakistan207. The Congress also reconciled itself with such considerations before and after the declaration of policy statement on 20 February 1947. Even the Sikhs had been demanding 14 districts for their community208. The Muslim League was also ready to compromise for Ambala Division in the Punjab. Thus, demarcation for the Punjab partition was somehow a settled issue209. The British could implement it, on district wise or sub- district wise by leaving other minor adjustments to the two successor states. Therefore, the Punjab Boundary Commission was not a binding and compulsory requirement. Then, Lord Mountbatten was briefed in detail for the Punjab partition before his arrival in India as the last Viceroy210. He devised his partition plan within five weeks after his arrival. As usual, the Congress reconciled itself with that plan but the League was forced to accept it. The Boundary Commission was formed. It was given about 40 days but there was no debate for its “Terms of Reference” that were the backbone for that whole exercise211. Then, there did not appear any comprehensive considerations for its chairman. He was introduced on 23 June and his appointment was notified on 6 July. He arrived in India on 8 July, started his work on 10 July and finalized partition of three important Indian provinces i.e., Assam, Bengal and the Punjab on 12 August 1947 even without hearing Boundary Commissions’ proceedings directly212.

On 13 March, the British Cabinet held its meeting under the Chair of Mr. Attlee. In this meeting Lord Mountbatten, Lord Ismay and Eric Mieville were also present. There, Lord Mountbatten suggested initiating debate for the boundaries of disputed provinces on communal base, if the rival communities were unable to reach any conclusion. It was pointed out that, “this possibility was already being explored by the Indians themselves, but that the matter was one to which the Viceroy Designate should certainly give his attention”213. Surprisingly, on the same day, Krishna Menon on behalf of the Congress also met Lord Mountbatten and unfolded the impossibility of Pakistan based on British Indian provinces. He emphasized that Western

207 Ilhan Niaz, “The Cabinet Mission Plan: Implications for Governance ,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 26, no, 2 (2004):65- 75. 208 Durlab Singh, The Valiant Fighter Master Tara Singh (Lahore: Hero Publications, 1942),131-132. 209 Mansergh, The Transfer of Power, Vol. X, 39. 210 Kirpal Singh, Select Documents on Partition of Punjab 1947, 20 – 21. 211 Mansergh, The Transfer of Power, Vol. X, 15-16. 212 Farooq Ahmad Dar, Boundary Commission Award: The Muslim League Response”, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 33, no. 1 (2012). 213 Mansergh, The Transfer of Power, Vol. IX: 942-943.

Pakistan should include the Muslim majority districts of the Punjab and rest of the Punjab must be a separate province for India. VP. Menon writes that Lord Mountbatten had studied Lord Wavell’s recommendations for genuine Muslim areas before his coming to India214. Madhav Godbole also asserted that Lord Mountbatten and his team even before their coming to India in March 1947 had already studied all the homework for boundary line215. Thus, before his arrival to India as the last Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten had no ambiguity about the Punjab demarcation. Regarding this, the Congress too had conveyed him its interests through its representative in London before his coming to India whereas as usual the Muslim League remained unaware about such developments.

The British and the Congress finalized the Punjab boundary line and future of the Gurdaspur district at Simla and as usual, the Muslim League was kept in the dark. On 7 May, Lord Mountbatten with his staff arrived at Simla for a week and Evan Jenkins too joined him there. Nehru also arrived there with Krishna Menon on 8 May. Since very first day, he and the Viceroy began to discuss the draft plan. On 11 May, Lord Mountbatten held a meeting with Jenkins, Mieville and Erskine Crum to consider.

Significance of Ferozpur and Gurdaspur being Genuine Muslim Areas

Failure to keep Punjab united led the stake holders to look into partition proposals. The point was raised that two eastern divisions of Jullundur and Ambala had non-Muslim majority so they could not get accession to Pakistan. However, in order to address the complexities of partition of Punjab, Evan Jenkins in his memorandum to the Viceroy, “Pakistan and the Punjab”, discussed its complications. He concluded that the Punjab partition with the boundary running through Lahore would lead to endless minority problems in the two new units. He quoted Prof. Coupland who pointed out that, “the cities of Lahore and Amritsar are only 25 miles apart, and to plan the boundary of two sovereign states between them would be an extremely awkward and perhaps an impossible arrangement”. Therefore, Jenkins suggested a practicable enquiry to realize Pakistan216. Then, based on such thoughts a “Note by the Viceroy on Pakistan” was sent to the Secretary of State who forwarded it to the India and Burma Committee for further considerations217.

214 Menon, Transfer of Power in India, 370. 215 Madhau Godbole, The Holocaust of Indian Partition (New Delhi: Rupa & Co., 2006), 14. 216 Z.H. Zaidi ed., Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah Papers Vol.l, Part, II (Islamabad: Quaid-i- Azam Papers Project, National Archives of Pakistan, 1993); 507. For further studies, Jinnah Papers. 217 Zaidi, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah Papers 511.

VP Menon also suggested partition of India inclusive of interest security of Sikhs and Hindus in territorial readjustment. For this purpose, he suggested for an impartial commission to demarcate boundaries218. George Abell conceded to demand of partition of India, yet he asserted not to include non-Muslim majority areas of Punjab and Bengal to Pakistan219. Evan Jenkins also opined to partition Punjab to make Pakistan unattractive for Muslims and surmised reunification of Punjab to main union as corollary of upcoming circumstances220.

Sikhs Case: An Analysis

Geographical contiguity of Punjab would not have been damaged, had the Sikhs aligned with Muslims. If, however, Sikhs joined the Hindus in opposing Pakistan and refused to from a part of it, a fundamentally different problem would arise. The partition line would then run through the middle of the Punjab and cut the Sikh community into two more or less equal halves. The economic life of the Punjab which depended upon the most extensive system of canal irrigation in India, would thus suffer terrible injury. It was in the obvious interest of both Sikhs and Muslims to preserve the unity of the Punjab. But this would only be possible if an agreement could be reached between the two communities whereby the Muslims guaranteed the legitimate rights of Sikhs as a minority and the Sikhs accepted Pakistan with its corollary of Muslims Rule. The Muslim league was prepared to guarantee special rights and privileges for the Sikh minority in Pakistan. Jinnah repeatedly offered them fair and generous treatment, but he could not alter the facts of demography and geography. Since the Sikhs were not in a majority in any district, he could not carve out a Sikh enclave, or Khalistan, as some Sikh leaders demanded, nor treat them in any other way but as a minority. Sikh leaders were invited to the convention of Muslim league legislators held in April 1946, and though some of them attended, nothing came of these parleys, and the Sikhs cast their lot with the congress. If the Sikh leaders had possessed the foresight and wisdom to compare the prospects for their community in Muslim Pakistan with those in Hindu, they would have come to a different decision. In Pakistan they would have been the most important if not the largest minority; their position in the Pakistan army would have given them a decisive influence; they held the best lands in the rich colony districts; as sturdy farmers and food mechanics, they would have occupied an important position in the economics life of the country; and in the administrative services and in the legislature of Pakistan they would have enjoyed weightage. But the anti-Muslim traditions the Sikh had inherited form Moghul days clouded their judgment. By joining the Hindu India, the Sikhs virtually committed cultural suicide; for it is only

218 Jinnah Papers, Vol.l, Part, II, 520-521. 219 Mansergh, The Transfer of Power Vol. VI, 650. 220 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Wavell and the Dying Days of the Raj, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 229.

100 a matter of time before their taboos against shaving and cutting their hair will disappear, leaving them indistinguishable.

Conclusion

The chapter has discussed narratives of the Sikh community and counter narratives of the opponenet of partition of Punjab. The study has brought forth the fact the main goal of the Sikh community, establishment of Khalistan or Azad Punjab, has not be materialized so far. The Sikh demand for division of Punjab generated uncertainity, chaos and violence in Punjab. On eve of the partition of India and division of the Punjab Lyallpur was included in the West Punjab and thus experienced the migration of the non-Muslims particularly of the Sikhs. In the last days of the Raj violence broke out in the main cities of the Punjab and Lyallpur also experienced migration alongwith wave of violence that will be discussed in the preceding pages.

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Chapter - III:

Migration with Violence in Lyallpur

“Suffering is indigenous in history. Every great period of history has its casualties as well as its victories221”.

Introduction

India’s independence was accompanied by the partition of the land on communal basis that caused one of the greatest human convulsions. It was one of the most cataclysmic events in world history and Punjab bore the worst brunt of the partition and virtually became an arena of communal bloodbath. The Punjab witnessed the tremendous material, human loss and suffering because the people of Punjab passed through a traumatic experience in which anarchy and violence created a deep rupture in the social fabric. These killings can be described as ‘a general massacre’ master-minded by politicians and executed by gangs armed with modern weapons.222

For a while it seemed that large numbers of people were privileging one facet of their identity, namely religious to numerous other referents-cultural, geographical, linguistic, class and many others.223 The people were forced to migrate in an environment of existential threat. These events were mixture of organized as well frenzied attacks and the violence in East Punjab reached state of ethnic cleansing of Muslims in East Punjab districts. The Muslims of East Punjab forced to leave India for Pakistan. This unplanned migration rendered them more prone to well coordinated attacks of Sikhs catalyzed by weak response of the provincial establishment. The threat of violence prevailed throughout the journey of migration until they crossed border of Pakistan. Therefore, it is of immense importance to understand the causes of migration and its implication for division of Punjab and particularly for Lyallpur where a sizeable people migrated to and from Lyallpur. It is equally of great significant to discuss the migration journey, their

221 E.H. Carr, What is History? (Middlesex: Penguin, 1961),79. 222 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 2. 223 Anjali Bharadwaj, “Partition of India and Women’s Experience: A Study of Women as Sustainers of their Families in Post- Partition Delhi”, Social Scientist 32, no. 5-6, (2004): 69; The art of constructing hatred takes the form of invoking the magical power of some allegedly predominant identity that drowns other affiliations and in a conveniently bellicose form can also overpower any human sympathy or natural kindness that we may normally have. In fact, a major source of potential conflict in the contemporary world is the presumption that people can be uniquely categorized based on religion and culture. The implicit belief in the overarching power of a singular classification can make the world thoroughly inflammable; Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, Penguin, (London: Penguin, 2006), xv-xvi.

102 sufferings, sorrows and experiences from East Pakistan to Lyallpur. Therefore, it is dire need of the time to record the memories of the people and revisit the historiography of the partition and rewrite it in the light of new evidences. This chapter is written gretly with the help of oral history accounts; yes of course primary sources are also utilized.

Migration and Violence: theoretical framework

Migration is a global phenomenon that is researched under differential aspects in terms of its economic224, social225, and political226 motives and impacts. However, there is another important aspect of migration that lies in forced migration accompanied with large scale violent activities227. While savage political clashes seethe far and wide, sociology specialists are endeavoring to better comprehend why they happen, and their outcomes on regular people, their groups, and the nations in which they live. We realize that full scale level brutality specifically causes high losses of life, wounds and handicaps, lack of healthy sustenance, expanded spread of sicknesses, injury and other mental issue, and annihilation of property228 . Contrasted with relocation amid times of relative peace, movement streams amid strife are extensive, sudden, and the migrants are apparently less arranged for life at their goals. The investigation has demonstrated that expansive gatherings of internally displaced persons affect the social, financial, natural, and political status of their goals229 .

The procedure of migration greatly affects the lives of migrants themselves, in molding family connections, influencing monetary assets and work methodologies, and empowering the spread of new thoughts and dispositions230. The migration in wake of partition presented to be highly violent, however, it can be said that the motive and

224 Stephen Drinkwater, Paul Levine, Emanuela Lotti and Joseph Pearlman, The Economic Impact of Migration: A Survey, Hamburgisches Welt-Wirtschafts-Archiv, 2003. 225 Alejandro Portes, “Migration and Social Change: Some Conceptual Reflections”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36, no. 10 (2010): 1537-1563. 226 Gary P Freeman and Alan K. Kessler, “Political Economy and Migration Policy”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 34, no. 4 (2008): 655-678. 227 NathalieWilliams and Meeta S. Pradhan, “Political conflict and migration: how has violence and political instability affected migration patterns in Nepal”, Population Studies Center Research Report 09-677 (2009). 228 Meeta S Pradhan and Nathalie Williams, “Political Conflict and Migration: How has Violence and Political Instability Affected Migration Patterns in Nepal”, 677. 229 Robert Chambers, “Hidden Losers? The Impact of Rural Refugees and Refugee Programs on Poorerhosts”, International Migration Review (1986): 245-263. 230 Oded Stark and Robert Lucas, “Migration, Remittances and the Family”, Economic Development and Cultural Change 36, no. 3 (1988): 465-481.

103 outcome of the migration after partition is violence. In other words, it can be said that it was violence centred migration.

The threat-based decision model is the predominant informative model of constrained migration and the main hypothesis that has been exactly tried in the writing. This model contends that potential migrants base their decision to relocate far from a contention on the apparent threat to their own security. At the point when the apparent threat to their security increments past a worthy level, they move away. This model is clarified in further detail in Davenport et al231 and Moore and Shellman232 . Late exact reviews have discovered solid support for this hypothesis. A few nation level relative reviews have found that an assortment of sorts of summed up savagery result in substantial increments in migration out of the beset range (i.e. displaced person flight), including common war, universal war, genocide and politicide, and human rights infringement233 .

In specific case of pre partition or post partition violence, owing to its large scale gamut, Ishtiaq Ahmed has discussed it under paradigm of ethnic cleansing234. The study has attempted to classify violence either under theme of genocide or ethnic cleansing. However, it is tilted towards ethnic cleansing235. In his attempt of highlighting thin line of difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing, Ishtiaq Ahmed writes:

Genocide is a product of a more severe, pathological state of mind that comes about as a result of a rigorous implementation plan and the capability to execute it. In many situations it is impossible to say whether a certain case of collective violence and aggression should be described as genocide or merely ethnic cleansing. A mix of the two is not unusual236.

231 Christina Davenport, Will Moore and Steven Poe, “Sometimes You Just have to Leave: Domestic Threats and Forced Migration, 1964-1989”, International Interactions 29, no. 1 (2003): 27-55. 232 Will H.Moore and Stephen M. Shellman, “Fear of persecution: Forced migration, 1952-1995”, Journal of Conflict Resolution 48, no. 5 (2004): 723-745. 233 Erik Melanderand Magnus Oberg, “Time to go? Duration Dependence in Forced Migration”, International Interactions 32, no. 2 (2006): 129-152. 234 Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some First Person Accounts”, in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) 96-141. 235Ishtiaq Ahmed, Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947, 141. 236 Ishtiaq Ahmed, Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947, 141.

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He defines ethnic cleansing as

Ethnic cleansing is a more or less coordinated use of extreme terror, including burning, killing, raping and other such means employed by an agent to empty a specific territorial space of unwanted individuals and groups. Whereas all acts of genocide result in the destruction of a people in whole or in part and include ethnic cleansing, ethnic cleansing can be achieved with less drastic and more varied means237. Williams and Pardhan have discussed forced migration in its connection with violence using case study of Nepal. Owing to similarity in events, their model of threat- based decision model explains. It argues that events of migration and violence in context of partition of Punjab. It has discussed it following way potential migrants base their decision to migrate away from a conflict on the perceived threat to their personal security. When the perceived threat to their security increases beyond an acceptable level, they migrate away. Several country-level comparative studies have found that a variety of types of generalized violence result in large increases in migration out of the afflicted area (i.e. refugee flight), including civil war, international war, genocide and politicide, and human rights violations238. The theory is of the view that when violent events cross the threshold of insecurity and it accompanies with fragile political establishment, it enhances probability of mass migration to great extent. As Ishtiaq Ahmed writes that attempts of ethnic cleansing may take place with a blend of organized and abrupt violence eruptions.

The overall discussion in perspective of threat based model leads to infer that violent migration can be classified into two factors being responsible for that. One event is associated with violent events in society that erupt from smaller scale and expand to a threshold level. The victim community tries to avert the violence by avoiding outdoor interactions; however, when violence infiltrates fore walls, then people are left with no option but to migrate. The violent events are accompanied by political aspect that includes fragile political structure and political gains attached to violence and migration. These political loopholes in the system catalyze violence and migration. It further leads to infer that these migrations are sudden, unplanned, and large scale. The scale of migration

237 Ishtiaq Ahmed, Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947, 141. 238 Erik Melanderand Magnus Oberg, “Time to go? Duration dependence in forced migration”, International Interactions 32, no. 2 (2006): 129-152.

105 is positively correlated with scale of violence and political fragility. the chapter has explored events of migration in perspective of threat threshold model.

Violent Activities

The violence during partition is brutal and savage transformation of traditional conflicts. This transformation seems outcome of controversial concept of partition of India on religious lines. The groups adherent to their respective ideologies were capable of violence owing to militant training to private militias conducted by mostly retired security forces personnel of India. Ian Talbot mentions span of violence comprising August 1947 to 1950. Hence it can be concluded that eruption of violent activities in Punjab can be classified between pre partition and post partition events. Moreover, it is also substantiated that these activities had relevance with the political heat of India. Based on the forced migration literature, violence increases the perceived threat to people’s well-being. For this reason, people migrate away in order to remove themselves from this239. In context of partition violence Muhammad Khalil S/o. Migrant from Majat District Ambala narrated his story

Our village was Muslim dominant and there were few Hindu untouchables. Our festivals were common as all communities participated and relished those festivals. The process of violence and forced migration started as reaction to violent event along both sides of border. Hindus and Sikhs started harassing people and vandalizing properties and the people too240. There was a local chief Ismail who went to police station and complained them about violence and asked for actions against them. The Police Incharge said, “Sir I have eaten salt of your house. I strongly advise you that save yourself and leave for Pakistan. This is now Government of Hindus”. when we were moving to Pakistan from Kirali camp after staying 3 months, Sikhs attacked our train and murdered half train at Jullundhar and left half to be butchered at Amritsar, Kidnapped young girls and butchered the old ones. Then Army came to rescue us and they loaded us in trucks and escorted to Pakistan241. Violence must sit at the core of any history of the partition. It is the phenomenal extent of killing during the partition which distinguishes it as an event.242 Dr Iqbal

239 Erik Melanderand Magnus Oberg, “Time to go? Duration dependence in forced migration”, 129-152. 240 Muhammad Khalil, Faisalabad, May 25, 2016. 241 Muhammad Khalil, Faisalabad, May 25, 2016. 242 Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (New Delhi: Penguin Viking, 2007), 129.

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Chawla writes that the heat of violence reached Punjab after fall of Khizr ministry243. Its channel is explored by Ian Talbot who have mentioned conduction of violence through Calcutta Killings (16-19 August 1946), Noakhali (10 October 1946), Bihar (25 October, 1946), Garhmukhteshwar (6 November, 1946) that finally reached Punjab in March 1947. The wave of violence boarded in Punjab and stayed almost 3 years devastating millions244.

There are different estimates about the killings done during the communal mayhem of 1947. Leonard Mosley estimated six lakh dead.245 For J.S. Grewal, nearly a million persons perished.246 Ivan Stephens and Michael Edwardes give the casualty figure to be 500,000 and 600,000 respectively.247 H.V. Hudson states that a figure of a million was popularly bandied about but the truth was probably around 200,000 men, women and children killed.248 In all, nearly 12 million Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were involved.249 Penderal Moon, quoting official figures, states that the Hindus and Sikhs lost property worth a staggering sum of Rs. 4000 crore as against Rs. 400 crore left behind by the Muslims.250 However after studying multiple accounts on partition and violence, the debate of figures seems irrelevant and the tragedy can be mourned only with rare parallel in the history. The suddenness of the event and the fiendishness of partition violence have benumbed all sensitive minds. The truth of partition of Indian subcontinent in 1947 lay, at least for its victims, in the violence done to them.251

The partition is a watershed occasion in the development of the country in the progression of British control in India. Regarding redefinition of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as Indians or Pakistanis, occasion of 1947 is a past filled with renegotiation and update of the character of the individual or the group. It was not only an account of brutality or give up or franticness additionally "an account of the battle of the general

243 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla. "Mountbatten's Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24; Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced migration and ethnic cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some first person accounts”, in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) (2004): 96-141. 244 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh. The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 68-80. 245 Leonard Mosley, The Last Days of British Raj, 281. 246 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab (Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 1990), 181. 247 Supreet Kaur, The British Historiography on the Violence and the Partition of Punjab (1947), (M. Phil. Dissertation, G.N.D.U., Amritsar, 2007), 19. 248 H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide: Britain, India, Pakistan (London: Hutuchison, 1969), 418. 249 Alan Campbell-Johnson, Mission with Mountbatten (New Delhi: Jaico, 1951).5. 250 Penderal Moon, Divide and Quit (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1961), 418. 251 Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 18.

107 population who attempted to cope, survive and build new one".252 The gory sundering of the Indian sub-continent into India and Pakistan in 1947 not only inscribed new lines on the face of the South-Asian region, it also etched deep psychological scars on the mindscapes of the people.253 Moreover, each national catastrophe involves and transforms, memories of other catastrophes, so that history becomes entanglement of complex of crimes inflicted and suffered, with each catastrophe understood- that is, misunderstood in the context of repressed memories of previous ones.254

Another approach to decrease the effect of brutality is not to relocate intentionally. Individuals are still presented to the likelihood of brutality in their own groups, yet they don't confront the danger of savagery amid the trip. - the choice about regardless of whether to relocate or remain at home is more secure, could depend to a great extent on the savagery. At lower levels of savagery, the most secure choice could be to remain in their own particular home and in the group as opposed to being outside where brutality happens. Yet, at more elevated amounts of brutality, individuals could likewise feel debilitated in their own particular homes and groups. For this situation, the most secure alternative is move. This implies there is a limit of brutality or a specific measure of savagery in which individuals choose that remaining at home is no longer a sheltered choice. Typhoons offer a sensible relationship to this dialog. At the point when a low-to-direct sea tempest is anticipated, individuals are informed to remain in the safe house regarding their own particular homes as opposed to being outside where they are presented to the tempest. Nonetheless, if a substantial tropical storm is normal, individuals are exhorted that they are not sheltered in their homes, thus it is more secure to empty the region.

When partition was announced, the situations started changing. The upper class Hindus were friendly but untouchable turned violent and participated in killing. In the dark of night, we loaded our vehicles and packed them with people. My aunt Majeedan was kidnapped and never later on was known255

252 Gyanendra Pandey, “Community and Violence: Recalling Partition”:20. 253 Hina Nandrajog, “Sand Dunes of Memory: Edited Memories of Partition in Punjab Short Fiction”, Creative Forum: Journal of Literary and Creative Writings 18, no.1, (2005): 55. 254 James Berger, “Trauma and Literary Theory”, Contemporary Literature, 38, no. 3, (1997): 570. 255 Abdul Bari S/o Abdul Rahim Chak 481GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad, July 25, 2106..

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The people of the Punjab passed through a traumatic experience in which anarchy and violence created a deep rupture in the social fabric. It has been rightly stated that ‘the butchery of 1947’ was an organized one and with a few parallels in history. These killings can be described as ‘a general massacre’ master-minded by politicians and executed by gangs armed with modern weapons.256

The colossal change, that revoked India from one end to the next amid a time of around fifteen months, which started on August 16, 1946, was an occasion of phenomenal greatness and ghastliness. History has not encountered a congenial war of extents with the end goal that human scorn and savage interests have been decreased to the levels experienced in this Dark Age when the religious extremism appeared as the frightful creature that originated from the urban areas, towns and villages.257 For a while in 1947-48, it seemed that large numbers of people were privileging one facet of their identity, namely religious to numerous other referents-cultural, geographical, linguistic, class and many others.258

Preparation: Militant Groups overview

Events of violence can erupt in a society owing to differential motives of conflict; however, such events do not lead to mass displacement of people. The mass migration can take place if the violence perpetuates and crosses threshold of sufferance. Such an event is potentially significant to result in mass migration for good with almost minimal contact with previous locality. However, it is worth mentioning that possibility of such events takes place in case of organized violence. In case of migration of Punjab in wake of partition of Punjab, the events can also be discussed in this paradigm. It is relevant on the grounds that Ian Talbot has discussed 3 to 4 years of violence; the extent of these events have been described as ‘Ethnic cleansing’; and its pattern has been mentioned as ‘Institutionalized violence’

256 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 2. 257 G.D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning: A Survey of Events Leading Upto and Following the Partition of India (New Delhi, OUP, 1989), 3. 258 Anjali Bharadwaj, “Partition of India and Women’s Experience: A Study of Women as Sustainers of their Families in Post- Partition Delhi”, Social Scientist, Vol. 32, No. 5-6, 2004, 69. The art of constructing hatred takes the form of invoking the magical power of some allegedly predominant identity that drowns other affiliations and in a conveniently bellicose form can also overpower any human sympathy or natural kindness that we may normally have. In fact, a major source of potential conflict in the contemporary world is the presumption that people can be uniquely categorized based on religion and culture. The implicit belief in the overarching power of a singular classification can make the world thoroughly inflammable: Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, (London: Penguin, 2006), xvi.

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The historical discourses have so far discussed events of violence; some have lamented torment of the event; some have justified armed possession as self-defense and have remembered their defenders as gallants and gladiators; and some have shifter responsibility of violence on contending community presenting themselves as victims; however, discussion of violence in terms of either planned or spontaneous still have scope of investigation. Javed Alam debates eruption of violence an unintended outcome of a misjudgment in an environment of mistrust and stress. The study rules out strategically coordinated events of violence with politically guided objectives259. However, his study fails to answer connotations of some concertedly reported events. Reports of civil and military gazetteers point out that several attacks on the foot convoys were conducted with great coordination260 to which Ian Talbot terms ‘attacks with military precision’261. Similarly trains were attacked where several accounts suggest that drivers left the train open to attackers. The railway officials leaked information about timings and routes of the trains which were attacked. Moreover, it was not carried out in a state of low intensity conflict carried out by dispersed frenzied attackers; rather several reports suggest attacks by a group at least platoon size. A major extent of the events leads to infer that attacks were carried out with well devised strategy supplemented by precise intelligence reports that eased the attacks262.

Authors including Ian Talbot263, Ishtiaq Hussian264, Iqbal Chawla265, and Swarna Aiyar266, have inferred the events of violent being organized. However, these studies have differed in paradigm of their explanation, fixation of responsibilities, and extent of organized violence in comparison to circumstantial eruptions. Iqbal Chawla have mentioned violence as both organized and frenzied267. Ishtiaq Hussain has expressed the organization and discipline in violent activities to state of resulting ‘ethnic cleansing’ as

259 Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India, 17. 260 Civil and Military Gazette, September14, 1947. 261 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 84. 262 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India, 82. 263 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India, 82. 264 Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced migration and ethnic cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some first person accounts” in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) (2004): 96-141. 265 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “The Punjab Disturbances of 1946-47: Revisited”, J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci 4, no. 9S (2014): 1-6; Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “Mountbatten’s Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24. 266 Swarna Aiyar, “August Anarchy: The Partition Massacres in Punjab, 1947”, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 18, no. 1(1995): 13-36. 267 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “The Punjab Disturbances of 1946-47: Revisited.” J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci 4, no. 9S (2014): 1-6; Muhammad Iqbal Chawla. "Mountbatten's Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24

110 outcome268. Paul Brass have coined the most precise term of ‘institutionalized violence’ to debate the extent and modus operandi of violence269.

Description of Violence

Upon the arrival of direct activity on August 16, 1946, brutality had started in Calcutta, stretching out to the scene of Bengal, bringing about countless violence. From that point, they went to Bihar, then to the United Province, lastly to the territory of Punjab, where the degree of the brutality and the size of the killings went past the abhorrences that went before it.

According to the fortnightly report of October 1946,

Most district officers in Punjab continued to sound a grave note of warning and to say that a situation which is so essentially unstable may deteriorate quickly and dangerously without any adequate warning being given.270 An essential improvement amid this period was the quick development of the volunteers of different political gatherings, which were assigned by the British as private armed forces, and open case through them in a few territories. There was a sharp increment in the exercises of both Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Muslim League National Guards (MLNG) in Punjab. The quality of the last had ascended from 3,000 toward the finish of 1945 to 10,000 in July 1946. In Punjab in mid 1947, RSS enrollment had achieved the quantity of 47,000 and that of MLNG 23,000.271The Sikhs also decided to form Akal Fauj or Senna.

A progressive and massive militarization of the everyday was underway across the whole of the Punjab, notably in Lahore and Amritsar Districts.272 The smuggling of arms ammunitions – mainly imported from the NWFP and the Tribal Areas – grew steadily.273 Paramilitary associations, as described earlier, like the RSS and the Muslim

268Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced migration and ethnic cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some first person accounts”, in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 96-141. 269 Paul F Brass, The production of Hindu-Muslim violence in contemporary India. (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2011). 270Home Political (I), File No. 18/10/1946. 271 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1998),333; Jenkins wrote to Pethick Lawrence on January 26, 1947, that the MLNG had a written constitution of their own and commander had military titles, Nicholas Mansergh (ed.), The Transfer of Power (1942-47), Vol. X, (New Delhi: UBS Publishers, , 1976),.227-278. 272 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Secret No. 675, 15th May 1947, R/3/1/178, IOR. 273 Document enclosed to Abbott to Abel – D.O. No. G.S. 206, 7th April 1947, R/3/1/176, IOR.

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League National Guards doubled their efforts alongside their membership.274 Together with a militarization of local society, the region also experienced the further privatization of the traditional state monopoly over the legitimate use of violence. Groups of persons as well as single individuals – in some cases not attached to any political or religious group – embarked upon an extensive production and accumulation of ammunitions, firearms and bombs.275

Sometimes the results were comically tragic. Hundreds of persons died while squeezing homemade incendiary devices into soda water bottles.276 The scramble for arms, however, was part of a targeted activity of paramilitary associations and newly- created ‘private armies’ as well as a reaction to the growing sense of insecurity and mistrust towards the local police. Indeed, retired and employed officers were quite frequently charged with being actively involved in the disturbances and eventually arrested.277 Allegedly, both the Muslim League and the Congress had inaugurated a widespread under-the-table campaign to delegitimize the local police forces.278 A do-it- yourself arranged self-defense was perceived to be the only viable solution to the partiality of those institutions that were deputed to the maintenance of law and order, and to the resulting growing climate of uncertainty.

Following Lord Attlee’s declaration on the February 20, expressing his intention to transfer power to responsible Indian hands by June 1948,279 Head Khizar Hayat Khan surrendered from the Premiership on 2 March. Around the same time, he reported that he would make this stride since he felt that his Majesty's announcement of 20 February made him clear the field to go to a concurrence with different parties for the Muslim League280

274 Punjab FR Second Half of May 1947, L/P&J/5/250, IOR and Jenkins to Mountbatten – Secret No. 675, 15th May 1947, R/3/1/178, IOR. 275 Jenkins to Wavell No. 653, 7th March 1947, MSS.EUR.D. 977/16, IOR, Jenkins to Mountbatten – Secret No. 675, 15th May 1947, IOR and Jenkins to Colville No. 100/G, 21st May 1947, IOR. 276 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Secret No. 666, 30th April 1947, R/3/1/178, IOR. 277 Abbot to Abel – D.O. No. G.S. 213, 12th April 1948, R/3/1/176, IOR. 278 Memorandum – Enclosure to Jenkins to Mountbatten – Secret No. 699, 4th August 1947, ff. 212-37, R/3/1/89, IOR. 279 On February 20, 1947, he stated on the floor of the House of Commons that, “Britain intended to transfer power to responsible Indian hands not later than June 1948, that if an Indian Constitution had not by that time been worked out by a fully representative Indian Constituent Assembly, His Majesty’s Government would consider handing over the powers of the Central Government either to some form of Central Government for British-India or to existing provincial governments or in some other way as may be seen reasonable and in the best interests of the Indian people”. Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, The Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, (London Cambridge University Press, 1985), 243-244. 280 Fortnightly Report for Punjab for the First Half of March 1947, Home Political, File No. 18/3/47 – Pol (I).

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In a letter to the King dated February 24, 1947, Wavell had stated that the state of affairs in the Punjab was causing considerable anxiety. He minded no words when he said,

The situation is dangerous, since the Hindus and Sikhs are getting restive, the rival communities are not unequally balanced, and trouble in the Punjab is likely to take violent forms.281 A report by Governor Jenkins also cited that Sikh leader Master Tara Singh for the first time said that Sikhs were organizing their own army in response to the challenges given by MLNG.282 On March 5, under the leadership of Master Tara Singh,283 Sikhs, Hindus and Congressmen were joined on a similar front. He engaged each Sikh and Hindu to ascend against the event and be prepared for the incomparable yield. The Sikh, Hindu and Congress delegates assembled on 11 March 1947 as a "Anti Pakistan Day" when the banner was lifted, strikes were obeserved, and open gatherings were held.284

While the attacks of March, 1947 were entirely different in scale despite their ‘genocidal element’,285 the horrific repercussions in August 1947 were intensified by the urgency to wind up the partition process in 72 days and to draw up the border lines in just 36 days. Plainly, the degree of viciousness and movement was surprising in August, yet numerous different notices about the probability of brutality were made as of March. Evan Jenkins, Governor of Punjab, felt that the real exchange of force would likely incite ‘great disturbances’...the fundamental regions of focal Punjab. He told the Mountbatten, It would be hard to isolate inside a month and a half A nation of 30 million individuals, who has been controlled as a unit for a long time’.286 Similarly, Akhtar Hussain, Chief Secretary of the Punjab, reported that the situation would be worse if a hurried decision was taken to partition the Punjab. From his first fortnightly report to his last one, he consistently reported about the worsening communal situation. He wrote about militant organizations and their disruptive plans, claiming that the Akal Senna and Rashtriya

281Fortnightly Report for Punjab for the First Half of March 1947, Home Political, File No. 18/3/47 – Pol (I).Vol. X, 277-278. 282The Tribune, March 2, 1947. 283 Master Tara Singh (1885-1967), leader of Sikh Akali Dal; opposed inclusion of Punjab in Pakistan, after independence led the movement for the creation of Punjabi-speaking state in East Punjab. Harbans Singh, The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol. IV, (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1998), 312-313. 284The Tribune, March 6, 1947. 285 Ian Talbot, ‘Violence, Migration and Resettlement: The Case of Amritsar’, in Talbot and Thandi (eds.), People on the Move, 81. 286 Fortnightly Report, Governor’s letter to Mountbatten, 30 July 1947, L/P&J/5/250, O.I.O.C.

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Swayam Sewak Sangh (RSS) would probably work in close co-operation.287 These events can be classified into pre partition and post partition violence.

Pre Partition Violence

After the renunciation of Khizar Hayat Khan, distress softened out up the two primary urban areas of Punjab - Lahore and Amritsar. Amritsar was the most imperative city from the earliest point. It was confronting enormous group slaughters in his inward territory. It was the second biggest city and financially created after Lahore of the provincial Punjab. From March to August 1947, there was a typical endemic clash.288 By the morning of March 5, the major towns across Punjab including Amritsar, Jullundur, Rawalpindi, Multan and Sialkot wereup in flames.289 The Lyallpur which was the richest spot the Sikhs possessed in the Punjab was also affected by riots. Muslims living in East Punjab were either forced to migrate or they migrated voluntarily to the newly created Islamic state.

On March 6, nine instances of stabbing in Ludhiana were accounted for. After this police watch occurred during the evening with a blocking time of 6h to 7h. Troop organizations were sent to Ludhiana to control the circumstance. Curfew was reached out for one week. The policeman went by various towns to console the number of inhabitants in their security.290 In his report dated March 7, to Wavell, Jenkins (Governor) gave appalling records of shared blaze in Amritsar.

By the evening of March 6, the city was completely out of control.There was some difficulty in securing reinforcements. We also so tied up now that neither the area commander nor I wish to commit reserves until we are quite sure about the need for committing them. The deathtoll does not seem to be very high. Most of the population seems to haveproduced arms, including fire-arms, and many buildings are burning.Masses of people, including many women and children, running awayfrom the city added to the confusion with the looting”.291 On 11 April, a conflict amongst Muslims and Sikhs was accounted for outside the vestiges of the Chowk-Pragdas mosque in Amritsar, where nineteen individuals were

287 Chief Secretary’s Report of Second Half of March 1947 to Mountbatten, L/P&5/250, O.I.O.C. 288The Tribune, March 5, 1947. 289The Tribune, March 5, 1947. The Hindustan Times and the Civil and Military Gazette, March 6, 1947. 290The Tribune, March 6, 1947. 291TOP, Vol. IX, 879.

114 slaughtered and more than sixty injured. The motivation behind the war of progression in Lahore and Amritsar was to pass on a solid message that it was incomprehensible for an adversary group to live in domain asserted for the majority.292

Till March 11, 1947, 9000 houses were destroyed and loss of property estimated to Rs. 80 million.293 In a short while, Punjab had become the altar of India.With the sole task of suppressing communal violence in Punjab, over 18,000 troops, supported by two squadrons of Air Force and paratroopers were deployed in March 1947.294 The Hindus and Sikhs in Amritsar began to hit Muslims openly in May, 1947.295 The entire province of Punjab had been declared a disturbed area on May 31, 1947.296

The Sikhs did not attempt to conceal their warlike arrangements. Master Tara Singh admonished his pupils to go out, beat the Amalekites. In one of the talks in the Amritsar brilliant sanctuary he stated, "Let us recollect Rawalpindi: retaliate for our kin: don't supplant the person who is on the way of Sikh rights in our nation. Inciting handouts were appropriated and guidelines were sent to different Sikh people group to plan for the activity. The trains were assaulted, the heads of canals were bombarded, the exiles were assaulted and the Muslims were to be ousted from their homes. Michael Edwards was then in Punjab, and as he spent a town a couple of miles from Amritsar, he was really welcomed to see around three hundred exhausting Sikhs with tommy weapons and firearms.297

In April and May 1947, Michael Edwards saw the genuine challenges of northern India, additionally some of those spots that were still not influenced by the ghost of aggregate savagery. He saw the gun firearm something stolen, some purchased, some made in mystery workshops. At a certain point he even observed light mounted guns, mortars and a little tank. A portion of the Princely state rulers used to expand the quality of the state and not just for the resistance.298

292 Ian Talbot, Violence, Migration and Resettlement: A Case of Amritsar, 84. 293The Tribune, March 12, 1947. 294The Hindu, March 24, 1947 295 G.D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning, 116. 296 The Civil and Military Gazetteer, May 19, 1947. 297 Michael Edwards, The Last Years of British India, 157. 298Michael Edwards, The Last Years of British India, 157.213.

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The tension and atmosphere of fear in Punjab at the end of May and the beginning of June was so grave that most people kept a night vigil through night patrols, and slept with their hands on swords or triggers of pistols under their pillows on rooftops. Assessing the looming threat of violence, Lord Mountbatten has been reported to have increased military precautions in the tense districts, and arranged broadcasts from Nehru, Jinnah and Baldev Singh urging people to observe peace and communal harmony.299 But these measures taken by the highest authority of the land proved of little use to save Muslims from brutalities of Sikhs in East Punjab.

The Ambala division commissioner warned of insufficiency of troops to handle possible eruption of riots.300 On July 10, outfitted group assaulted villagers in Ferozpure. Seven people were slaughtered and 4 truly harmed in town of Tarewala subsequently of assault of 19 people furnished with firearms, gun and lances.301 Often but not very frequently, bombs targeted crowded places and took the lion’s share of the toll of dead and injured. For instance, in one such case, an explosion, in late July, rocked the area in front of the Session Court in Amritsar and resulted in forty-eight injured among passers- by, demonstrators and employees.302 In most cases, the 1947 summer communal bouts turned into a surreal manhunt. “Raids” – Jenkins pointed out – “caused most casualties but there were many individual attacks”.303

In Bharowal, on the hot and dry night between 3rd and 4th July, a group of Sikhsb shot down a Muslim who was irrigating his fields.304 Not even local well-known personalities were spared. On 31st July, Ashiq Hussain – former Unionist Minster – was killed at a road post soon after having squabbled with the sentry.305 24-hour reports of the everyday life of the citizens of the districts of the Punjab clearly exemplify the magnitude of communal clashes. On 2nd August, the list of dead and wounded in Amritsar City had a total number of twelve on its roll. In the local rural areas, gunfire and stabbings brought

299 J. Nanda, Punjab Uprooted (Bombay: Hind Kitab’s Ltd., 1948), 57. 300TOP, Vol. IX, 260. 301The Tribune, July 11, 1947; See also, Parkash Tandon, Punjab Century (1857-1947), Orient Paperbacks, New Delhi, 1961, 244; Narinder Iqbal Singh, “Communal Violence on the Eve of the Partition of the Punjab 1947”, Ph.D. Thesis, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1993,.64; Satya M. Rai, “Partition and Women: The Case of Punjab”, in Amrik Singh (ed.), The Partition in Retrospect, (New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, , 2000), 179. 302 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 96/G, 28th July 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 303 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 218/G, 7th August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 304 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 162/G, 5th July 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 305 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 206/G, 1st August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR.

116 about the death of two Sikhs in Vairowal and Ghavinda. A further person – a Muslim – was injured as a result of a bomb explosion near Tarn Taran.306 Three days later – on 5th August – Jenkins recorded no more than twenty-four casualties in the districts other than Amritsar.307

Political Aspect of violence: Fragile Political Structure of Punjab

Muhammad Iqbal Chawla while explaining multiple causes has mentioned that the heat of violence reached Punjab after fall of Khizr ministry308. Its channel is explored by Ian Talbot who have mentioned conduction of violence through Calcutta Killings (16- 19 August 1946), Noakhali (10 October 1946), Bihar (25 October, 1946), Garhmukhteshwar (6 November, 1946) that finally reached Punjab in March 1947. The wave of violence boarded in Punjab and stayed almost 3 years devastating millions309.

A major clout of historians consider fall of Khizr’s coalition ministry310 and its consequent inciting broadside of Master Tara Singh being fuelling agents of communal differences and leading them to state of violence311. However, the question arises regarding response of administration to such situations. The repeated security demands of the minorities (Both Muslim and Sikhs) accompanied by taking stern action against the officers committing criminal negligence went futile owing to weakening writ of the British312. Ian Talbot writes that establishment was more responsive to successors of British than to the government313. Moreover, though there are accounts who relate peaceful Malerkotla to religious interpretation of blessings of Gurus314, yet it presented

306 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No, 209/G, 2nd August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 307 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 213/G, 4th August 1947, L/P&J/8/663. IOR. 308 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “Mountbatten’s Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24; Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some First Person Accounts” in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) (2004): 96-141 309 IanTalbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 68-80. 310 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “Mountbatten’s Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24; Ishtiaq Ahmed, “Forced Migration and Ethnic Cleansing in Lahore in 1947: Some First Person Accounts”, in People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial, and Post-Colonial Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 96-141. 311 Busharat Elahi Jamil, “Religious Minorities in Pakistan Sikh Enigma: The Dissection of Punjab 1947”, JPUHS, Vol 28, no. 1(2015): 13-31. 312 Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, “Mountbatten’s Response to the Communal Riots in the Punjab, 20 March to 15 August 1947: An Overview”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2016): 1-24; Tahir Kamran, “The Unfolding Crisis in Punjab, March-August 1947: Key Turning Points and British Responses”, JPS 14, no. 2 (2007): 188; Farah Gul Baqai, “British rule in Punjab: 1849- 1947”, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 31, no. 2 (2010). 313 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 76. 314 Virdee, Pippa, “Partition and Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and Its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61”, (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004).

117 strong will power to maintain peace in the state315. Hence the events of violence could have been averted or mitigated with strong political will accompanied by strong structure. Similar is example of UP where congress ministry showed muscles of its political writ. A comprehensive strategy was devised after event of Gurmukh teshwar. Congress ministry empowered their security forces to take extreme steps in case of turbulence to keep the order intact. It is reported that the forces were rightful to shoot to death anybody violating curfew316.

The extent of violence was more lethal in East Punjab317. The abetting role of princely states in violence318 added insult to the injury of weak political administration. Jenkin reports regarding vibes of preparation of violence by Princely Sikh states319 especially Faridkot320 and Patiala321 was denied by the Sikhs pronouncing it based on fabricated reports of Muslim intelligence officer purported to blemish Sikh community322. However, there are undeniable evidences that substantiate active abetting contribution of Sikh states in arming state’s and private militias aiming at ethnic cleansing of Muslims from East Punjab323.

The situation was still very volatile and tense when announcement of birth of Pakistan was broadcasted through Radio. Hearing this, the Muslims of Amritsar breathed a sigh of relief as they believed their tormenting moments had finally ended and Amritsar would now be a part of Pakistan. Their fallacy was natural because as per the June 3, 1947 plan, they expected the Muslim majority districts of Amritsar and Gurudaspur to be awarded to Pakistan. Moreover, the Muslim high command of Muslim League had assured the Muslims in Amritsar that they were to become a part of Pakistan. Even two days before the announcement of partition, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Colonel Iqtidar Ali Shah and Colonel Mohammad Ayub Khan (then a member of Boundary Force and stationed in Amritsar) visited the aid camp in Sharifpura Muslim High School and

315 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 80.

316 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India, 80. 317 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India, 84 318 Copland, ‘The Master and Maharajas’: 681; Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India. 81. 319 S. Abbot to R. Brockman n.d. Ungraded Intelligence Report, R/3/1/145/IOR. 320 TOP, Vol. X,.184. 321 G.D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning, 289. 322 Copland, ‘The Master and Maharajas’, 678. 323 Ian, Talbot and Gurharpal Singh, The Partition of India, 82-84.

118 assured the people in presence of Malik Mohammad Anwar, the Muslim Leaugue President there, that they need not worry because Batala has been included in Pakistan and their days of hardship would soon be over. But due to felonies of the Viceroy Lord Mountbatten and Chairman Boundary Commission Cyril Radcliffe, the Muslim majority district of Gurudaspur was pushed into India and blew away the hopes of Muslims of Amritsar – a sad tragedy.324

The announcement of the Radcliffe Boundary Award on 16th August fuelled communal frenzy as each community felt that it was being denied the right to its homeland. Therefore, the mass violence and exodus was rendered inevitable. The newly appointed Governor of West Punjab, Sir Francis Mudie, described the general situation as “festered with tension”.325 The most significant sign of partition of India was the massive violence that surrounded, accompanied and constituted it.326 Sir Malcolm Darling wrote,

Nowhere is communal feeling potentially so dangerous and so complicated as in the Punjab - it is dangerous because of the Punjab’s virile hot-headed people and complicated because there is a third and not less obstinate party, the Sikhs who were more closely knit together than either Hindus or the Muslims.327 Moreover, the highly militarized character of the Punjabi society made the communal problem more volatile. Because of the presence of ex-soldiers, who were taught to kill and were newly trained in techniques of modern warfare and organization, the partition massacres were so terrible in the Punjab.328 Between March and May 1947, the official figures for deaths in disturbances in Punjab were 3,410-3,600.329

India’s Independence was indeed a day of sorrow for the people in the Punjab. Arson and murder started in Amritsar. The Sikhs in and around Patiala state prowled the countryside pouncing on Muslims trying to flee across the frontier to Pakistan.330 The partition was not only a disaster in terms of the human lives lost and economic

324 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar jal raha tha, (Lahore: Alhamd Publications, 2014) 169. 325 Anders Bjorn Hansen, Partition and Genocide: Manifestation of Violence in Punjab (1935-47), (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2002), 156. 326 Gyanendra Pandey, “Community and Violence: Recalling Partition”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXII, No. 32, August 1997, 2037. 327 Malcolm Darling, At Freedom’s Door (London: OUP, 1949), xii. 328 Indivar Kamtekar, “Military Ingredient of Communal Violence in Punjab”, Proceedings of Punjab History Conference, Patiala, 1996, 259. 329 Ritu Menon and Kamla Bhasin, Borders and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition (New Delhi: Kali For Women, 1998), 37. 330 Larry Collins and Dominique Lapiere, Freedom at Midnight (New Delhi: Vikas, 1997), 270, 271; See also Michael Edwardes, The Last Years of British in India (London: Cassel and Company Ltd., 1963), 214.

119 destruction or the division it caused among the people, more importantly; it also ended a way of life, a shared history.331 Penderal Moon, quoting official figures, states that the Muslims lost property worth a staggering sum of Rs. 400 crore.332

Muslims sat sad and moped in their houses. Rumours of atrocities committed by Sikhs on Muslims in Patiala, Ambala and Kapurthala, which they had heard and dismissed, came back to their minds. Quite suddenly every Sikh in Mano Majra became a stranger with an evil intent. His long hair and beard appeared barbarous, his Kirpans menacingly anti-Muslim. The Sikhs were sullen and angry. ‘Never trust a Mussalman’, The last guru had warned them that Muslims had no loyalties’, they said.333 Migration: Post Partition violence

Following the partition, violence and migration went beyond the control of the new governments of India and Pakistan. The number of refugees crossing the West Punjab border daily was between 100,000 and 150,000.334 A Sikh army officer stated that the whole of East Punjab was engaged in ‘hunting down and butchering Moslem minorities.’335

Refugees travelled on foot, in bullock-carts and trains. Some of the refugee columns were stretched over fifty miles. The private armies who cut off stragglers and abducted women constantly attacked them. In the face of strong criticism, a decision was taken at a Joint Defence Council meeting on 29 August to abolish the Punjab Boundary Force (PBF) from 1 September 1947. After the failure of the force, the task of maintaining law and order in Punjab was taken over by India and Pakistan. To show their determination, the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan issued a joint statement on 3 September calling on all communities to end the atrocities and warned the perpetrators that ‘bands caught in the act of committing crime will be shot at sight’.336 On the same day, the two Punjab governments set up the Liaison Agency to oversee the evacuation of

331 Raghuvendra Tanwar, Reporting the Partition of the Punjab: Press, Public and Other Opinions (New Delhi: Manohar, 2006), 8. 332 Penderal Moon, Divide and Quit (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1961), 418. 333 Khushwant Singh, Train to Pakistan, 141. Rumours played a very crucial role in the precipitation of violence. These were floated and circulated in a well-planned way. These provided justificatory ground for resorting to violence - undoubtedly the rumours brought spontaneity to violence with which communal polarization became more and more traumatic. Time being limited, no one verified these rumours. In some cases these turned out to be false but the purpose had been served: Narinder Iqbal Singh, Communal Violence in the Punjab, 154. 334 ‘Indian Army’s Hard Task’, The Times (London), 26 September 1947. 335 Col. Peter Green, ‘Eyewitness to the end of Empire’, Canberra Times, 15 August 1987, (Peter Green Papers, Mss Eur C416, O.I.O.C). 336 Kirpal Singh, “Selected Documents on Partition of Punjab, India and Pakistan”: 508-9.

120 refugees in all districts. This was headed jointly by two chief liaison officers based in Lahore and Amritsar. This agency along with the Military Evacuation Organization (MEO) was responsible for the movement of people across the borders of both Punjabs.

A greater part of this huge migration took place within the short span of three months, that is between mid of August and mid of November. On the whole, the Muslims suffered most lives. The Hindus and Sikhs lost most property.337 After August 12-15, people from West Punjab also started moving towards East Punjab with the Muslims traversing the opposite path towards the West Punjab.338 August 15 was strongly celebrated in the Punjab; during the afternoon a Sikh mob paraded a number of Muslim women naked through streets of Amritsar, raped them and then hacked some of them to pieces with Kirpans and burnt the other alive…”339

Wolpert had stated,

In and around Amritsar, bands of armed Sikhs killed every Muslim they could find, while in and around Lahore, Muslim gangs sharpened their knives and emptied their guns at Hindus and Sikhs. Entire trainloads of refugees were gutted and turned into rolling coffins, funeral pyres on wheel, food for bloated vultures who darkened the skies over the Punjab and were sated with more flesh and blood in those final weeks of August than their ancestors had enjoyed in a century.340 According to Penderal Moon casualties in the East Punjab were heavier than the West Punjab.341 Ian Morrison, who had previously been a war correspondent in North America, Burma and elsewhere, after his tour of about three weeks in riot affected areas in the Punjab, sent the following cable to his newspaper on August 24, 1947:

More horrible than anything we saw during the war is the universal comment of experienced officers, British and Indian on the present slaughter in East Punjab. The Sikhs are clearing East Punjab of Muslims, butchering hundreds daily, forcing thousands to flee westwards burning Muslim villages and homesteads, even in their frenzy levels of Sikh leadership, and it is being done systematically, sector by sector. Some large towns like Amritsar are quarter, because there are no Muslim left. In a

337 Narinder Iqbal Singh, Communal Violence in the Punjab, 207. 338 Kirpal Singh, The Partition of Punjab, 96. 339 John Connel, Auchinleck: A Biography of Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck (London: Cassell, 1959), 906; See also, Kirpal Singh, “The Partition of Punjab 1947 and Women”, Punjab History Conference Proceedings, Patiala, 1993,233. 340 Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984), 342. 341 Penderal Moon, Divide and Quit, 293.

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two hours air reconnaissance of the Jullundur district at the week-end I must have seen 50 villages aflame…. The Sikh Jathas, armed mobs from 50 to 100 strong, assemble usually in the Gurdwaras, their place of worship, before making a series of raids.342 The Muslims of Amritsar continued to fight the Sikhs and Hindus and refused to salute the Indian flag being hoisted on Amritsar buildings. The oppressive administration of the city called for Indian military to get rid of the Muslims who started a bloodbath and their ethnic cleansing. The Muslims were helpless and were butchered by Hindus, Sikhs and their military might. They decided finally to migrate to Pakistan and started heading to Sharifpura camp. Muslims from other parts of land annexed with India started fleeing to Amritsar railway station and the paths to the city were laden with blood and corpses of the Muslims.343

The Mosque Rangreizan was an important seminary of the city where women of adjoining areas had taken refuge to evade Sanghi gangs and Akali goondas. But exact three days before ‘Eid,’ the day Pakistan got its independence, state and local militia assaulted the mosque on information from local Hindu and Sikh beasts. The male relatives of women who were reciting the Holy Quran were brutally killed by the invaders. The women, taken aghast by this sudden attack could not even rush to an adjacent well to plunge into it and commit suicide to safeguard their honor. They were raped and their dead bodies left naked inside the mosque by the attackers. When rescuers from Sharifpura refugee camp visited the site with Sufi Ghulam Mohammad Turk, they saw corpses of eleven young girls; lying dead, blood dripping from their mutilated bodies and pierced abdomens.344

When Ghulam Sarwar of Sharifpura headed for the railway station, he was searched by a Police company near the railway crossing –they snatched away all his belongings, cash and jewelry. Devoid of all his accumulated life money, when Ghulam Sarwar headed towards civil court on his way, he was fired upon from behind his back by

342 Ian Stephens, Pakistan (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 183. 343 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 173. 344 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 187.

122 the same patrons of justice who had just taken away his belongings and was killed instantly.345

Similarly Khawaja Shams-ud-Din of Chowk Fareed and younger brother of Agha Ali Khan of Raam Bagh were killed by Gorkha soldiers as they were heading to railway station and Sharifupura refugee camp. Agha Ali Khan then strode off with his old mother who was being consumed by shock of his younger son’s murder but was faced by a gang of Hindu agitators who started firing bullets at them. Agha was sure they were going to be killed but right at that moment, a military jeep passed by and the Hindu agitators eloped the scene. An English officer from the jeep dropped Agha’s mother at the Sharifpura camp.346 Agha Ali Khan reached a turn at a street, hiding from Hindu and Sikh gangs, when a Sikh soldier encountered him and pointed the barrel of his gun right at him. Poor Agha kept his nerves in control and traded the suitcase containing all his life’s earning with the Sikh soldier to save his life and ran off to hide in an abandoned house. But the danger to his life was not over yet. Soon thereafter, a gang of angry mob came to that street to set fire to the Muslim houses there including the one Agha had taken refuge in. One of them shouted there was no need to waste bullets as all the Muslim ‘pigs’ had vacated the locality. A Hindu or Sikh Police officer instigated the furious mob to quickly set the houses on fire and flee the scene as members of the Boundary Force were to arrive shortly to inspect the conditions there. The mob replied that they had marked the well-off households as per directions from the ‘high command’ and would not burn the houses before looting them. Agha saw the houses being looted and then burnt to ashes from beneath the dark stairs of that abandoned house. He hid there for three days and then changed his appearance to a Hindu sweeper by coloring his body black and holding a wiping broom in his hands. He reached the Sharifpura refugee camp wiping the streets, pretending to be a sweeper. On his way, he saw dead bodies of Muslims rotting and being eaten away by vultures.347

As Meiraj Din Butt of Mohalla Kooch Neem wala was en route to Sharifpura camp –taking other helpless Muslims with him- they attacked by a Hindu mob with a hand grenade. Meiraj saved all others but got badly injured himself and many a shrapnel

345 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 174. 346 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 175. 347 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 176-177.

123 of the grenade stuck deep into his flesh. He could barely walk as both his legs were badly hit. On being carried to the camp, Doctor Abdul Majeed, a social worker and labor leader, took thoseshrapnel out of his body. Beside him, Doctor Abdur Rehman and Doctor Mohammad Shafi Niaz were aloso busy in attending to the Muslims arriving at the camp from all around the city.348

Towards the end of August, a camp for about six thousand Muslims was set up in Hansi; district Hissar which was attacked by Jats, Rajputs and Banias. It resulted in heavy loss of Muslim life. There were several attacks on trains between Jullundur, Ludhiana and Rajpura.349 On August 31, Patel went to Jullundur in a bid to protect and evacuate East Punjab Muslims. In his letter to Nehru the next day, he wrote, “Both on my onward and return journeys, I saw severalvillages on this side of the Sutlej in flames”

In the beginning of September, the ethnic cleansing had reached gigantic proportions. According to Mudie, the number of refugees crossing the border daily was between 100,000 and 150,000. He blamed the Sikhs particularly for this mass migration.350 On September 25, situation in the East Punjab again worsened. From Alwar state, 45,000 Muslims started their journey to Lahore by train. In the way, 3000 Muslims were mercilessly killed.351

Thus Indian military, Police, and Hindu and Sikh gangs were busy wiping off the Muslims of Amritsar. At some places, young Muslim women and girls were raped while at others mosques were desecrated. Muslims were being punished for proclaiming the Islamic faith and demanding Pakistan. Streets of Amritsar were laden with Muslim blood and the ones who saved their lives by hiding; bribing or changing appearances were passing alongside decaying corpses of their innocent Muslims relatives, neighbors and friends on their way to refugee camps setup in Cantonment, Sharifpura and Maqbool flour mills.352 Sky high flames were seen engulfing M.A.O. College, Hall Bazar, Chowk Fareed, Chowk Bijli wala, Raam Bagh and Muslim settlements in the inner part of the city. Mad mobs of soldiers, local Police, goondas (Marauders) of Mahasabha and Akali

348 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 177. 349 G.D. Khosla, Stern Reckoning, 278. 350 Mudie to Jinnah, September 5, 1947 in Kirpal Singh (ed.), Select Documents on Partition of Punjab, 511-512. 351 Zia-ul-Islam, Eastern Bloodbath, 22; See also, The Tribune, December 27, 1992. 352 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 182.

124 gangs ruthlessly killed Muslims in Neewin Gali of Jalianwala Bagh, Bakarwaanan Bazar and Koocha Rangreizan –the tales of which are enough to bring tears to heart and shudder to bodies.

Migration to Lyallpur

Sheir Mohammad from Village Lalori of Samrala Town in District Ludhiana narrates in tears that around 1000 families of Muslims lived in his village with a population of over 7000. They were warned in July 1947 to gather in Bait area (Muslim villages) and move to Pakistan but they took the wrong decision of staying in their villages hoping that no harm will be done to them as they had been living there for centuries. He says on 10th of Ramadhan, he went to Ludhiana Railway station to drop his sister to her home. When he came back, he saw a train of Sikhs that arrived from Pakistan. The Sikhs were furious and as soon as they got off the train, they immediately killed the Muslim staff at the station. Sheir Mohammad narrowly escaped and reached his village at 4 in afternoon. With intentions of Sikhs and flaw of their own decision to stay now obvious, the whole village offered Eid prayer on 18th August with guards patrolling and safeguarding the congregation. He recalls that they had made their minds to repel any attack from Sikhs and were confident of defeating them but they were unaware of the fact that Sikh soldiers of Patiala will also join them in their assault on Muslims. Meanwhile Muslims from other villages had also started gathering in Lalori to take refuge. With the fear of a Sikh impending attack looming, even the Hindus left the village and went off to find shelters elsewhere but Muslims who were the actual target stayed on. This was a mistake they would pay heavy losses for. On 25 August, the Sikhs from adjoining villages of Beilgi, Chawa and other villages attacked in the afternoon, they were also armed with rifles. The fight lasted for three hours and claimed the lives of a hundred Muslims and fifty Sikhs. The narrator opines that Muslims should have left the village after that attack but they did not –it was a grave mistake on their part. On 27-28 August, more than 3000 Sikhs from 15-20 adjoining villages attacked at 4 in afternoon. The battle continued for more than an hour. Sikhs had brought military jeeps armed with machine guns along with Sikh and Dogra soldiers who signaled to the Sikhs to vacate the battle ground and then started firing straight at the Muslims. Muslims’ sticks and a few guns

125 was no match for the mighty machine guns that began to shed Muslims blood. The Muslims flee the scene and started retreating to ‘safe’ Bait villages. More than 500 Muslims were killed –the mother of Sheir Mohammad among the martyrs. The Sikh forces burned the whole village down to ashes.353

Moona Ansari from Village Suhna of Jagrauun District Ludhiana shares a similar story. He had left his village, comprising of around 3000 Muslims, with a hundred others a week after Eid-ul-Fitr to take refuge in Malerkotla. He was told about the brutalities of Sikhs by another refugee who joined him later. He tells sadly that Muslims had stayed in Suhna village for more than a month after Eid and started feeling as if conditions would normalize –but it was only a trick by Sikhs to make Muslims drop their guards and feel safe. The Sikhs had gathered around 6000 Muslims from adjoining villages of Patiala and Naabh into Suhna with the promise that they will drop them to Raye Kot camp in their own protection. The naïve Muslims swallowed the bait. The Sikhs took this caravan of 9000 Muslims (3000 of Suhna and 6000 from other villages) to Dorahay wali Lake outside the village where they had already hidden Sikhs from adjoining villages to ambush the caravan for massacre. The Sikhs of Suhna tricked the Muslims and left for the village –leaving the five miles long Muslim caravan on mercy of blood thirsty Sikhs. They attacked the Muslims and the skies saw the worst butchery with no single soul left alive out of all 9000 Muslims.354

Camps and Violence

Abdul Hameed, a migrant, narrates that innumerable women along with 35 men of his caravan were killed by Sikh violence during migration. The caravan then reached Raye Kot camp which was under the guard of the Baloch Regiment. The migrants stayed there for three months. One day, a Sikh attacked a Muslim making food for his fellows. He stayed safe but further measures were taken to increase the camp security.355 During the week that preceded independence, Lahore and Amritsar were set on fire. Fires and attacks razed the Muslim suburbs of Amritsar to the ground.356 The result was, needless to say, an almost complete exodus of all those who perceived that their

353 Mohammad Aslam, 1947 Mein Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Per Kia Guzri (Lahore: Darul Kitab Publishers, 2014). 173-178. 354 Mohammad Aslam, 1947 Mein Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Per Kia Guzri, 219-220. 355 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya (Lahore: Azad Publishers: 2009)19. 356 OT from UKHC to CRO No. 642, 21st August 1947, DO 133/59, NAKG.

126 religious identity put at high risk their lives. On 21st August, about 30,000 of Hindus and Sikhs, who had previously lived in the shadow of the Badshahi Mosque, were believed to have already reached the Indian Punjab.357 Apparently, their departure, like that of the 70,000 Muslims who trekked westwards, had the discernible effect of appeasing local communitarian rivalries.358

Single attacks, arson and robberies against Muslims migrating from East Punjab, especially from areas of Amritsar comprised of a few to as large as a few thousands of persons. Up to five thousands Sikhs – armed with spears, bombs and guns and led by a retired army officer – raided a Muslim village.359 The 1947 summer violence acted as a wave that occasionally hit and withdrew by spreading from urban settings to rural areas. In a curious twist of fate, it was in the countryside that it reached its peak and assumed its most organised guise. In late June, a couple of miles far from Phillaur, Jullundhur District, an attack that was perpetrated by a well-organized group of Sikhs caused the death of fourteen Muslims and injured as many.360 Meanwhile, the rural areas of Amritsar were swept up in the same communal fury: over there the death toll on one occasion comprised thirty-three persons in less than twelve hours.361

Role of Police and Army at Amritsar

Reports of plundering by the police and different officers were normal. Jogendar Singh, sub-monitor of the police, Beas police headquarters was worked by SP, Amritsar, Ch. Smash Singh, for ownership of colossal measures of plundered products. While taking an interest in a verbal confrontation in the East Punjab Legislative Assembly, Sardar Sajjan Singh remarked, “there was hardly a policeman in entire Amritsar district, exceptone head constable who had not been a party to loot. It was only afterthe present SP Ch. Ram Singh (came) that things had changed”.362

Among the Amritsar police, there was another problem which, in fact led Governor Trivedi to initiate a special drive to overhaul it.363 The issue was that more than

357 OT from UKHC to CRO No. 683, 21st August 1947, DO 133/59, NAKG. 358 The Times London, August 20, 1947. 359 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 194/G, 26th July 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 360 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 206/G, 1st August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 361 Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 206/G, 1st August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 362Jenkins to Mountbatten – Telegram No. 206/G, 1st August 1947, L/P&J/8/663, IOR. 363The Civil and Military Gazette, October 12, 1947.

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70% of the Amritsar police had been Muslim, who had let the Punjab. These opening were filled by individuals who originated from the Western Punjab locale, a considerable lot of whom had endured individual tragedies as an open door. Accordingly, they were loaded with disdain and the craving for vengeance and have from time to time lost the chance to loot Muslim property or even to encourage assaults on Muslims.

The way renowned social worker Pir Tahir Shah, of Koocha Rangreizan, was killed by a Mehta Police officer provides an insight into the state backed killings of Muslims. Muslim mohalla of Bakarwaanan was under heavy fire from Gaooshala one day and Muslims were trying to protect their women and families behind closed doors and windows when Pir Tahir Shah saw a Police party crossing nearby. He went out to seek their help. The Mehta Police officer who was leading the party asked Tahir to point at Hindu houses that were firing bullets at Muslims. When Tahir Shah pointed his finger to those houses, the Police officer signaled a sepoy to shoot him from behind. The sepoy obliged and Pir Tahir Shah was killed at the spot. His family and neighbors watching the whole episode from their windows were stunned and terrified and could not utter a word of protest to the Police gang.364

Similarly, Hamid Hasan Butt of a nearby locality of Rangreizan was shot by a Gorkha soldier while he was standing at his rooftop. His neighbors Ikram Butt and Ghulam Nabi Butt, who were imprisoned in jail, reported to have overheard the conversation of Policemen in Kotwali Police station saying that the Muslims of the locality will be sent to ‘Pakistan’ the next morning –a code worded message for killing of Muslims. But the next morning saw the arrival of Baloch Regiment soldiers accompanied by Sheikh Sadiq Hasan, president of Amritsar Muslim League. He got furious at seeing such behavior of Police and got the respected elder men of Muslims released from Kotwali –and thus the plan of Sikh and Hindu Policemen failed to materialize.365

Muslim Policemen of the district could no longer turn a blind eye to brutalities of Sikhs and Hindus. Malik Ikram of Lahori Darwaza Chowki provided many rifles to Muslims fighters of Eidgah Dayem Ganj when Sikhs attacked the Muslims localities of

364 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 156. 365 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 157.

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Kotli Naseer-ud-Din –and thus saved around 400 Muslim innocents from getting killed at the hands of Sikhs.366

The Muslim Police officers and sepoys did not care for their own jobs and sacrificed their belongings and ranks to safeguard the rights of Muslims. On one such instance, a grandson of a millionaire Hindu Seith Lala Gokal was arrested while assaulting a Muslim passerby near Company Bagh. A Muslim Police officer Choudhry Abdur Rehman, who was appointed for investigation, was given a suitcase full of currency notes to declare the Hindu youth innocent but he threw back the money at his Hindu relatives and refused to comply. Seeing this attitude, the Hindu business community got him transferred to Gurudaspur.367

Similarly on another occasion when an injured Muslim reached Police Chowki Sultan Wind to report a murder attack, a Muslim Head Constable Choghatay Khan got furious and decided to go out to arrest the culprits but was hindered by Sikh and Hindu staff of the station. He was later transferred to Line on intervention from Tara Singh. On reaching the Line, he was encountered by an English Officer who rebuked him and said the Muslim League and its plans for Pakistan would be crushed by force. On this, the Muslim constable took off his shoe and slapped the Officer right in his face –for which he was then put in jail and later transferred to Sialkot.

When the anti-Muslim Police administration of Amritsar saw their Muslims counterparts filled with the passion to safeguard their community, they ordered the Muslim police men to return their weapons to the department on August 10, 1947. When Muslim Police men gathered to return the arms, a Hindu Police officer Kundan Lal Mehta ordered them to stand in a queue –with the intention of killing them once they were deprived of their weapons. Malik Mumtaz of Military Intelligence Department reported that when Muslims were being lined up, a constable Abdul Karim shot a bullet at Mehta behind a tree. He missed his target and the bullet shot dead a Sikh military officer. This created panic in the Police Line and the plan of Mehta to kill Muslim service men was foiled.368

366 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 158. 367 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 159. 368 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 160-161.

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A large percentage of migrating Muslims from East Punjab saw Malerkotla as a safe abode for refuge as Sikhs had promised its rulers for no violence. On many occasions the Maharaja of this state sent his own forces to rescue Muslims from the bands of Sikh militants.369

Mohmmad Ismayil of village Maachhi Wara in Ludhiana narrates that thousands of Muslims had gathered in their village to migrate to Ludhiana camp but were attacked by Sikhs who plundered their belongings and killed hundreds of innocent Muslims. A total of around 1600 Muslims were killed. On the way to the camp, another Sikh band attacked but was repelled by an anonymous man with a gun. The caravan reached Ludhiana camp which was guarded by the Baloch Regiment. The migrants moved to Lahore by train whose driver was a Sikh who tried to get the train off the track and three Muslims got killed in the incident. But the military men took the train to Pakistan safely.370

The Hindu Sikh local administration of Amritsar, police and the Gorkha soldiers were toiling hard to wipe the Muslim subjects off the face of map when the dawn of 14 august, 1947 arrived for which thousands of Muslims were laying down their lives. The Amritsar Police had taken away arms from majority of Muslim Police men but those who still had some weapons were centered in the house of Ghulam Mohammad Hasaariya at Shareef Pura G.T. Road and were trying to keep the Muslims motivated at this final hour of their long fought struggle.371

Jullundhar had a similar Refugee camp for Muslims under the watch of Baloch Regiment. Abdul Wahid of mohalla Karishan Pur, Julundar city survived Hindu attacks and reached this camp and from there, he was sent to Pakistan in security of the soldiers.372 Muslim caravans from Hoshiarpur also reached Bijwara camp from where they travelled under the guard of Dogra soldiers to Jahan Kheili camp from Julundar to Amritsar. They then entered Pakistan under protection from Baloch Regiment.373

369 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 23. 370 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 40. 371 Khawaja Iftikhar, Jab Amritsar Jal Raha Tha, 167. 372 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 40-41. 373 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 42.

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The situation were bit normalized in November 1947 when Home minister Swaran Singh held a press conference to announce peace in.374 He said, “Anyman can go about anywhere in East Punjab without any escort or fear.We have fully recovered from the shock of partition and ouradministration is now well tuned”. He said (of the thirty- two lakh non- Muslims in West Punjab and NWFP) only 258,000 Hindus and Sikh evacuees were left in West Punjab. Some of them desired evacuation and some did not.375 He assured check on forced migration despite agreement on complete exchange of population. He further gave timeline of end of November 1947 to accomplish task of evacuation. On 1 November 1947 a radio station in Jullundur, followed by a relay station in Amritsar, announced that all schools and colleges in East Punjab would open on 17 November 1947.376

The Director of Public Relations, West Punjab stated that the mass evacuation of Muslims from East Punjab was completed in less than three and a half months. A total number of about 5.5 million Muslims had crossed over the border to Pakistan and about 3.5 million Hindus and Sikhs had left West Punjab for India.377

Modes of Migration:

Trains

While large feet Kaflas (columns) were the common means of evacuation for rural refugees, trains and motor trucks were used for evacuating the urban population. A Joint Evacuation Movement was formulated by the Military Evacuation Organizations of both Indian and Pakistan governments which organised 226 ‘Special Refugee Trains’ from Pakistan to India, and 211 in the opposite direction. They evacuated the refugees en masse and generally carried members of a single community only, with between 2,000 and 5,000 passengers placed in a single train.

374 But crime continued to rose till the year 1949, but there was an appreciable decrease in the year 1950. In 1948, total murders were, 877, in 1949 –706 and in 1950 – 607. Figures collected from The Police Administration Reports from 1947-50. 375 Stories of how rich families buried their valuable in the ground in the hope of recovering them later were widespread in the months that followed partition. Many such treasures were recovered in later years by families who came to possess evacuated properties. This happened on both sides. One such report said that Naib Tehsildar Jaswant Singh who had gone to village Ajnala conducted a survey of land noticed that a pit near a big Muslim Havely had been freshly filled with soil. When the pit was dug up, it yielded a rich haul of gold and silver. The Tribune, December 13, 1947. 376The Hindustan Times, November 25, 1947. 377 K.B. Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Years (London: OUP, 1968), 263-64.

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An official estimate put the numbers of the Muslims evacuated over 1.3 million by railway from late August till the end of November 1947 and over a million non- Muslims in the opposite direction.378 Military trucks were used for short distance travel but were not available easily. The compelling images of refugees remain the kaflas, which stretched over many miles and the trains with their compartments and rooftops packed with destitute refugees.379

Attacks on Trains

The railway tracks and roads which led to the newly created border lines became battlegrounds. Armed mobs and gangs systematically detained the trains and engaged in wholesale slaughter and general plundering. The trains were attacked ‘with military precision’, with half of the gang providing cover fire while the others entered the trains to kill. There were several methods used for the derailment of trains to massacre and loot the refugees. ‘Often the gang conducting this operation had their couriers on trains that pulled the communication cord between stations, and then the killer gangs operated throughout trains’.380 Another method was to throw crude bombs at the train or lay a boulder on the tracks. Sometimes the tracks were damaged with the full complicity of the local railway staff.381 On other occasions, a first wave of saboteur shot at train roofs with the aim of driving out their passengers. As soon as grenades hit the coaches, the real massacre began: attackers drew their Kirpans and swords to proceed to the killing itself.

Likewise, police in East Punjab partitioned from 17,000 to 3,000 after the city interference of the Muncipal administrations. She couldn't secure migrants like Kurukshetra with 270,000 displaced people from Pakistan. The administration of Punjab, with its wire of October 23, 1947, passed on its dread to the Government of India in the

378 The Ministry of Refugees and Rehabilitation, the Government of Pakistan, 128/CF/48, File No. 36, 4, NDC. 379 The powerful images of refugees can be seen the correspondence of Life Magazine, Margaret Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom: A Report on the New India in the Words and Photos of Margret Bourke-White (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1949); Khushwant Singh’s fictional presentation has captured the emotion and fear of these train journeys experienced by some two million people. Khushwant Singh, Train to Pakistan (London: Chatto and Windus, 1956). 380 Swarna Aiyar, ‘August Anarchy: The Partition Massacres in Punjab 1947’, 23. In Khushwant Singh’s fictional presentation Train to Pakistan the saboteurs use a thick steel wire tied atop two poles across the railway track. The plan is to derail the train when it hits the steel wire and then kill all the passengers. In a poignant climax, the hero cuts the steel wire and falls on the tracks only to be crushed by the passing train that carries his beloved and their unborn child safely across the border. 381 A Muslim Refugee Special train, for example, left Ambala and was derailed near the Sikh Princely State of Patiala, resulting in 129 casualties and 200 serious injuries. A subsequent enquiry report pointed out the accident occurred ‘due to the train having been directed on to a deadline instead of the mainline, which is attributable either to gross negligence of the railway staff or a deep- seated conspiracy. The station assistant master, postman and the driver have been arrested. Report of Shambhu Train Accident, quoted in Singh, Selected Documents on Partition of Punjab, India and Pakistan, 565

132 expanding number of reports of Muslim travelers tossed prepares on the Bina-Katni and Jhansi-Itarsi railroad lines. As indicated by Hodson, in 4 days (22-23 September) 2,700 Muslims and 600 non-Muslims were killed or harmed in railroad prepares as it were.382

Many from Ludhiana camp boarded trains and were met by armed bands of Sikhs on different stations along the route but stayed safe as there were Muslim soldiers accompanying such migrant trains too. They reached Lahore via Amritsar Ataari. Bashir Ahmad from Hoshiarpur India narrates how he survived various attacks and lost his friends and family and finally reached Duty camp and then boarded a train from Bias station. They were stranded there because of heavy rains and were eventually rescued by Baloch regiment and reached Lahore via Amritsar Wahgah.383

Trucks

While many moved to Pakistan through guarded trains, several others stranded because of floods found refuge in food trucks sent by Pakistan government to distribute food to the migrants stuck in water laden areas. Haji Mohammad Hussain along with many others reached Lahore by one such truck.384

The Pakistan government also sent many other trucks to Refugee Camps in the East Punjab. Nawab Din of Gurudaspur was in Batala Refugee camp when 21 Pakistani trucks reached the camp and they were told to board the trucks. But the Dogra soldiers drove the trucks away and only one truck out of the 21 strode of with women and children. The Dogra soldiers then opened fire on camp Muslims and killed scores of them. The narrator and others saved their lives by hiding under corpses. 45 soldiers of Baloch Regiment then reached to rescue them and they reached Jassar Narowal on foot after two days.385

382 H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide: Britain-India-Pakistan (London: Hutchinson, 1969), 412. 383 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 52. 384 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 56. 385 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 57.

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Foot Convoy

While a review of available literature through personal interviews of migrants shows that many who went to Ludhiana camp came to Pakistan via trains, still a multitude of other Muslim migrants reached Pakistan on foot – one of the routes being Head Ganda Singh wala with its destination as the town of Kasur in Pakistan.386Various others came on foot to Lahore too from camps like Raye Kot.387

Many Muslim migrants lost their lives while they were still in safe camps. They faced episodes of Sikh violence even in refugee camps. Ghulam Rasool of Julundar reached one such refugee camp in Dhadhay Sanolay where his father was killed along with hundreds of other Muslims in a raid by Sikhs. The left over Muslims then moved to an open ground in Kishan Garh but many were killed there too because Sikhs and Hindus had mixed poison in the surrounding water wells. The caravan then moved through Jandiala village to Amritsar where Baloch Regiment rescued them.388

Attacks on mile-long refugee kaflas, ‘special trains’ and temporary camps plunged the whole of the Punjab into further chaos and violence. A group of armed Sikhs attacked a Muslim column in the outskirts of Amritsar in early September, killing and injuring ninety persons. On the very same day, a train packed with refugees was halted between Jullundhur and Karpurtala. The assault resulted in death toll of seventy casualties.389 A couple of weeks later, an uninterrupted two-hour siege of another ‘special’ to Pakistan resulted in a similar bloodbath, with a mob of RSS members and Sikhs killing more than 1,000 Muslim travellers.390

386 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 58-61. 387 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 64. 388 Malik Yaseen, 2009, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 53. 389 OT From UKHC To CRO No. 762, September 15, 1947, DO 133/59, NAKG. 390 Indian New Chronicle (New Delhi), September 26, 1947; and OT To UKHC To CRO No. 881, September 29, 1947, DO 133/60, NAKG.

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Loss of life by Diseases

Besides mass killings by Sikhs, Hindus and Dogra soldiers, many Muslim migrants lost their lives to diseases such as cholera391; whereas some of them lost their lives because of poisonous water from wells and poisonous foods sent by Hindus.392

Disguise of faith

At some instances, Muslims had to save their lives by pretending themselves to be Sikhs, not Muslims. They proclaimed their kalima, ate their improperly slaughtered food meat and lived as Sikhs –only to return to Pakistan months after partition when Pakistani soldiers of Baloch regiment went into East Punjab to rescue the Muslims.393

Muhammad Khalil S/o. Migrant from Majat District Ambala told

Hindu people came to us and said that your ancestors were Hindus which were converted to Islam by Muslim emperors like Aurangzeb394. If you return to Hinduism, we will accept you and guarantee your safety. My father said to us, “Do you believe that you will die one day? If yes then it doesn’t matter if we die few days earlier but we cannot agree to disloyalty with our religion395.

Muslims at Receiving end of Violence

As mentioned previously, the events of violence in wake of partition were mixture of organized and frenzy. The critical analysis of the accounts also substantiates that all major communities (Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims) were involved in organized attacks on other communities. However, Muslims were on receiving end of loss. Some Indian writers have identified higher economic loss of Sikhs; however, the life loss was higher among Muslims. The comparative less life loss of Sikhs and higher loss of Muslims could be possible if

 Sikhs had better defense system

391 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 67-68. 392 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 70. 393 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan Koi Soukha Baneya, 81. 394Aurangzeb or by his regional title Alamgir (He who seizes the universe) was the sixth, and widely considered the last effective Mughal Emperor. He ruled over most of the Indian subcontinent during some parts of his reign, which lasted for 49 years from 1658 until his death in 1707. He is known as fundamentalist Muslim ruler. 395 Muhammad Khalil , Lyallpur, May 25, 2016.

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 Sikhs had better organized mechanism of attack

The study of various events verifies both options well materialized by the Sikh community. Though it is reiterated that loss of Sikh community is as lamentable as the Muslims; however under assumption of organized violence, it can be said that Sikh were more organized in their defense as well attack. Ian Talbot has mentioned organized movement of Sikh convoys that became possible owing to their economic buttress to resource management. He writes

Part of the answer lies in the fact that not all communities were equally vulnerable. The prosperous Sikh farmers, who migrated from the west Punjab canal colonies, were well organized and armed. They were thus a more difficult target to attack. Wealthier localities could be easily defended that poor slum areas especially those in mixed localities396. Regarding well organized defense policy of the Sikhs in comparison with Muslims is narrated by Lord Ismay who (He had aerial view of the convoys) writes:

The contrast between the two columns was striking. The movement of the Sikhs had been carefully planned and was being executed with military precision. There was little or no interval between the bullock carts, in which the women and young children and goods and chattels were loaded, and all the men who were capable of bearing arms moved in front and on the flanks of the column. The Muslim migration had evidently been unpremeditated, and their column straggled hopelessly over fifty miles of raod. From the air it looked like a pathetic stream of ants397. The defense of Sikhs enjoyed a religious tool of Kirpans as augmentation. Carrying Kirpans with them all the times gave them an edge over in terms of their defense and attack398. Though this issue was raised by Liaqat Ali Khan who requested Mountbatten allow the Muslims to carry self-defense weapons. The proposal was countered by Mountbatten on the grounds that a wrong could not be rectified by another wrong. Viceroy Mountbatten apprehended higher probability of violent encounter in case of both groups armed399. However, this act of Mountbatten seems hard to justify allowing armed movement of one group and deweaponizing the other one. He might be true that a

396 Ian Talbot and Gurharpal Singh. The Partition of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009) 78. 397 The Memoirs of General Lord Ismay, 441. 398 Samuel Martin Burke and Salim Al-Din Quraishi. The British Raj in India: An Historical Review (USA: Oxford University Press,1995), 616. 399 TOP Volume 10: 331.

136 wrong should not be followed by a wrong to rectify the wrong; however he did not take solid step to undo the wrong of weaponized movement. Moreover, he might be right in saying that both groups armed had higher probability to engage in violent encounter; however he overlooked the probability that leaving a group defenseless in front of armed contingents could render the group prone to more violence. He could have interfered to transient ban on religious symbol of Sikhs for the greater good of people as Auchinleck had advised him400.

Rare Instances of Sympathy by Sikhs

While this uncontrolled wild brutality of Sikhs against Muslims was creating havoc in East Punjab, there were many incidents where Sikhs safe guarded the Muslim families and Muslim migrants from fellow Sikh bullies. Many Sikhs stopped Muslim families from migrating because they had been living together for decades and promised to guard their lives on the expense of their own. Muslims and Sikhs swore on both the Holy Quran and the Guru Garanth (the holy book of Sikhism) to protect each other against assaults from furious militant bands. Some Muslim households did continue to stay in Indian Punjab months after the partition under protection of Sikh families but eventually had to migrate when pressure to kill mounted from Sikhs of adjoining villages. The friendly Sikh families themselves escorted the Muslims to Pakistani borders.401

In his reply to the debate in CAIL, N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, minister without Portfolio, said that on the October 20, 1947, about 28 lakh Muslims were in India awaiting evacuation and about 11 lakh non-Mulsims had to be brought over to India from West Punjab and the NWFP. In the first ten days period from October 21-31st, 6 lakh Muslims entered India. From November 1-10, 6.5 lakh Muslims entered Pakistan and 1.3 lakh non-Muslims entered India. Such massive movement continued and by about November 25, the balance that remained to be moved was about 4 lakh Muslims from India and about three lakh non-Muslims from Pakistan.402

400Philip Ziegler, Mountbatten: The Official Biography (London: Fontana Press, 1985), 435. 401 Malik Yaseen, Pakistan koi soukha baneya, 106, 127. 402 Madhav Godbole, The Holocaust of Indian Partition, 189.

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Major Routes of Migration to Lyallpur

The migrants exploited their available options of routes of migration that was largely limited to foot convoys. This stance is substantiated by historians like Pippa Virdee403 and oral accounts as well. As far routes of the migrants who destined to Lyallpur are concerned, most of the accounts lead to same experiences mentioned by other writers like Ch Aslam404. Oral sources identify four major routes. The first prominent route of migration included Balloki route (Ferozepur-Ludhiana-Kasur- Raiwind-Jaranwala-Lyallpur) that was used by the thousands of Muslim migrants from East Punjab to Lyallpur. The people who adopted these routes mostly settled down in near the Jaranwala tehsil. Mostly migrants talked about this route.

Baba Ghulam Muhammad Mirza settled in Jaranwala has made his journey on this route by food. He narrates: “We started our journey in Kafla (carvan) from Ferozepur in carvan comprising of 50000 people. A lot of them were killed during the journey and it took two months to reach Jaranwala405”.

Another course of movement to Lyallpur was the Sulaimanke Route (Fazilka- Hissar-Delhi-Okara-Lyallpur). The account of Suleman406 approves thusly as he alongside others came to Beiranwala T.T. Singh by this course. The Dera Baba Nanak Route (Batala-Gurdaspur-Dera Baba Nanak-Sialkot-Narowal-Lyallpur) was well known amid the mass development and last however the busiest course for mass movement, the Amritsar Route (Amritsar-Lahore-Sheikupura-Lyallpur) was utilized by both arrangements of migrants. A considerable measure of the migrants on truck, trains, and by foot parade had embraced to make Lyallpur their destination407. It was attempted to organize sufficient arrangements to avoid any encounter of the migrants moving both ways.408

Mother of Imran who settled in a village near Lyallpur City has endorsed that. After Lahore our kafla reached

403 Pippa Virdee, Partition and Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61 (UK: PhD Dissertation, Coventry University, 2004), 132. 404 Ch Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 78. 405 Ghulam Muhammad Mirza, Islampur, Jaranawala, Faisalabad, June 10, 2014. 406 Muhammad Suleman s/o Bashir Ahmed Toba Tek Singh, May 15, 2012. 407 Shabbir Ahmad, Gojra, Faisalabad,August, 15, 2014.; Mehar Ali, Chak 478 GB. Nazir Ahmad, Chak 485 GB. 408Pippa Virdee, Partition and Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61, 39.

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Sheikhupur where we stayed for three nights and then moved to Lyallpur409. During these journey columns of refugees came across each other on almost all the crossing points. From both sides migrants (foot caravans and on trains) were terrified; while crossing normally look at each other with sigh of pain and sometimes hatred. Pippa Virdee has highlighted theses rare stances in her:

They stopped where they were, and we stopped where we were. They were Muslim and we were non-Muslims. And no one spoke. We went on looking at each other. They had left their homes and friends behind, and so had we. But there was a strange kind of kinship, this kinship of sorrow. We were all refugees. We both had been broken on the wreck of history.410 In some instance there was exchange of harsh word in them. Balqees Bibi remembered these moments as:

Khani Roti Oper Boti [half bread with piece of meat] Hindu Maray Sanney Langoti [wish Hindu should die along Loincloth]411 In reaction non-Muslims also spoke but she could not hear clearly.

Conclusion

India’s independence, a long cherished dream by the Indians, was accompanied by the vivisection of the land on communal basis. The partition caused one of the greatest human convulsions. It was one of the most cataclysmic events in world history and the Punjab bore the worst brunt of the partition and virtually became an arena of communal bloodbath.412The division of the Punjab in 1947 resulted in tremendous material, human loss and sufferings of the Punjabis. The people of the Punjab passed through a traumatic experience in which anarchy and violence created a deep rupture in the social fabric. These killings can be described as ‘a general massacre’ master-minded by politicians and executed by gangs armed with modern weapons.413

People were forced to migrate in an environment of existential threat to them. These events were mixture of organized as well frenzied attacks; however larger portion

409 Iqbal Bibi, Mohammdia Colony, Faisalabad, April, 2015. 410Andrew Whitehead, 'Refugees from Partition,' www.indiadisasters.org 411 Balqees Bibi, Chak No. 481 GB. Sammundri, Lyallpur,, November 17, 2015. 412 E.H. Carr, What is History? (Middlesex: Penguin, 1961),.79. 413 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, (New Delhi: OUP, 1982), 2.

139 of the violence was organized and carried out effectively. Its extent reached level violence reached state of ethnic cleansing of Muslims in East Punjab districts. It obliged Muslims of East Punjab to leave India for Pakistan and caused migration. This unplanned migration rendered them more prone to well coordinated attacks of Sikhs catalyzed by weak response of the provincial establishment. The threat of violence prevailed throughout the journey of migration until they crossed border of Pakistan. Lyallpur welcomes thousands of the migrants who mostly migrated from the East Punjab and once the migrants settled down they contributed to the development of the city, province and country.

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Chapter - IV

Rejuvenation: Rehabilitation and Resettlement

Introduction

As a ramification of partition, a huge migration took place across the borders of India and Pakistan. This migration is distinctive in a sense that it was abrupt, forced, and unplanned. The historical accounts led to infer that neither the migrants nor the host countries had considered such a possibility of sudden large scale migration. Moreover, the burden of migration was matchless to the resources of newly created state of Pakistan. However, in wake of partition, there seems an effective cooperation among the migrants, the government, and the local people personified as Ansaars. Though there were some issues regarding efficiency and transparency of the process of resettlement and rehabilitation of the migrants, yet the overall process of rehabilitation was much efficient and effective in comparison of outsourcing of the government.

Lyallpur was one of the major migrant host cities414 and historical accounts seem concerted that it is the largest migrants incorporating city of the West Punjab. This chapter is an attempt to explore the process of rehabilitation and resettlement of migrants in broader perspective focusing on urban and rural areas of Lyallpur which is not scholarly handled or overlooked by the historians. It discusses the policy of rehabilitation from design phase to implementation and evaluation phase. It has discussed obstacles and mishandlings of the process, whereas the rectification measures are also given due space in the chapter. It is an attempt to investigate the process of resettlement and rehabilitation through the perspectives of Government, the migrants, and the local people and has discussed prospects and challenges for all these stakeholders.

There have been various studies regarding process of resettlement and rehabilitation in wake of partition. These studies have focused various localities for analysis. Ian Talbot has discussed migration and resettlement in his comparative study of two cities of Lahore and Amritsar415. Ilyas Chatha discussed resettlement of migrants in

414 DO 142/440 NA, UK; IOR: L/P&J/8/853, BL. 415 Ian Talbot, “A Tale of Two Cities: The Aftermath of Partition for Lahore and Amritsar 1947–1957” Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 01 (2007): 151-185.

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Gujranwala and Sialkot and role of migrants in redefining economic and cultural dynamics of the city416. Pippa Virdee has discussed comparative study of Lyallpur and Ludhiana in terms of rehabilitation process of the migrants. The study has discussed endeavors of migrants as well in order to establish their businesses and consolidate their financial stature417. All these studies have discussed resettlement and rehabilitation process of migration in various localities of West Punjab and have highlighted role of migrants in redefining social, cultural, and financial dynamics of the localities. Waseem has discussed Lyallpur and added political dimension to his analysis and discussed political maneuvering by business elites of migrant community418. The present chapter is an in depth analysis of the process of resettlement and rehabilitation in locality of Lyallpur in connection to endeavors of various stakeholders including the government, the migrants, and the native people in this regard.

Background: Story at Punjab level

Our story opens with the refugee thronging the province in camps, schools and college buildings, military barracks, temples, inns, and every other conceivable place. The whole land was covered with them. They were frenzied, bleeding, and in great destitution: and their immediate rehabilitation was the most urgent question that faced the country.419

The above quotation is taken from a 1962 Indian publication, Punjab Industries that captures the mood of the subcontinent at the time of partition. It reveals the magnitude of the task of refugee rehabilitation. This was an enormous undertaking for the governments of India and Pakistan, both of which were totally unprepared for this complex challenge that involved rehabilitation of over 12 million people420. The partition of India in August 1947, which resulted in the creation of the independent states of India and Pakistan, remains a watershed in the subcontinent's history, defining the post- independence relationship between the two countries. The event was marked by the

416 Ilyas Ahmad Chatta, “Partition and Its Aftermath: Violence, Migration and The Role Of Refugees in The Socio-Economic Development Of Gujranwala And Sialkot Cities, 1947-196” (PhD diss., University of Southampton, 2009). 417 Pippa Virdee. “Partition And Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and Its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61” (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004). 418 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75” in Pakistan: The Social Sciences’ Perspective, ed. Akbar S. Ahmad (Karachi: OUP, 1990): 207-28. 419 R. Dhiman, Punjab Industries (Ludhiana: Dhiman Press of India, 1962) 25. 420 PippaVirdee, “Partition and Locality,” 163.

142 greatest migration in the twentieth century. Approximately fourteen million people crossed the newly created borders of India and Pakistan421.

The operational and legal aspect of the migrants that emerged from partition was based on the right of people to escape the violence targeted along religious lines. In Pakistan, a separate category for migrants (Muhajir) was included in 1951 census; and it defined the refugee as a person who had moved to Pakistan as a result of partition or fear of disturbance connected with422. Muhajir is also a generic term alluding historic reference of migration of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)423. According to official Indian sources, Non-Muslim evacuees vacated 6,729,000 acre of land in West Punjab out of which, 4,307,000 was canal irrigated; Similarly, lands were relinquished by non- Muslims in other areas of Sindh, N.W.F.P., Bahawalpur, Baluchistan, and Khairpur. Muslim evacuees from East Punjab and the states of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Faridkot and Kapurthala in India, abandoned 4,735,000 acre of land out of which 1,326,000 acre was under irrigation424. After a statistical review of the distribution of the migrants, the records of the municipality and the 1951 census pronounce the districts of Lahore, Lyallpur (now Faisalabad), Montgomery (Sahiwal Present), and Multan as the "bastions" of migrants425. The highest number of migrants was accommodated by Lyallpur having official figure near to one million people.

Partition itself has some distinct features that make it a classical conflict in refugee annals. The process of transferring political authority and sorting out of properties led to violent clashes among the contending communities426. This violence then became self-perpetuating in large measures because of absence of both, the civil authority and effective state power427.

421 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and Locality: Case Studies of the Impact of Partition and Its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61.” (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004), 1. 422 Sergio Aguayo, Astri Suhrke, and Aristide R. Zolberg, “Escape from Violence Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World” (Vancouver: Oxford University Press, 1989), 132. 423 Sergio Aguayo, Astri Suhrke, and Aristide R. Zolberg, “Escape from Violence Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World, 132. 424 Gurpreet K. Chaudhri, “Industrial Growth in the Punjab since Independence: A Historical Enquiry 1947 to the Present,” (Ph.D. Diss., Panjab University, Chandigarh, 2000), 36. 425 Board of Economic Inquiry, A Statistical Review of the Distribution of Refugees in West Punjab, (Lahore: Governmet Press, nd); Mudie Papers, Mss EUR F164/147, IOR and Census of Pakistan – Table of Economic Characteristics (West Pakistan), Vol. VII, 1951, UPL. 426 Omar Khalidi, “From Torrent to Trickle: Indian Muslim Migration to Pakistan, 1947-97”, Islamic studies Vol. 37, no. 3 (1998): 339-352. 427 Tahir Hasnain Naqvi, “The Politics of Commensuration: The Violence of Partition and the Making of the Pakistani State,” Journal of Historical Sociology 20, no. 1‐2 (2007): 44-71.

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Migrant population according to census of 1951

Table 3: District wise inflow of migrants Dsitricts Incoming Migrants (in thousands) Gujranwala 299.145 Lahore 745.078 Sheikhupura 309.890 Sialkot 369.47 Campbellpur (Attock) 38.121 Gujrat 135.676 Jhelum 52.376 Mianwali 46.672 Rawalpindi 106.262 Shahpur 207.256 Dera Ghazi Khan 35.740 Jhang 138.649 Lyallpur 986.236 Montgomery 713.050 Multan 646.151 Muzaffargarh 78.559 Bahawalpur 298.140 Rahim yar Khan 74.726 Source: Elisabeta Lob, A Betrayed Promise? The Politics of the Everyday State and the Resettling of Refugees in Pakistani Punjab, 1947—62.

But because the conflict involved the creation of the two nation states out of one, migrants on both sides had prospective homeland that afforded immediate protection, resettlement assistance, and citizenship rights for the future. Having the homeland, the migrants from partition were not international migrants in the customary sense428. Yet the material assistance was desperately needed for the migrants who lacked shelter, food, and medicine and who were in terrible plight. Indian and Pakistani delegation to the United Nations pleaded for assistance for their millions of migrants429. Some of the aid was sanctioned as well but that was not enough to meet the needs.

The primary concern for the incoming migrants in West Punjab, whether they were urban or rural, was to provide them basic necessities such as food, shelter, clothing

428 Mahbubar Rahman and Willem Van Schendel, “I Am Not a Refugee’: Rethinking Partition Migration,” Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 03 (2003): 551-584. 429 Sergio Aguayo, Astri Suhrke, and Aristide R. Zolberg, “Escape from Violence Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World,” 132.

144 and medical attention.430 Contrasted with India, Pakistan has had noteworthy recovery work. The nation was denied of framework and staff to work government hardware. Besides, the number of displaced people in connection to the aggregate populace of the nation in Pakistan was substantially higher than in India. The 1951 statistics proposes that about 40 percent of the urban populace in Pakistan were outcasts from India. India could handle the displaced person on emergency basis since it was topographically constrained to a little piece of the state, yet for Pakistan this was impractical in light of the fact that it significantly affected Western Punjab431 and the East Pakistan. Due to the large influx of migrants in West Punjab, some migrants were resettled in neighbouring provinces. These numbered reached around seven lakhs, while a further nine lakhs were expected to be moved to Sindh.432

By April 1948, the Pakistan West Punjab Migrants Council was able to provide figures from the migrants' census. The preliminary total figure of migrants for West Punjab compised 5,072,017 people; and for Lyallpur district alone, the figure was 1,019,518. Both figures were; however, lower than expected, which confirmed official views that many districts were exaggerating their figures.433 However, these figures cannot be considered as final source because at the time of the reports, figures for important tehsils such as Lahore and Sargodha were missing. Still it is enough to substantiate that Lyallpur was the largest host of the migrants in West Punjab. Regarding rehabilitiation of the incoming migrants, according to the reports of West Punjab Board of Economic Inquiry,434 1,162,600 migrants had been rehabilitated in urban district and tehsil towns of West Punjab. They had replaced an outgoing 1,0842,00 Hindu and Sikh migrants. However, the report contains some flaws. It is unfortunately undated and it does not define rehabilitation; so it is impossible to assess from it how many of these migrants were still in camps and temporary accommodation. The figure for the rehabilitation of the migrants in rural areas was three times higher; however, large piece

430 Sergio Aguayo, “Escape from Violence Conflict, 132. Note by A. M. K. Leghari. 431 On Sind, see Sarah Ansari, “The Movement of Indian Muslims to West Pakistan after 1947: Partition-Related Migration and its Consequences for the Pakistani Province of Sind,” In Migration: The Asian Experience, ed. Judith M. Brown and R. Foot (UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1994), 194. 432 This issue led to political tensions between Sind and the Centre and became an example of the problem of 'provincialism' that beset Pakistan from the outset. 433 Note by W.V. Grigson, Pakistan-Punjab Refugees Council, 18th Meeting, 3 April 1948. 434 See Appendix B in Ian Talbot, Freedom’s Cry: The Popular Dimension in the Pakistan Movement and Partition Experience in North West India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 212-16.

145 of lands abandoned by the outgoing migrants eased the process of rehabilitation of incoming migrants435. Some writers seem critical of West Punjab government as, by November 1947, the West Punjab government was expressing concerns over the greater numbers of migrants coming to Pakistan than those who had left.436

Reception of Migrants

As mentioned earlier, the journey of migrants from either side is marked with languishes of violence, deaths of their loved ones, deprivation of property and wealth, and a psychological fear that haunted them throughout their journey. These languishes are highlighted and lamented by almost all historians who have discussed events of Partition of India. This discourse is found in the writings of Bhardwaj437, Manjeet and Ganguly438, Kanwaljit Kaur439 and these studies seems to agree on lamenting the languishes of the migrants. Similarly, several Pakistani authors have also discussed the event with an element of deep sympathy towards the migrants. Moreover, Ishtiaq Ahmed440, Paul Brass441, Ayesha Jalal442 and several other writers have also explored events of partition in wake of problems faced by the migrants. Despite difference of opinion on motives of partition, there seems agreement regarding sympathizing migrants as they were the real sufferers. However, while talking about the Muslim migrants, it can be said that their languishes had a pause when they entered borders of Pakistan443.

Most of the migrants entered Punjab through the border lines of Lahore and Kasur. People stayed there in camps temporarily and then vacated it for their next destination in order to accommodate upcoming migrants. Regarding resettlement of the migrants, preexisting kinship networks had major role in further settlement of the

435 Ian Talbot, Freedom’s Cry, 216, See Appendix C. 436 Note by A. M. K. Leghari, Refugee Commissioner, West Punjab, 15 January 1948. 437 Prashant Bharadwaj, Asim Khwaja, and Atif Mian, “The Big March: Migratory Flows after the Partition of India”, Economic and Political Weekly (2008): 39-49. 438 Manjeet S Pardesi and Sumit Ganguly, “World Politics Research Seminar”. The study investigates that why the Punjab bore the brunt of the mass violence and mass migration accompanying India’s partition while Bengal remained relatively quiescent as it too was partitioned. 439 Kanwaljit Kaur, “Riots, Refugees and Rehabilitation: A Case Study of Punjab 1946-56”, (Ph.D. dissertation Punjabi University, Patiala, 2010). She writer, “Pakistan was won, but people on both sides of the fence were tormented by killings, loss of families and by the scale and magnitude of this tragedy”. 440 Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed, 132. 441 Paul F. Brass, “The partition of India and retributive genocide in the Punjab, 1946-47: Means, methods, and purposes”, Journal of Genocide Research 5, no. 1 (2003): 71-101. 442 Ayesha Jalal, “Nation, Reason and Religion: Punjab's Role in the Partition of India”, Economic and Political Weekly (1998): 2183- 2190. 443 Sarah Ansari, Life after Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh: 1947- 1962 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), 129-131.

146 migrants444. In an interview of migrant Sher Muhammad from Ludhiana, he narrated that when they crossed the border of Ganda Singh and entered in Pakistan (Kasur), the people of Kasur warmly welcomed them. He recalled announcements of Pak Army that worse time for migrants was over. “You are in Pakistan and we will protect you here”, they said. Their route of their convoy to Faisalabad was through trains. They first settled in Toba Tek Singh and it also helped their other relatives to settle there445. Another migrant Ch. Ghulam Rasool mentions that when their train arrived at Lahore, the natives served them with hot meal and welcomed the migrants warmly446. The security contingents deployed to ensure safe arrival of the migrants cooperated whole heartedly with the migrants. Their needs were tried best to be met. A migrant Rana Ali Muhammad says that security personnel served them water personally if anyone needed447. Asghar Hussain (A migrant) recalls that when their train arrived in Pakistan, they were warmly welcomed by the people. Natives of Lahore served them with delicious food items in Walton camp448. It can be surmised that such a warm welcome might contribute in sigh of relief of the migrants. Aftab Ahmed says,

Other than official camps throughout the Lyallpur district, there were temporary or non-official camps which were set up for the time being mostly near railway station, and schools buildings. Those camps had pretty different settings while just describing their location and working. There were a lot of migrants who had decided not to go to any camp. Moreover, their journey was destined to any railway station of Lyallpur by train. On other hand migrants also landed in cities and towns of district who adopted to travel on trucks. So they were stationed temporarily at mostly railway stations and school

444 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 180. 445 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 180. 446 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 313. 447 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 538. 448 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 814 449 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 945; 22 July 2010, Interview of Aftab Ahmed (Journalist)

147 buildings. The oral accounts reveal that such camps were all around the district where the stations located for example in major towns like Chak juhmra, Jarawnawala, Tandalianwla, kanjwani, Mamukanjan, Kamalia, Shorkot, Gojra and T. T. Singh. Thus this movement of people into these towns and villages can be categorized into two descriptions. First the migrants who had relatives living in that area; they got refuge in camp and then they moved ahead to their destinations after some days. They were sure that they could get somehow a living place: both on temporary as well long run basis. Sitaran Bibi and Balqees Bibi said

The train ended their journey at Gojra Station where a lot of migrants had been residing in an oil factory and station ground. The situation was panic and that open ground was overcrowded. We lived there for two weeks as to decide where we should go. We waited for our relatives but we did not find them. Ultimately, we decided to go to Jaranwala where some families had settled down from our village. 450 Another group of migrants had experienced different experience as they had their relatives in that locality. They lived in camps for few days and then they were recerived by their relatives.

Muhammad Bashir Khan’s oral account suggests that

We lived at Kanjwani Station for two days as there were round 200 people in camp. The local from the villages of Dehran and others provided us the food on daily basis. I did not see any official representation there. Our relatives from Chak 483 Pakka Kooh451 came to welcome us on cart (Gadda).452 Another such camp was set outside the ground of Government school Sammundri; it was not linked with rail line however, it was a major town of Lyallpur. ‘Migrants from Lyallpur City, Tandlianwala, and Gojra came here to search their relative. They temporarily lived in camps and then move forward. So, it became a camp catering many migrants. When that camp was established, many of the locals had helped a lot to those migrants not only establishing that camp but also by providing many of the essentials for routine use including food453.

450 Sittran Bibi, Chak No. 481 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad. November17, 2014. 451 Pakka Khoh, Chak 483GB located near the Kanjwani railway station, some 6-8 Kilometer away. 452 Muhammad Bahir Khan, Chak No. 481 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, November17, 2014. 453 Muhammad Ibrahim, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad. May 15, 2016.

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The situation was pathetic as migrants have no roof to live just to survive in open sky. Mostly were sufferings from common disease like Cholrea, epidemics. That epidemic had resulted into the almost complete annihilation of those migrants. Bilqees Bibi narrated rightly this that in camp every person looks ill and the dysentery was common. There was no concept of medical first aid.454

The nearby populace had warmly welcomed the migrants in these temporary camps. The eyewitnesses narrate that people served them whole heartedly: If one individual brought cucumber for the migrants, others brought chicken rice was with him. Somebody took several breads. Somebody thought of 'Meethay Chawal' (sweet rice). Every one of those things and sustenance appropriated among the displaced people. What's more, it was impractical for neighborhood aides to furnish them with the important offices.

Official Camps

The migrants who moved to Lyallpur had two modes of settlement. First comprises the migrants who moved to Lyallpur and stayed in the refugee camps in the beginning. Later on, when they got temporary allotments they settled in either city or rural areas of Lyallpur. Second contingent comprised the migrants who had prior links in Lyallpur and they used social networking to get settled. These two contingents had different experiences and stories of resettlement in Lyallpur. Generally speaking, the group of migrants who settled on network basis had comparatively less hurdles in settlement. However, most of the oral accounts of the people who stayed in camps of Lyallpur also suggest ‘role of kinship’ in settlement.

For the migrants who first came into camps, state buildings and educational institutions were used for them as refugee camps. It served temporary residence for the outgoing non-Muslim migrants as well the incoming Muslim migrants. These include aproximately six camps comprising Khalsa College, Government College, Dhobi Ghat, Jinnah Colony, MB School, and Ayra School being major refugee camps in Lyallpur. Moreover, some other camps also existed in different towns like in Kamalia, Gojra, and Toba Tek Singh. Besides these permanent camps there many school grounds especially

454 Bilqees Bibi, Chak No. 481 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. November 17, 2014.

149 railway grounds that served as temporary camps. Pippa Virdee writes that the migrants migrants stayed wherever they found place455. People arrived Lyallpur in form of convoys on carts, trains, and busses. However, the arrival of migrants in Lyallpur is attributed to two main factors. As the migrants entered Pakistan through the borders of Lahore and Kasur, they stayed there for few days. Later, they were asked to move on in order to vacate the camps to incorporate next coming influx of migrants. Lyallpur became major host city because because it was one of the cities of West Punjab where the outflow of non-Muslims was very high. On the basis of oral accounts, the arrival of migrants in Lyallpur can be classified in three areas:

 The migrants who moved through trains stayed at Kanjwani railway station. There was a big ground that served as refugee camp. People first stayed there for some days. Later on, they moved to villages or cities either on the basis of preexisting links or on the advice of government officials.

 The migrants who had already identified their links and moved directly to their relatives or acquaintances.

 The migrants who moved on means of travel other than railway. They stayed at Samundri, Jaranwala, Lyallpur, Gojra, and Toba Tek Singh camps. And then moved to next destination.

A migrant narrated his story of migration

We crossed border of Lahore and the whole train chanted slogans of Pakistan Zindabad. We stayed at night at Walton camp. Government had arranged food and medical treatment facility also. On next day, it was announced in the camp that train was ready for new coming migrants. the train dropped us at Kanjwani railway station. There we stayed one day in the camp established in the affiliated ground of the station. Rana Aslam Khan (Friend of his father) came next day and took us to his village Chak 84456.

455 Pippa Virdee, Partition and Locality, 253. 456 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013.

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There is another similar story that narrates

We came to Walton camp. I lifted my father as he was too sick to walk. The camp was over crowded as the inflow of the migrants was very high. We moved on train for our next destination to Kanjwani457. We stayed here at camp for some days. We had our relatives there who received us there458. Muahammad Bashir Khan’s story of migration to Lyallpur.

My uncle (Nathu khan) and I start our journey by foot crossing Chak Chonta, Sultandey, rajjiwal, phasian Pind(situated on bank on Bias River), along Bias River finally reached Ludhaian Camp where they lived three months. They were attacked near Chak Sultandey. After reaching Ludhian Camp, there were almost 50000 people were in camp. Food arrangements were not good. A depot for food as Pao per person. As there was no shelter as we managed to make Juhgi of Kafan ( which my uncle had ) in intermittent rain We reached Kanjwani by train and lived there for one night in Railway Ground which served as temporary cmap; there around 300 people stayed. Then Rakna (relative) brought us on Gadda to Chak Pakka Khoh. Other members of my family reached later459. The historical accounts of reception of migrants in the geographical territory of Pakistan largely appreciate endevours of the officials and the indigenous people regarding making the assimilation of the migrants possible. In an interview of migrant Sher Muhammad from Ludhiana, he narrates that when they crossed border of Ganda Singh and entered Pakistan (Kasur), people of Kasur welcomed them warmly. He recalled announcements of Pak Army “Your worst time is over now and you have entered the land of peace now. This is a land that is yours and for which you have sacrificed a lot.”460 Another migrant Ch. Ghulam Rasool mentions that when their train arrived Lahore, the natives served them with hot meal and welcomed the migrants warmly461. The security contingents deployed to ensure safe arrival of the migrants cooperated whole heartedly with the migrants. Their needs were tried best to be met. A migrant Rana Ali Muhammad says that security personnel served them water personally if anyone

457 Railway station Near Lyallpur. It served as temporary camp. Muhammad Bahir Ahmad Khan, Chak No. 481 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, November17, 2014. 458 Abdul Majeed, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 12, 2013. 459 Muhammad Bahir Ahmad Khan, Chak No. 481 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, November17, 2014. Only 10 people have migrated to Lyallpur. 460 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 180. 461 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 313.

151 needed462. Asghar Hussain (A migrant) recalls that when their train arrived in Pakistan, they were warmly welcomed by people. Natives of Lahore served them with delicious food items in Walton camp463. This warm welcome by the natives gave multiplier effect to the happiness and satisfaction of migrants. Aftab Ahmed says,

As our busses arrived at Wahga, they made a stop there. Here indigenous people were cooking food for migrants. It was inexplicable environment. Migrants were happy about arriving Pakistan, and warm welcome filled with emotions and sacrifice (Isaar) gave feeling of satisfaction to migrants. A military soldier gave me pack of condense milk464. However, some oral accounts narrate the story of reception of migrants in Lyallpur in totally opposite way. They seem critical of the approach of natives who perceived them as unwanted and uninvited guests in their territory. A migrant told, “Madina migration was much easier as people there welcomed them and helped them. But here Abad Girs465 jibed at our deprivations and taunted us. Moreover, they looted property or material remnants of the Sikhs who migrated to India. They perceived us snatcher of their rights466. Some oral stories suggest that some myopic natives were involved in conspiring against the migrants to get them less fertile lands. Numbardar Ali Nawaz was involved in such activities in Village Chak 485. It is said that these people were vey mean towards migrants and did not let us even take ‘Saag’467 from fields. yet, some oral accounts of the migrants who had been to South Punjab districts owing to saturation in Lyallpur commend welcoming attitude of the local people of Bhakkar and Mianwali468. Yet their memoirs about Abad Kars of Lyallpur were not much appreciating469. Similarly Noor Muhammad who is relative to the researcher narrated “At railway station of Kanjwani, my father was sitting with me and his little daughter in his lap. A gentleman came there and asked, “Baba G what is your skill?” My father replied that he was Imam Masjid. He took us to a Bazar, gave us two room flat and food also470”

462 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 538. 463 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 814. 464 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 945. 22 July 2010, Interview of Aftab Ahmed (Journalist) 465 Local term used for the natives. 466 Abdul Majeed, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 12, 2013. 467 A vegetable similar to spinach that is abundantly found in rural areas of Punjab. It is not charged normally and people can take it from fields free of cast. It is favorite dish of rural Punjab served with corn loaf. 468 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013. 469 Muhammad Khalil, migrant from Majat District Ambala, “Local people did not even let us pass through their fields”. 470 Noor Muhammad, Lyallpur, December12, 2016.

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Status of Camps

Refugee camps served as temporary residence for the migrants until they got settled in residential areas. In this regard, the government provided basic facilities there that included food, water, and shelter. Moreover, owing to upcoming winter season, there was immediate need of blankets there which was attempted to fulfill with the help of the local people. This account is further substantiated by Pippa Virdee who writes: Migrants were provided with free food in the centrally-administered camps, while the district authorities made their own provisions471. This was to go on until the migrants had been resettled, though in practice burdening the state was not encouraged and migrants were quickly 'rehabilitated'.

The Government arranged food items for migrant camps. There are some narrations that lead to infer that status of basic facilities was better than the villages as there are reports that suggest that the people who had settled in villages; went to the camps in day time and utilized food items and other things which were exclusive for migrants; and left the camp in night472. When the migrants came to Pakistan, they were in very worse conditions. Therefore, a special attention was given to their food. They were given proper facilities and food. Fodder was also provided to them to feed their animals473.

Initially some reports suggested shortage of flour and other food items in the camps474, but soon it was overcome. Despite some reports of problems in camps, the overall situation of camps was made better gradually. Due to this, even some people who settled in villages came back to camps475.

471 Pnina Werbner, “Avoiding the ghetto: Pakistani Migrants and Settlement Shifts in Manchester”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 7, no. 3 (1979): 376-389. 472 Daily Saadat Lyallpur, January15, 1948. 473 Daily Saadat, August 15, 1948. 474 Daily Saadat, December 9, 1952. “There is severe food shortage in Toba Tek Singh especially migrants are facing lot of difficulties. The people demanded that government should open food depots on war footings”. 475 Daily Saadat January 15, 1948; “The Government arranged food items for migrant camps. There are reports that suggest that the people who had settled in villages; went to the camps in day time and utilized food items and other things which were exclusive for migrants; and left the camp in night”.

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Problems at Camps

Though large accounts of settlement of migrants attribute West Punjab government to be the most efficient in rehabilitation process, however, the reports of mismanagement and negligence are also in galore. Addressing the deteriorating condition of migrants, Sheikh Sadiq Hassan wrote a letter to Jinnah that stated that even after months of independence; the rehabilitation process was very slow. People had even started going back to India which might create very negative impression among the Muslims there476.

Muhammad Aslam in his book “Ludhiana kay Musalmano Par kya Guzri” writes that the Migrant camps in Lyallpur were in pathetic situation. Either volunteers or officials to attend the migrants were scarce. Inclemency of cold and inappropriate protectors had led the migrants to suffer to a state that might be inexplicable. On inquiring about the officers responsible for camps management, it transpired that they had adopted an irresponsible attitude towards attending the migrants. Arrangements in temples, mosques, Government schools and colleges could be made but owing to negligence of officers, it could not take place, and migrants suffered ultimately477. However, the positive side of the picture is that higher authorities made maximum effort to keep check and balance and rectify the situation478. The paradox of the situation can be considered of outcome of huge discrepancy between the available and required resources to accommodate the migrants. Moreover, time frame was also a big issue for the authorities.

Cleanliness Issues and Diseases

Cleanliness was one of the major problems with camps. It resulted into spread of diseases among migrants also. It owed to several factors that can be explained in single line; and that are lack of resources and lack of realization of one’s responsibilities on the behalf of management as well as the migrants479. It is reported that almost 8000 migrants

476 Daily Saadat, April 25, 1948. 477 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Musalmano par kya Guzri, 161. 478 DC Lyalllpur had paid visits to camps time to time in the city and other areas of district. He ordered to address the issues of migrants. 479 Daily Saadat, January 16, 1948.

154 in camps suffered serious illness and hundreds of them passed away480. Newspapers report of swear shortage of wheat in Lyallpur481. In this regard, protests of women and children for wheat were recorded in Lyallpur482. Owing to the deteriorating situation in camps, journalists raised voice to address the issue. They pronounced the subordinate officers responsible for it and requested Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan to visit Lyallpur and take steps to rectify the conditions483. Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan (The Minister for rehabilitation) visited a migrant camp in Jinnah colony. He narrates:

During rains of winter, I was on a visit of Jhang. While returning, I choose path of Lyallpur and intended to visit migrant camps. There was no body at the gate and the gate was locked. I broke the lock and went in. there were piles of garbage everywhere. Children were suffering from smallpox but they were playing with other people. There was nothing like healthcare in the camp484. Another migrant said while telling his story of migration:

Pakistan was our dreamland. As we entered into Pakistan, people welcomed us and helped us in every manner they could. But influx of migrants was incessant. We were asked to go to Lyallpur. We were soon to inhumane living conditions. The misery of people was too high that it made the management insensitive as it became their routine matter. Everyone was devastated. How could they help everyone? 485 Despite of the lack of resources, some accounts suggest that cleanliness arrangements were not up to the level of capability of the management. Hence there seems lack of agency on behalf of management. It could be better with participation of the migrants as well. Not limiting to this factor, the agency factor can be deficient among migrants also and they preferred to be passive recipients in the beginning.

A respondent told:

The sweepers and the management in the camps were visible on and off. Sweepers considered it their personal insult if asked them to do cleanliness. But management aside, the migrants also

480 Daily Saadat, February 27, 1948. 481 Daily Saadat, January 16, 1948. 482 Daily Saadat, March 2, 1948. 483 Daily Saadat, January 4, 1948. 484 Shaukat Hyat Khan, The Nation That Lost Its Soul: Memoirs Of A Freedom Fighter (Lahore: Jang Publishers, 1995), 200. 485 Muhammad Hanif Chak No. 484 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad, July 26, 2013.

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did not attempt to help themselves initially which resulted in deterioration of the cleanliness status of the camps486. Overcrowding

Overcrowding was another issue that is pronounced to be mother of all other problems. The migrants could not be sent to better places owing to already packed camps. Overcrowding caused owing to mammoth inflow of migrants, slow outflow of non- Muslims, and less number of camps required to accommodate the migrants. On the behalf of the management, it was again outcome of lack of agency and lack of resources to meet the requirements. Another reason of overcrowding relates to irresponsible attitude of some of the migrants who were reported to come to camps despite of that they had got allotments.

Regarding slow outflow of non-Muslims from Lyallpur is narrated by Sardar Shaukat Hayat in context of his visit of Lyallpur refugee camps. He writes:

I saw the ugly condition of the camp. It was overcrowded with no proper arrangements. When I asked the management about it, they made excuse of overcrowding to be main hurdle in relief activities and proper management. When I inquired them that why the incoming migrants were not accommodated in other camps, they told that many camps were packed with non- Muslims who were waiting to leave for East Punjab. Some of them were recently vacated and being prepared for incoming migrants487. However, despite of the lack of resources, the available resources were also not utilized up to their potential. Several state buildings, mosques, temples, schools, and colleges, and open grounds could be used as camps. Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan told:

It was raining and weather was cold. It was dusk time when management staff arrived. I asked them that did they send the migrants in mosques, temples, schools and the colleges of the city which could be used as camps. They nodded in negation. I ordered them immediate transfer of the migrants488.

486 Rana Fazal, Mohammdia Colony, Faisalabad, March 20, 2014. 487 Shaukat Hyat Khan, The Nation That Lost Its Soul: Memoirs of A Freedom Fighter, 200.

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Corruption

Apart from the mismanagement and lack of agency, there are evidences of corruption in reception of migrants at camps. Some news in the newspapers and briefing of higher up visits suggest dishonesty with the ameliorations of the migrants. In this regard, most of the corruption was related to smuggling of food items in black market and then resale of the food with higher prices to the migrants. However, the positive side is that such actions were curtailed by the government with active vigilance and soon, the shortage of food items was overcome in most of the camps. however, owing to greater gamut of the campaign, still the problems were reported later in some cases, yet the overall situation was upgraded.

Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan narrated his visit story of migrant camp in Lyallpur:

In the camp, I saw four men shouldering a dead body. There was specific type of white cloth that was used to cover dead bodies. I asked who had died. They told me that it was unidentified dead body which they were going to burry. I asked them to show the face of the body. They left the body and ran away. When it was opened, I was shocked to see that it was not the dead body, rather the flour which was reserved for the migrants489. While interviewing different migrants, there was mixed response about corruption. Some people verified the corruption of migrants, some partially verified as they did not face it personally490 but they knew some Patwaris who had demanded bribery from their relatives/ friends491, and some people denied any event of corruption in their knowledge492.

Rectification of the Problems

In addition to the huge problem of re-housing the migrants, the shortage of clothing and blankets was another problem. This became an urgent requirement for the northern areas of the country as the cold weather set in. This issue is intrinsically tied to the setting up of textile mills in Lyallpur. The immediate need, however, was met by

489 Shaukat Hyat Khan, The Nation That Lost Its Soul: Memoirs Of A Freedom Fighter, 200. 490 Muhammad Bahir Khan, Chak No. 481 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, November17, 2014. “In Gojra 25 acres land was allotted to us. The land was scattered into tracks. Patwari demanded 100 rupee for bribe”. 491 Abdul Majeed, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 12, 2013. “There was trend of corruption in land record office and some people even tried to manipulate land allotments”. 492 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013.

157 items left behind by evacuees and by charitable donations.493 Though the problems existed, yet with the intervention of higher ups, the status of rehabilitation process got better. The resources were pooled up and within the constraints, maximum output was gained. In this process, every section of society took part in its capacity. The in-depth literature review suggests that the top political leadership led by Rehabilitation minister Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan attempted to provocate agency among various stakeholders and guided them with proper road map that resulted into assuaging the problems of the migrants. Muhammad Aslam quotes interview of Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan. He writes:

We started transferring the migrants into better places in the evening. Authorities stopped every bus, unloaded it and used it to transfer the migrants. Moreover, all resources were used to transfer the migrants. Journalist community catalyzed the rehabilitation campaign in their capacity. We called financial commissioner and Chief Engineer of irrigation department. They had heavy machinery. We used bulldozers and tractors to clean the camps. To face the cold, we got woolen and other warm cloths form local factories and asked migrant women to sew them. I made sure that everybody gets warm clothes as soon as possible494. Process of Resettlement

Process of Resettlement in overall Punjab especially Lyallpur can be classified into provision of shelter and employment to the migrants. Lyallpur officials took the task seriously and field visited in order to gather the facts and devise a policy495. Regarding providing shelter to people, the options that were left to govt were as follows

 Settling the migrants in the houses vacated by the outgoing Sikhs

 Construction of houses for migrants

 Providing them land or financial assistance and encouraging them to build their houses

 Establishment of towns

493 Note by A. M. K. Leghari. 494 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Muslamano Pay keya Guzri, 64. 495 Daily Nawai Waqt, Lahore, June 4, 1954. “Meeting of D C’s of Lyallpur, Jhang and Sargodha held in Lyallpur in which the issues of the settlement of the migrants were discussed and the government had decided to accommodate them as soon as it is possible. The higher authorities also asked the concerned officers to help the migrants and revise the settlement of the refugees. Furthermore, they also asked to accommodate the excluded farmers from the evacuee or trust lands”.

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Settling the Migrants in the Houses Vacated by the Outgoing Sikhs

The Government of West Punjab issued an ‘Evacuee Act’ on September 9, I947 that entitled the government to capture the evacuee properties of the non-Muslim emigrants496. The vacated houses of the emigrants were initially used to accommodate the migrants. People moved to villages and took vacant houses of emigrant non-Muslims. Some oral accounts revealed that it was not much formalized. However, migrants complained on some occasions that vacated residences of non-Muslims were captured by the native people, and migrants were left to live in their animal dens497. Actually it was related to house architecture of Sikh community who had their residence and animal dens within same boundary. It looked beautiful and spacious from outside but it was not well constructed from inside. The people occupied the vacated houses on first come first get basis. Those who reached earlier in Lyallpur got roof earlier, whereas the late comers had some problems498.

Another dimension that emerged out of oral accounts suggests that in rural areas, the allotment of houses was not formalized. The people occupied place where they could and the local Patwaris just had the record of filled and vacant houses. Many people in Lyallpur area who did not get their claims were moved to Southern Punjab districts of Mianwali, Khushab, and Muzaffargarh. A migrant told in an interview,

The Tehsildar announced that the people who did not get their allotment of land and houses should leave for Mianwali, Khushab, and Muzaffargarh because there is vacancy for migrants. The areas of Lyallpur are saturated. A train was arranged for migrants to deliver them to Bhakkar and Mianwali499. DC Lyallpur urged wealthy people to give permanent places to migrants in their houses and presented his house as a role model500. Moreover, unions of migrants came into being which aimed at cooperating with government in resettlement and rehabilitation process. In this regard, establishment of Union of Ambala migrants is famous501. Initially, it one house for one family was allotted to the migrants, but these allotments seemed

496 Joseph B Schechtman, “Evacuee Property in India and Pakistan,” Pacific Affairs, 24, No. 4 (1951), 406-413. 497 Abdul Majeed, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 12, 2013. 498 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013. 499 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB. 500 Daily Saadat, Feb 27, 1948. 501 Daily Saadat, Feb 3, 1948.

159 insufficient to meet the needs. Hence it was proposed for migrants that they should build their houses; and in this regard, lands were provided to them. As most of the migrants demanded built houses which was impossible for government. So, people were encouraged to build their houses as per their needs and Government would provide them land for it502.

Construction of Homes by Government

Tehsil Municipal Committee Lyallpur announced that four thousand houses were built for the accommodation of migrants. The migrants who had already built mud houses would be provided permanent allotment and their homes would not be demolished. Small hut shops and khokhas would also be built to facilitate migrants. Executive officer TMC Lyallpur also told that problems related to water supply and water drainage would also be overcome so that health issues for migrants could come in control503. This proposal resulted into emergence of housing schemes as well. Government of Pakistan created “House Building Corporation” for the development of migrants which was assigned to build houses for the migrants. In this regard, Migrants had to pay nominal rent for 10 years to claim ownership ownership rights for the home504.

A further sum of Rs. 20 lakhs was spent by the West Punjab government for the construction of 800 houses. Out of these 800 houses, 360 houses were to be built in the Ghulam Muhammadabad colony for low-income migrant families costing nine lakhs rupees. Moreover, 240 houses were proposed to build in the Industrial Labor Colony costing Rs 6 lakhs and 200 in the People's Colony at the cost of 5 lakhs Rs.505While the city had undergone extensive development to meet the needs of the large number of migrants, it seemed that the provincial government constantly had to make new arrangements. In 1956, the Lyallpur Improvement Trust put forward plans to meet the shortage of housing in the town. It envisaged plans for the construction of 1,500 bungalows and other houses to accommodate 2,000 families in the Civil Lines, Race Course and Jail road areas506.

502 Daily Saadat, August 12, 1948. 503 Daily Saadat, 08 October 1950. 504 Daily Nawai Waqt, Lahore, October 18, 1950; Daily Saadat, October 13, 1950. 505 Daily Dawn, Karachi, July 12, 1953. 506 Daily Dawn, September 1, 1956.

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A number of satellite towns (they included Jinnah Colony, People's Colony, Industrial Labour Colony as well as Model Town) were planned and constructed in Lyallpur to relieve population pressure of Multan, Jhang, Montgomery, Rawalpindi, Sargodha and Gujranwala.507The large sum of Rs 8 crores was earmarked for this purpose.508 The Punjab Chief Minister, Mian Mumtaz Daultana was accorded an enthusiastic reception in Lyallpur in late April 1951 when he outlined plans for the construction of 'modern' towns with such amenities as street lighting, underground sewerage and 80 to 40 feet wide roads.509A further year elapsed before the completion of the initial scheme on the cattle fair ground at Lyallpur at the cost of Rs 14 lakhs. This scheme included basic facilties like, secondary and primary schools, post office, dispensary and recreational open spaces; and it was designed to provide accommodation for 550 families; moreover, it included provisions for refugee officers to draw funds of up to Rs 200 per month for the construction of houses.510 Early in July 1952, the West Punjab Rehabilitation and Colonies Minister, Sheikh Fazal Ilahi, witnessed the public auction of its residential and commercial plots,511 which had been constructed privately, following government planning support. Chief Minister Daultana was once more in Lyallpur in September 1952 to inaugrate the Rahman Charitable Hospital and Maternity centre at Ghulam Muhammadabad. He declared that when the satellite towns were completed, they would greatly help in relieving the congestion experienced by people living in Lyallpur.512 The government also attempted to get international support in technical and monetary aspects for the migrants of Lyallpur513.

Providing Them Land and Encouraging Them to Build Their Houses

A large scale migration of the migrants to west Punjab had created a lot of problems and the shelter problem is one of the major problems514. As mentioned earlier, Govt couldn’t accommodate whole influx of migrants in Lyallpur in vacated houses, nor

507 Daily Dawn, July 12, 1953. 508 Civil and Military Gazette, Lahore, May 15, 1951. 509 Civil and Military Gazette, April 26, 1951. 510 Civil and Military Gazette, August 25, 1950. 511 Daily Dawn, July 5, 1952. 512 Daily Dawn, September 21, 1952. 513 Daily Saadat, March 19, 1948; “A few days ago, France’s chief construction officer visited Pakistan. Both the countries vowed to enhance socio-economic and industrial cooperation. He also discussed many construction problems with the representatives of Punjab government. Establishment of a new refugees housing colony was also discussed in the meeting”. 514 Daily Saadat, Feb 25, 1948.

161 could build houses for all migrants. To cope up this pathetic situation, D.C. Lyallpur had ordered to set up new migrant’s colonies in the district, providing new homes to the migrants. He appealed to the locals to help the migrants as well as government in this situation515. In this regard, Colony Assistant Khuda Bakhash Bhutto expressed that the distribution of the houses for the migrants in the different villages of Lyallpur was being done. However, most of the migrants wished to have already established houses which had become impossible for the Government. It was appealed to migrants that the migrants themselves should realize the situation and adopts themselves to the opinions of situation. They should build or renovate those houses by their own. He said,

It has been a year that they have been here. They should not consider themselves migrants rather citizens of the country. Some of the migrants also wished should be given plots and some money so that they could build their houses. Therefore, the migrants who are still facing the hard situation, they should get Fard from Patwari, contact colony assistant Lyallpur to get accommodation as winter is coming, and they are unable to face it in open place516. In urban area of Lyallpur, mostly plots comprised 6 marlas517, however rural area plots were bigger comparative to urban areas. Still shreds of comprehensive or concrete policy are not found in investigation. A migrant told,

We reached Lyallpur at end of 1949. It was very tough for us to find a permanent settlement in Lyallpur. However, we managed to stay in house of our relatives at Chak 81. They advised us not to wait for evacuee house; rather we should claim a plot and build our own house. We registered our claim in the office of Patwari. We paid him 10 rupees and he gave us plot of 36 marla in Chak 84 for our two families. We got the plot and build our house518. Moreover, owing to saturation, people were moved to other districts519. The priority was to settle maximum number of migrants at Lyallpur district but extra number of them will be settled at Pir Mahal and government would help them in settlement

515 Daily Saadat, Feb 25, 1948. 516 Daily Nawai Waqt, August 11, 1948. 517 Daily Saadat, January 19, 1953. .Assistant Colony officer had allotted plots of 6 marlas to the migrants of east Punjab who were living in Kacchi Abadis. Some allotters had built their houses too over there. 518 Fazal Karim, Lyallpur, March 20, 2015. A migrant from Khanpur. 519 Daily Saadat, August 11, 1948; It is pertinent to mention that some villages are full, having no room for the migrants. In this regard, Deputy Commissioner Lyallpur ordered that such villages’ record should be sent to record office Lyallpur and measurement should be made of other Chak.

162 process520. Moreover, owing to greater saturation, people were moved to South Punjab districts of Khushab, Mianwali, Muzaffargarh, and Bhakkar. The government allotted them plots so that they could build their houses. Such is an example of a colony in Mianwali. The people got allotment of 1400 canals and inhabited a village comprising 40 to 50 families who belonged to same village from India and caste (Rajpoot)521. Their settlement was named “Qudrat Abad”522.

Establishment of Towns

After the birth of Pakistan an influx of Muslim migrants came across the border to replace the Hindu and Sikh migrants. They were homeless and looking for a settled residence somewhere in Pakistan. Lyallpur as one of the most important marketing centers and agricultural producer in the region, presented an opportunity for the local as well as for the migrants capitalists to establish business in this city. Previously commerce had been entirely in the hands of non-Muslims. Therefore, a large number of migrants and indeed local inhabitants decided to make home in the city. It resulted into emergence of many residential townships around the nucleus of the original planned city. The number of existing houses vacated by the non-Muslims was insufficient to meet this heavy demand for housing. It was at this time that the city acquired its first local bus services and in fat this establishment provided stimulus for the growth of these new residential areas523. The pouring of migrants in the city caused overwhelming problem as shortage of house and property. It was advised/decided that rather to seek help or assistance or to wait in getting shelter, houses and to step forward with a concrete scheme of rehabilitation (new houses/colonies by establishing limited companies (as in Pre- partition India).524

For better settlement of migrants government planned to build new colonies and societies. In this connection, it was decided to preserve the economic lifelines525 of middle and lower class.526 As the rehabilitation process entailed establishment of new

520 Daily Nawai Waqt, June 21, 1948. 521 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013. 522 It means God mentored this settlement. 523 Ashfaq Bukhari, Lyallpur Kahani, 136. 524 Daily Saadat, August 11, 1948. 525 “Government also decided not to destroy refugees earning points “Dhabas” or hut shops, which were built on Government property, so that refugees may be able to settle”. 526 Daily Saadat, January 07, 1950.

163 colonies, however, it faced financial hindrance. It was formulated to manage finances through imposition of tax and the resources were rendered on the responsibility of Sub- Finance Committees to streamline them. Government also promised to complete the rehabilitation process till next year527.

The colonies of Lyallpur can be classified into posh areas and slums. Towards fulfillment of Government’s promises of rehabilitation of migrants in Lyallpur, initiative was taken with Model town. This colony was developed soon after partition during time period 1947-48. Its geographical location is towards West of the city along circular road. It was built on identical quarters model for the purpose of migrant’s accommodation. The government provided communication networks and other basic facilities528.

This process was continued with the establishment of Jinnah colony and Gulberg colony towards South of Model town. These colonies had more spacious, double-storey houses, with four or five rooms. One mile south-west of the Clock tower, near the existing mohallah of Partap Nagar, Nazamabad colony was established529. This colony was established for the migrants to construct their two room quarters. In suburb of the city on Lahore road, a posh colony was established named people’s colony comprising spacious plots containing six or seven rooms and large grassy lawn530.

During process of rapid settlement constructions, there emerged some haphazard settlement causing urban sprawl as well. In this regard, the largest colony was Ghulam Muhammadabad colony that was created comprising two room quarters to facilitate the lower income group. Some other colonies for low income people included samanabad (Labor colony) and D-type colony531. Hovels and hut could be seen most of the areas in the city. They had been constructed by the poor migrants. These were mainly in factory area where migrants could also find jobs easily. The names of these local societies were: Kachi Abadi, Boli De Jhugi, Neghabanpura, and Jhang road532. Government also created quarters for lower income group categories. These quarters were mainly constructed after

527 Daily Saadat, April 20, 1951; “During the rehabilitation process government decided to build new societies and colonies for the settlement of migrants for this purpose Sub-Finance Committees built Migrants tax was also imposed to Pakistan so that the income which would be gained from migrant tax could be used for the betterment of migrants.” 528 Back to back houses, consisting of three of four rooms were characteristics 529 Z.A. Khan, Lyallpur: The Impact of its Growth Oil Urban Morphology. A paper presented to the 16th Annual Pakistan Science Conference, 5. 530 Masud Hasan Bokhari, Lyallpur: A Study in Urban Geography (PhD Diss. University of London, 1968), 68. 531 University of the Punjab, Dept.of Geography, Pakistan Geographical Review, Vol. 18. Pakistan Geographical Review, 1963: 82. 532 University of the Punjab, Dept.of Geography, Pakistan Geographical Review, Vol. 18. Pakistan Geographical Review, 1963: 82.

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1947 for the rehabilitation of migrants to facilitate the migrants who had per month income of Rs.150/- or less. As previously the migrants had occupied large cultivated industrial lands533.

Like in Ludhiana, many of these new 'Model towns' catered for the needs and requirements of the middle class. Working class migrants and labourers lived in the old part of the city, around the Clock Tower. Once industrial activity had taken off in Lyallpur labourers, again as in Ludhiana, lived close to the industrial area in kachi abadis like Mai di Juggi, which were essentially slum areas.534These were usually located around the big industrial mills.

Bokhari observes

It is evident that the central part of the city is not the only place where the population during the decade 1951-61 increased. A number of other mohallas surrounding the centre form the west, south and east have shown an even greater increase in population. In Santpura, Partapnagar, Dhobi Ghat, Gurunanakpura and model town are on the west, the factory area kachi abad is on the south, Mansurabad and Abdullahpur are on the east of the city Centre. At the time of partition, it was rather difficult to imagine how this large member of immigrants would be accommodated in these localities, but later on the development of rehabilitation and settlement accommodated those migrants by adjusting different families in each house through putting up partition walls inside the house535. The majority of the Muslim inhabitants in the city preferred to live in small secluded houses rather than to share with another family as the Hindus and Sikhs did, simply for the sanctity of their women observing purdah. It is mainly for this reason that in all the new residential townships the houses were entirely built on a single story structure such as Ghulam Mohammadabad, Razabad, Afghanababd and Faizabad in the west, Samanabad, Azizabad and D-type colonies536 .

533 Masud Hasan Bokhari, Lyallpur: A Study in Urban Geography (Phd Diss. University of London, 1968), 82. 534 It is estimated that around 30 per cent of the population of Faisalabad live in these kachi abadies. Kishwar Ljaz, University of Agriculture, Faisalabad “Urban Environmental Situation of Faisalabad: An Analysis” http://www.auick.org/database/apc/apc035/apc03501.html. 535 Masud Hasan Bokhari, Lyallpur: A Study in Urban Geography (Phd Dissertation, University of London, 1968), 140. 536 Masud Hasan Bokhari, Lyallpur: A Study in Urban Geography, 139.

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Impact of Colonies on Population

It might be surprising to note that the present map indicates a remarkable increase even in the same crowded old mohallas. They have shown another increase of 76 percent to 100 percent of population who are mainly immigrants who arrived in the city from other parts of the country during the decade of 1947 to 1957. Naturally, this excessive increase has brought about the worst possible conditions in those localities. To release the pressure of overcrowding form the existing localities a number of new residential townships have been established in the outer zones of the city in that decade. These new colonies were planned either by the provincial government or by the improvement trust on the city suburban areas. Where the land was under cultivation the western side such as the Jinnah Colony Gulberg and Ghulam Muhammadabad. The townships of nazimabad, Samandabad, d type and the extension of the people’s colony were constructed on the southern fingers of the city537.

The migrants selected Lyallpur as their destination but they all were not settled in early phase. The migrants who could not get chance to be settled or people migrated to Lyallpur for the purpose of employment; they settled themselves adjacent areas of Lyallpur in Kachi Abadis (mud House or Jhugis) around the city. These Kachi Abadis include Jhal Khanuana, Mai de Jhugi, Bolay di Jhugi, Khalsa College, Abdullah Pur, Noor Park, Mansoorabad and Bair Carna.

The situation in these Kachi Abadis was pathetic owing to unavailability of basic facilities like roads, drainage, and sanitation facilities. The situation used to turn worst after rain as no way to across. In this regard, the residents of these abadi voiced their concerns before district authorities, cooperative societies, social organization and political parties many time but no attention was paid by the government, financial department, and the political parties. 538

The action of the centrifugal forces among the city population was snitched after the establishment of the Jinnah colony in 1952. In this colony the open plots of lands were auctioned publically for the construction of bungalows. These plots were quite

537 Pakistan Geographical Review, Vol. 18, Dept. of Geography, University of the Punjab, 1963. 538 Daily Saadat, January 1, 1957.

166 expensive owing to their proximity with city centre and these plots could only be purchased by the wealthy businessmen of the city. Such persons moved out from the central over concentrated areas of the city particularly noted form ward no 1. On the other hand, a large residential colony of Ghulam Mohammadabad covering an area of 28 squares of land was provided entirely for the establishment of the migrants. In this colony the houses were constructed for such persons and were allotted to them by the government at low prices on easy installments; whereas in other colonies the local and migrants population was of mixed type. In Nasimabad, Samanbad and D-type colonies, most of the factory laborers were accommodated who had arrived in the city from other parts of the country during the decade539.

Employment Availability

The Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan declared rehabilitation of the migrants second top priority of the government after defense. In his visit to Lyallpur in 1951, he announced that despite feasibility hurdles, the rehabilitation process was rapidly being accomplished. The policy work was almost done and some of the policies were rendered in implementation stage. However, he declared govt of NWFP more effective in this regard owing to strong Muslim League ministry there540. In order to provide employement or means to meet their both ends, Government followed following scheme

 Allotment of Lands

 Allotment of shops/ factories

 Provision of Jobs through employment exchange

 Use of migrant labor in government tasks

539 Daily Saadat, January 1, 1957. 540 Daily Saadat, February 28, 1951.

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Rural Settlement:

Allotment of Lands

Temporary Allotments

The West Punjab Government issued an ordinance on September 9, 1947, “to provide an economic rehabilitation” in the province. By this ordinance, the Rehabilitation Commissioner was empowered to “assume possession and control of abandoned lands, business and undertakings; grant temporary leases of abandoned agricultural holdings of the migrants for a term not exceeding one year; permit the occupation of land, abandoned buildings by migrants or other persons”. The Rehabilitation Commissioner could also assume possession or control of any property under the control of the custodian of evacuee property541.

Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan was Rehabilitation Minister of Punjab from 1947 to 1950. The process of rehabilitation in Lyallpur was to be done on the property evacuated by the non-Muslims (Hindus and Sikhs) of Lyallpur. In the efforts of rehabilitation, first of all, it was tried to free the evacuee property from illegal occupation. For this purpose, ground level surveys were conducted with the help of ‘Patwaris’ (A ground level officer of land and revenue dept.) and they were offered remunenrations if they identified illegal occupations. Such lands were identified and got back by the government542. A stick and carrot policy was adopted to lure the Patwaris to maximum identify the illegal occupations which proved very fruitful.

On initial basis, eight acre of land was allotted per family and permanent allotments were left for later confirmations from Indian records of claims. Owing to stick and carrot policy, and proper vigilance, the state was able to free considerable evacuee land from illegal occupation and 40,000 migrants were settled there. However, there are evidences that show inappropriate or bit irresponsible attitude of Patwaris. In this regard, DC Lyallpur Pir Ahsan ud Din set up a meeting with Patwaris and convinced them to

541 Kanwaljit Kaur, “Riots, Refugees and Rehabilitation: A Case Study of Punjab 1946-56”, 56. 542 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Musalmano Pay Keya Guzri, 62,163.

168 serve selflessly for the state543. The big challenge of rehabilitation was assisted by office bearers of Muslim League who distributed daily utilities among people544.

People were allotted lands in villages as part of temporary allotment. Though the policy of government was to allot 1 acre per person or 10 acre per family, however, practically the case was different. People did not get occupancy as per the policy; rather they were allotted 2 to 5 acre which they started to work on it. Moreover, oral accounts reveal that people did not get immediate occupancy; rather it took time of almost one year or above545. These cases differ person to person as well. Some migrants got land as per policy of one person once acre546.

Daily Wage Earners

There are evidences that people got their claims late in some cases. Even some people were not allotted temporary land allotments. Hence until then, they were engaged in government assignments related to agricultural development and paid for their labor547. District Government announced the plan to engage the migrants for earning in newspapers and in camps that such migrants should get allotment on priority basis who are willing to work with canal department (digging of canal was going on). The migrants having no earning sources at that time of grief made their livelihood by diging canal across the Lyallpur district. Muhammad Bashir and Muhammad Yousaf khan worked hard to support their family “We got chance to get earning dinging canal Gugera branch for two months”. We earned two rupees per day.

Another migrant told

“We get a house (left by Sikh) but could not get land for four year. It was difficult to managed daily expenditure but luckily We got work as labourer daily wage in irrigation project of repairing Gogera canal near our village. We get 35 Anna daily wages”548.

543 Daily Saadat, January 24, 1948. 544 Daily Saadat, January 30, 1948. 545 Abdul Majeed, Chak 485 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 25, 2014.. 546 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013. 547 Abdul Majeed, Chak 485 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 25, 2014. I worked on the canal and we were paid on daily wage basis. 548 Muhammad Bashir Khan from Tehsil Khaird, Ambala while telling his story of migration to Lyallpur.

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Ration Card

The government also decided to set up ration card system to facilitate the migrants as much as she could and directives were issued to the district authorities. Initially, these ration cards were just for the refugees camps but later these were devised up to the whole district. Later food items, clothes and other commodities were purchased upon these ration cards. These ration cards were of three types as because of the shortage of food, oil and clothes. The government established various depots at various places in cities as well as in rural areas to facilitate the migrants at best549.

The authorities arranged a census for the re issuance of these ration cards. District supply committee announced that population census will be held for the general public and for the ration depots holders on 10 October 1948. All the migrants are advised to be present in their home for physical verification and for new cards. The card will be verified or checked by the inspector duly signed by with red ink. For this purpose areas are divided into circles (Halqa)- headed by two incharge. The resolution for the this census was passed in the meeting of district supply committee, 1. Re-access Ration cards and Depot holder. 2. To issue new cards at the spot. 3. Prominent or Government employees will be treated as Muslim League works 4. Rural areas cards and depot holder will be verified by Namberdars, Patwari, Presidents of Cooperative Societies, Muslim Leagues Members and Panchayat. 5. The cooperative societies wish to work may apply for village depots.

549 List of ration depots are; 1. Factory area, depot sugar (Zahoor ullah) 2. Mir Feroz ul Din Muhammad Ismael (Clothes Depot), purani gali karkhana 3. Niaz Ahmad and Gondal Bazar karyana store, munshi mohalla (Sugar Depot) 4. Ghulam Muhammad, Suleman Ahmad, Golbazar (Sugar Depot) 5. Ali Muhammad, Enayat Ullah, karkhana bazar, Tariq Abad(sugar depot) 6. Maulvi Abdul Ghani, goal bazar (Clothes depot) 7. Abdul Rahim karyana (Sugar depot), between Katchehry bazar and rail bazar 8. Abdul Razzaq and Gulzar Ahmad, anarkali bazar (Clothes depot) 9. Taj din and Rahim Bakhsh, Bhowana bazar, (Clothes depot) 10. Tufail Muhammad, guru Nanak pura, (Sugar depot) 11. Gulzar Ahmad, (Sugar depot), Guru Nanak pura 12. Ibrahim Khan, Harcharn pura (Sugar depot) 13. Din Muhammad and Khushi Muhammad, Jhang bazar, (Clothes depot) 14. Syed Fazal Husain, Jhang bazar, (clothes depot) 15. Muhammad Salleh, Sanat pura, (Sugar depot) 16. Chargh Din, Duglus pura, (Sugar depot) 17. Shah Muhammad and Faisal Muhammad, Anarkali bazar, (Clothes depot) 18. Syed Mahmood Alam, civil line (Sugar depot) 19. Muhammad Ismael and Muhammad Iqbal, goal bazar, (Clothes depot) 20. Abdul Rashid, Montgomery and Karkhana bazar, (Sugar Depot) 21. Abdul Latif Khokhar, Karkhana bazar, (Sugar depot) 22. Muhammad Faisal, (sugar depot) Bhowana bazar 23. Allah Ditta, (Clothes depot) Partab Nagar 24. Abdul Aziz, (Sugar depot), Bhowana Bazar 25. Sheikh Muhammad, (Clothes depot), Anarkali Bazar 26. Manzoor Husain, Mahmood Husain, (Clothes depot), Amin pur bazar 27. Manzoor ul Haq and Muhammad Ashraf, (Clothes depot), Rail bazar

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6. All officers, depot holders, Patwari, Namberdar, Muslim leaguer and Presidents would be punished if they found guilty.550

Civil supply department further expaneded ration card scheme to rural areas; first of all it was decided to give license of depots on Thana level but later further expanede on uncion council level for issuence of cards and distribute the ration. For the convince It is divided on the level of police station and application are invited for Thana Sadar Lyalllpur, Sammundri, Gojera, Toba Tek Sing, Jaranwala, Jhumra, Bahlak, Satiana.551

Thought there were a lot of complaints agains depot holder and indeed the black marketing. Sugar depots were established to ensure equitable sugar distribution among people. Ration cards were issued to get the sugar from depots. 100 tons of sugar was imported for Lyallpur552. There were reports of mismanagement, corruption, and nepotism in distribution of sugar among people553. However, ads were given through newspapers that the people who did not get their ration cards owing to whatever reasons, could apply for their card in office of Assistant Commissioner554. There are also reported events that suggest misplacing of record in order to masquerade black marketing of sugar in Lyallpur555.

Different section of society including the union has raised the voice aginst the black marking. The president of Mohajir Committte Sammundri and Suggestions and Resolution of Mueein Ul Mohajirin Jaranwala criticized rigorously and complaint to district 556authorites557.

550 Daily Saadat, September 17, 1948. 551 Daily Saadat, August 31, 1948. 552 Daily Saadat, December 12, 1950 553 Daily Saadat, December 11, 1950 554 Daily Saadat, February 1, 1951 555 Daily Saadat, February 22, 1951 556 The meeting of mohajir anjuman was held at jaranwala on march 25, 1948, some suggestins and resolution was passed that 1) The matter of illegal occupants on Houses and shops must be investigated. 2) Depots quota must be given as earlier. 3) The distribution of ration must be on regular 4) To inspect the bait ul mal the committee of mohjarin must be formed. Daily Saadat, March 25, 1948. 557 Mohajir Committte Sammundri held meeting at Noor Muhammad Park including 1000 participants. The resolution was unanimously passed and sent to DC, DFC, Superintendent Notified Areas SMD and CM west Punjab under: 1) Mohajir should be given jobs to maintain the strength of employees in Sammundri. 2) Black Marketing of ration cared and depots must be stopped, in this regard District Food Controller should took concrete step. 3) Black marketing method is common in villages in order to sold wheat at high price of Rs 40 Kg 4) DC should not Give license to depots which are mentioned in the list which is sent to him because people had at large reservation on it.

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Permanent Land Allotment

After exchange of documents from Indian Government, the Punjab government announced permanent allotments and demanded claims of the people in this regard. The registration process was expected to start from May 1954. Difficulties of people regarding processes and loopholes in the system were reported in the newspapers.558 As discussed earlier, the migrants who were allotted land or house were bound to pay rent of it. An important aspect is high rent of non-Muslim owned property in Punjab that was too high to pay559. Hence in this regard, a politician Mr. Abdul Waheed Khan suggested not taking fare from migrants560. It was further advocated by Joda Hall farmers who demanded from the government for permanent allotment and allocation of the houses to migrants561. During the process of rehabilitation of migrants, a suggestion from Syed Abu Tahir (a member of Provincial Gov.) came that proposed, not to take fare from Migrants who had left their properties in India562. Board also suggested that government should waive off arrears to migrants who are unable to pay off their last one and half year fare and for future government should develop easy installment policy so that migrants can pay their fare easily.563

It was further substantiated by Government of Pakistan that announced that no one could cancel the allotment of migrants even if they were not able to pay their fare564. Government also announced that migrants, who had left behind their properties at the time of Indo-Pak division, would be provided ownership right for the property they hold after the confirmation from government of India565. However, in the policy of 1956, it was clearly told that It was presented by the local ‘Ala Maliks’ that the migrants who have been allotted lands abandoned by non-Muslim evacuee ‘Adna Maliks’ under the rehabilitation resettlement scheme were to paying ‘Ala Milkiyat’ dues to them the refugee

558 Daily Nawai Waqt, Lahore 5, June 1954; “The registration process will start from May. The forms are in English and the migrants are worried about the filling of these forms because they are nearly illiterate and need an educated person who could help them out to fill them. There are some suggestions i.e. government should keep difference between classified and unclassified lands. The one man can claim only at one place. The government should also keep the fees of registration fixed by the times not by the worth of the land or asset.” 559 Daily Saadat, April 16, 1948. 560 Daily Saadat, December 08, 1950. 561 Daily Saadat, December 07, 1950. 562 Daily Saadat, December 16, 1950. 563 Daily Saadat, January 09, 1950. 564 Daily Saadat, January 29, 1950. 565 Daily Saadat, February 16, 1951.

172 allotees in question were, therefor, warned that if they fail to pay such dues to the local ‘Ala Maliks’ the extra concessions given to them in will be withdrawn566.

For Migrant’s Rehabilitation and settlement, the government decided to provide them land and asked for claim forms from migrants in this regard. For this purpose government advertised in different newspapers. At that time additional Deputy Commissioner was “Khan Ahmed Husain khan”. Government also advised to submit claim forms for Lyallpur till 15th February after and this predefined date claim form would not be accepted567. Later on it was came to know that most of the migrants failed to submit their claim form so government of Pakistan changed the date to submit claim forms. This action was taken by the government to facilitate migrants more, so that the migrants who had failed to submit claim forms earlier took benefit from new date. The scheme of land allotment included 1 acre per capita in the beginning, then it was decided to allot 10 acre per family which was later reduced to 8 acre per family.

In order to obviate duplicate, enhanced or otherwise unentitled allotments being made on mutations of inheritance of deceased refugee right holders form the prescribed territories of India, the rehabilitation commissioner ordered that alphabetical list of each heir of a deceased refugee right holder who has received an allotment in consequence of such a mutation should be prepared in each tehsil. These lists when completed will be consolidated in the district headquarters and then submitted to the officer on special duty for record through the commissioner of the respective division568.

Minister of foreign affairs Khawaja Shahb-ud-Deen announced that migrants will be facilitated with the cost of land that they have left behind during Indo-Pak division. Government set allotment rules for the migrants and announced that after 250 acres each migrant will be facilitate with half an acre and no migrant can get the allotment of land more than 4.5 acre569. With a view to acquaint himself with the progress of the rehabilitiaion of migrants in the former Sindh province and the Bahawalpur and Khairpur states, the rehabilitation commissioner of West Pakistan, held meetings of officers at Bahawapur, Kharipur and Hyderabad, during month of February 1956. It was

566 Memorandum No 8402-55/979- R(P), dated Lahore, the 9th March, 1956. 567 Daily Saadat, February 09, 1951. 568 Memorandum No. 782-56/1002-R(P), dated Lahore, the 10th March, 1956. 569 Daily Saadat, October 12, 1950.

173 decide inter alia that the Punjab pattern should also be followed in regard to the allotment of evacuee gardens to the migrants. This being so copies of all instructions issued by the former Punjab government in this behalf were supplied to the commissioner rehabilitation and other local officers of the Bahawalpur Khairpur, and Hyderabad divisions. It was decided further that claims of gardens should be invited and that on the analogy of the former Punjab scheme gardens less than four acre might be allotted by deputy rehabilitation commissioner with those of four acre and above should be allotted by garden allotment committee to be set up in each division with commissioner of the division as chairman and the additional rehabilitation commissioner and the regional had of the agriculture department as members.

The claims were registered and people were allotted lands570. However, two important issues were analyzed while interviewing the migrants. As per the policy of government, there was difference of worth of claim for arid lands, and canal lands. In case of arid land allotment, it would be double of canal irrigated land. A migrant told his story

We registered our claims in Pakpattan. Tehsildar told us that our claim will be for 47 acre if we applied for arid land and 24 if we applied for canal irrigated land and got our claim in Mianwali. We preferred arid land that has now become canal irrigated land571. People took support of their networks in Patwari offices for the approval of their claims and getting occupancy of fertile land. A migrant told, “Kanungoh572 Abdul Ghafoor belonged to West Punjab Singh Daata and was appointed here for land allotments. He was very supportive and took pain for our allotments. As there was tussle for allotment of fertile lands, he gets us allotted fertile land of piece573.

570 Muhammad Bashir Khan while telling his story of migration to Lyallpur. “We put claim for land as it was announced by Government. We submit our claim in the office of Thesildar at Sammundri”. 571 Muhammad Khalil, Chak No. 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March, 12, 2013. 572 An officer of land records department, higher up of Patwari. 573 Abdul Majeed, Chak 484 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, March 12, 2013.

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Urban Resettlement

The case of urban development of Lyallpur is concerned with three major areas

 Allotment of Shops

The migrants adopted to live in Lyallpur and urbane town had demanded for the allotments of shops which were left by the non-Muslims who migrated to East Punjab. Allotment of Shops

The advent of migrants led to the process of rehabilitation and resettlement. The migrants got refuges in their relative and in mostly cases they were successful managing house and shops in urban areas especially Lyallpur. The policy which was adopted by the Government was to allot one house, a shop or a factory. Sources suggest that a little portion of migrants occupied more than one shop which according to policy declared illegal. In this context district authorities had to take initiative to vacate such shops. According to newspaper:

“The D.C. Lyallpur ordered to the locals to vacate the possession of the shops and houses to accommodate migrants but it is pertinent to mention that before partition, Muslims were living in very miserable state. Except a few Muslim business executives’ families, others were without proper home, business or anything else. To help such type of families, government was suggested revisit its policy. In many incidents, migrants and others got the allotment twice and thrice time at different place that must be re assessed. Moreover, It is important to note that Lyallpur accommodated a large number of the migrants. Some local rich people and some goons have occupied the houses and shops illegally, the migrants are in very poor state, and they are wandering here and there empty handed. Deputy Commissioner also decided to set up an inquiry committee, which will look about the bogus allotments or multiple allotments574”.

Government invited the application for allotment of shops for migrants earlier and the merchants association also demanded various time for the allotments of shops which application are lying in the office of District Session judge court should be finalized soon

574 Daily Saadat, July 23, 1948.

175 as possible. Responding to the applications for shop allotment Additional Session judge advised to140 applicant to come in court for interview575

Government again advertises in nws papers for the application for the allotment of shop and applicants were given 15 days time. The application for the houses and shops allotment should be reached within 15 days576. There were irregularties in matter of shop sale purchase and govt has to announce ban the sale and declare it illegal577.

To chase the demand of shops govt launched A project to construct shops in markets to be rented out aiming at facilitating business community and raising revenue for the TMA578. These shops were later auctioned or leased under the supervision of DC Lyallpur. The candidates were asked to provide related documents579.

On other hand, there arose a matter of shop rent in Chak Jhumra; a session of municipal committee was held today in which president municipality, members of municipal committee and renter of shops of municipality participated. In this session, the demands of renters of shops were acknowledged. The rents of shops were decreased. Municipality committee consented on favor of these demands and sent their suggestions to deputy commissioner Lyallpur580.

The people used to favour their area mates in getting allotement. It was reported that the members of Anjuman Mohajirin e Amritsar met with DC and put complaint of Chauhdary Akbar Pirzada (MLA Punjab) favoring the Hoshiarpur Migrants in settlement on the lands and shops of Amrisaries.581

Favoritism in Allotment of Land and Shops

Favoritism was the common phenomenon in the settlement process all over the Pakistan and this was evident in case of Lyallpur. It was noticed/demanded that this should be given up and the price of land shops house must be fixed for all the applicants. Inspector Iron and steel Atta Ullah allot the shop to Mr. Jameel Ahmad Farooqi (Jaranwala) on just price of RS 1700 but its prices far more high because this shop

575 For details see the appendix. 576 Daily Saadat, June 12, 1949. 577 Ban was announced on all types of sale purchase for all migrants and locals. Daily Saadat Lyallpur, 21 Nov 1950. 578 Daily Saadat, January 7, 1951. 579 Daily Saadat, January 13, 1951. 580 Daily Saadat, March 25, 1954. 581 Daily Saadat, June 14, 1948.

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(belongings) cost 20,000. The same done by director of this department by allotting big shop approximately cost 1 lakh each that sold just at 20,000. This practice is being done around the district that stemmed a great unrest in migrants who are waiting for the honest allotment of shops and houses. They demanded this matter should be investigated properly and the prices of such property (land shops and house) to be fixed prior to allotment.582

 Allotment of Factories

At the time of partition, there were very few factories in Lyallpur and hardly 3 or 4 Cotton factories. But as the experienced workers and skilled menpower was settled in this very area, the government decided to establish new factories and mills. It was also said by the industries minister in a press conference that 3 new textile mills will be established in Lyallpur. It is important to note that foundation of a new weaver’s colony is also in the pipeline583. When the owners of the pre-existing factories left, these factories were shut down and out of function. The delegtion of the mills association of Lyallpur met with the minister of industries to refunctionalize these factories. Fazal Ur Rehman the Minister for industries delivered a speech at Pak Federation of Commerce and Industries that Government will start to re-functionalize the factories which are left by Hindus and Sikhs at the time of Partition.584 The earlier existing units were allotted to migrants or locals but we have not as such record but it is evident that after the war of 1965, many factories which were still under the flag of their parent Hindu or Sikh owners, were captivated and confiscated by the army and its clear example was Ganesh Flour Mills. The factories were allotted to those who had some industrial unit in East Punjab. These people were either allotted factory, or land in the city to install a unit. Crescent textile and Sitara textile are major example of such allotments that have been detailed discussed in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6. The factories which were confiscated by the government were also at lease to economically sound firms. For example, a factory which was owned by the government in Summundari was given at lease. Colony assistant invited bids for the lease of Oil mil at sammundri for two year October 1948 – September 1949. The factory is in

582 Daily Saadat, June 6, 1948. 583 Daily Saadat, Lyallpur, 28 March 1948 584 Daily Saadat, June 6, 1948.

177 working condition and the amount is to be paid within one year.585 Further the government also constituted a team to check the working and ledger of these allotted factories and they used to visit these factories and it was also advertised through newspapers. Officers of industry and commerce and resettlement visited all the districts of Punjab, and all the owners were asked that they must be in their factories at the time of visit586.

 Employment Exchange

The skilled labour of Lyallpur comprising almost 50,000 personnel got united and came with a proposal. They set up a meeting with Minister for Industries Mumtaz Doltana which decided to set up residence colonies for migrants which were Detroit in hosiery industry. The Assistant commissioner for resettlement and advisor to textile were given the responsibility of it. They collected the statistical figures and started working. They selected the land between Maee di Jhuggi and Nurpur587. Moreover, an industrial school for women was proposed in order to produce skilled labor588. On the demand of weavers, the estimate for their separate colony was about fourteen lakh rupees589. Between the time period of 15 August 1947 to 31 March 1948, the Government approved loan of 2159390 rupees for the migrants. It also directed the DCs to make the distribution system less complex so that people make use of the money for their economic activities. Every migrant could get loan of 400 rupees for seed, fertilizer, and construction of wells for irrigation purposes590.

Moreover, jobs were given to migrants in construction sites and other areas591. Reports suggest that big number of registered migrants were given jobs gradually in clerical field also. Moreover, skill training programs were also incorporated in order to produce skilled labor592. However, another narrative suggests that migrants are self- responsible for their crisis because so many people have got unnecessary grants and additional allotment cost rights of other migrants593. Owing to such situations, reports suggest of miserable conditions of thousands of migrants in different village even after

585 Daily Saadat, September 19, 1948. 586 Daily Saadat Lyallpur, 7 August 1949 587 Daily Saadat, January 31, 1948 588 Daily Saadat, January 31, 1948 589 Daily Saadat, January 19, 1948 590 Daily Saadat, February 9, 1948 591 Daily Saadat, January 12, 1948 592 Daily Saadat, February 9, 1948 593 Daily Saadat, February 9, 1948

178 several months of independence594. On the other hand, almost more than 2 million migrants are said to be resettled up to 31 March 1948 according to official census595.

Role of Kinship in Settlement:

Resettlement of migrants was not just a matter of finding suitable accommodation and employment. For many migrants the process was long and arduous, involving a number of relocations and years before they felt they were "resettled".

Another issue that rose up out of the meetings was that individuals, instead of state that drove the mass movement and recovery; they utilized prior associations with decide their objectives. The circumstance of the urban displaced people met here was, obviously, altogether different from that of rural migrants who were guided as a group to specific spots and neighborhoods. There has likewise been an endeavor to reorient talented urban artisans. Be that as it may, this has been a great deal less successful and, as uncovered by these meetings, numerous urban vagrants have made their own particular game plans and have utilized their broad and biradaris family systems to get things done596.

What's more, family ties, land associations, business contacts, or even the potential for further open doors were likewise vital considers figuring out where individuals moved. Ghulam Nadi migrated from Ludhiana. He knew about the material foundation of Lyallpur, and in light of the fact that his family worked in this industry before the division, they chose to get down to business. Chaudhari Rehmat Ullah emigrated from Jullundur. His dad was a temporary worker and had a goat-lounge business, which they continued in Lyallpur. He says:

Initially, we arrived in Lahore. My cousin received and accommodated us in the camps near Gurhi Shaho. On suggestion of some of my friends, I decided to settle in Lyallpur. Baba Ghulam Husain and Karam Ilahi were amongst those friends. I had family terms with Baksh Ilahi, the owner of Crescent Mills [in Lyallpur]. They had businesses spread all

594 Daily Saadat, March 12, 1948 595 Daily Saadat, April 11, 1948 596 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and Locality,” 145.

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over the India. Baksh Ilahi and Gulzaar were in Jullundur [where Chaudhari Ullah lived].597 Abdul Rehman, present owner of Lyallpur Cotton Mills, highlights the importance of previous business connections in aiding the resettlement in Lyallpur.

My father and brother purchased shoes for their shops from Agra. The owner of Chief Boot House, Sheikh Bashir Ahmad and his brothers, Sayed also purchased stock from there. That way they became friends of my brother and father. Sheikh Bashir invited my father and brother many times to visit Lyallpur and my brother invited them to Ludhiana. So my brother migrated to Lyallpur to seek help from Sheikh Bashir, who helped him a lot. He was a Councillor of Muslims; told my brother of many houses that were deserted by Hindu and Sikhs and asked him to choose the one of his choice. He also provided us with rations.598 People of East Pakistan had their kinships in West Punjab because English government had introduced canal colonies. Those colonies were actually rehabilitated by people of East Punjab. So people of East Punjab had some kinship links in west Punjab especially in the areas of canal colonies. A migrant Sirajuddin tells his story of migration with his uncle Professor Nur Bakhsh. He narrates,

“We carried our journey of migration through trucks. We moved to Pakistan via Jalandhar. In Pakistan, our convoy stayed at Walton camp, and we were welcomed by commissioner rehabilitation DC Ata Muhammad. We moved to Lyallpur after stay of two days at Walton camp. There, initially, temporary allotments were done and later in 1956, permanent allotments were done. Thus we settled in Lyallpur599”. Another migrant Sohna narrates that

“Their convoy moved on foot for Pakistan. After bearing unbearable languishes of the journey, the half of the convoy survived to cross the border for Pakistan. Sohna narrates those only 4 persons of his family survived bloodshed of Partition. He tells that he first arrived at Pattoki with his acquaintances. There he came to know that his sister and brother in law had settled in Lyallpur, Village Dhandra 66 JB. He also settled there. There he worked in hosiery sector and became skilled labor of power looms”600.

597 Interview with Chaudhari Rehmat Ullah, Harcharan Pura, Faisalabad, 28 December 2002; Pippa Virdee, “Partition and Locality,” 150. 598 Interview with Abdul Rahman. See also, Pippa Virdee, “Partition and locality,” 145. 599 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 652-653; Interview of Sirajuddin on12 May 2011,. 600 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 220-221.

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Another migrant Ch. Ghulam Rasool says:-

“That his family had arrived Lahore under the protection of Baloch regiment. There they decided to Toba Tek Singh where his aunt was living since pre partition era601. Similar is story of Baggu Ansari who first arrived in Lahore. Later he moved to Toba Tek Singh and finally settled in Lyallpur because his sister “Phaagi” had settled there after partition”602. Kinship continued playing important role in attracting migrants.

Mufti Abdul Hameed narrates that

“our family stayed in Lahore almost ne year after partition. Then most of their family members moved to Toba Tek Singh. The reason behind moving to Toba Tek Singh was presence of some acquaintances there603”. Another migrant Ch. Zahoor Elahi narrates that Hindus and Sikhs had gone violent that made their life in East Pakistan almost impossible. He said,

“We had seen level of hate in the eyes of Hindus and Muslims. So we decided to migrate to Pakistan. As number of migrants was very high so trains we incapable of taking whole migrants. My father decided to send ladies and children first. So our family arrived at migrant’s camps in Lahore phase wise. We had some acquaintances in Lyallpur. So we moved to Lyallpur through trucks via route of Jaranwala, after moving to Lyallpur, we first stayed in mohalla Sunt Pura. Then we were allotted two houses. We lived in one house and used other as our office and started business of textile604 ”. Another such story of settlement influenced and supported by kinship was narrated by Muhammad Siddik Ansari. He says,

“We moved to Pakistan via Ganda Singh. The day we arrived Pakistan was the day of Eid Ul Adha. Native people served us with meat. After staying two days at Kasur camp, we moved for Borewala because a friend of us had got land allotment in Borewala. After staying almost 4 months in Borewala, we moved to Lyallpur for same reasons. Many of our relatives and acquaintances of Ansari community had moved to Lyallpur where we established our business of hosiery and looms605” Another dimension relating to settlement of migrants was discovered that was swap of houses. People who moved to lyallpur early tried to make deal with the Hindus

601 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 330. 602 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 329. 603 Abdul Hameed, Bairianwala, Toba Tek Singh, 15-6-2014. 604 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 624. 605 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 933-934.

181 and Sikhs of Lyallpur. They swapped their residences in Ludhiana with the residences of Hindus and Sikhs in Lyallpur. Such is story of a famous journalist of Pakistan Aftab Ahmed. He narrates,

“The journey that started from Ludiana took a pause in Walton camp. After spending one night there, we moved in the house of our relative in Moti bazar Lahore. My uncle had arrived Lyallpur after migrating from Delhi. When he came to know about us, he sent a man with railway tickets. Thus we moved to Lyallpur where we first in official residences of railway officers in front of railway station. My uncle asked a Hindu to swap his residence with us. So we moved to mohalla Sunt Pura in the house of the Hindu that was temporarily allotted to us. My father got a job of supertendent in DC office Lyallpur and started our life in Lyallpur606” Role of Migrants in Resettlement

Though it was the responsibility of government for the rehabilitation of ejected objects in the the district. On other hand, migrants was not behind in this humanitarian task and their contribution to said task was evident. To this argument, the educated migrants volunteered their services in migrant camps of Lyallpur in documenting their data. It later on helped the process of allotment very smooth. There are some evidences that suggest that people living in a camp were allotted land in same villages with the help of the records documented by volunteer migrants.

Ch. Muhammad Suleman (A migrant from Ludhiana) narrated his story in such a manner:

“There was a migrant camp in Agriculture University Lyallpur. I went there and tried to get data of the people belonging to Ludhiana. I stayed there more than two weeks and made a list of almost 50 people belonging to Ludhiana. I was thinking in collective interest of my community. I used my links to approach a DSP Ch. Bashir. He welcomed me and gave me reference letter for Vice Tehsildar. I went to Tehsildar office and he allotted us the whole village of Bhulair. Then I went to the office of Patwari who finalized the formalities and all the people of my list got allotment in Bhulair village. I didn’t anticipate that my effort would become so helpful for migrants607.

606 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 945-946. On 22 July 2010, Interview of Aftab Ahmed (Journalist). 607 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 314- 315.

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Going farther from volunteering their services, the well-off people belonging to the districts of East Punjab facilitated the resettlement of migrants in Lyallpur. they provided them with food and clothes as well608. The role of migrants in the settlement and to facilitate the migrants could be seen in Lyallpur after partition as Sardar Musleh Ud Din of Ludhian has made example by giving Ration , houses and cloth to 70 families in Jaranwala609. Similarly, Muhammad Aslam writes in his book that DSP Ch Bashir Ahmed who belonged to Ludhiana served the migrants with food610.

Role of Muslim League Student Wing

The process of facilitation was further carried out by the student wing of Muslim League. Zones were prescribed for the students and zonal presidents were announced. These zonal presidents were entitled to choose their team aiming at helping to accelerate the relief work for migrants611. These committees initiated their activities in city area which was expanded to peripheral Chaks (villages) also. These unions visited various villages, targeted the well-off people of the villages, and collected donation for the migrants in terms of cash, blankets, and clothes. Newspaper reports give such a reference where these unions visited Chak 13, 23, 215, 172 JB, 167JB, 171 JB, and 165 JB. They collected 200 blankets, 30 suits, several shawls and other materials to help the migrants to face inclement weather. Moreover, they contributed in medical aspect also in forms of providing medicines to migrants and vaccinating them against small pox and other viral diseases612.

Conclusion

The process of migration was managed by government with the effective cooperation among triangle of Government, the migrants, and the local people. On behalf of the government, the migrants were given place in the camps where arrangements were made to meet their basic needs of food and shelter. However, as is observed in Karachi and Lahore, the process was faulty and inefficient in the beginning, however, it soon

608 Daily Saadat, March 1, 1948. He was ex government employee and had served in Lyallpur during his service. 609 Daily Saadat, March 1, 1948. 610 Ch. Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Musalmano pay keya guzri, 314- 315. 611 Muslim Student of Lyallpur has moved ahead to assist and to help the helpless refugees. The students joined hand with the district authorities in relief work. The student publicity incharge Muhammad Tufail convened committee for relief work villages. The presidents for the villages are nominated are Ch Shahbaz Chak 92, Ch. Fazal ,Chak 269 Sluana etc. 612 Daily Saadat, March, 1, 1948.

183 rectified as it was priority of the government. The government exchanged documents with India and devised a policy of rehabilitation that included process of allotments. The evacuee land, houses, shops, and factories of the non-Muslim out-migrants were allotted to incoming migrants. The claims were honored with policy of one house and 10 acre of land per family. In urban areas, shops were allotted to people. The allotment of land later reduced to 8 acre per family. Moreover, the government attempted to provide loans to people to build houses, establish business, and purchase agricultural supplements to move on economically. Though there are some events of non-transparency and inefficiency of the responsible officers, however effective and immediate actions were taken by the higher ups in order to rectify the problems that resulted into gradual improvement of the process and its efficiency. All these efforts were further ameliorated by establishing towns for industrial workers and giving jobs to people in response of employment exchange services.

On behalf of the migrants, the process of rehabilitation was contributed in the form of patience and cooperation with the officials that forestalled a possible state of anarchy in Lyallpur. People largely presented their demands within premises of law and assimilated in the host community. Moreover, migrants had big contribution in the form of volunteering their services in migrant camps and contributing in gathering and arranging of data of the migrants that facilitated process of migration to great extent. The migrant officials whether in political or bureaucratic sphere played crucial role in allotment of lands to the migrant people. Moreover, the migrants formed their unions that helped them presenting their demands to government in concise form impacting cumulative wellbeing of people. It also helped them widening scope of their contribution in economic sphere of the city as they exploited their previous expertise to establish industrial base of the city especially the hosiery and agricultural industry. It also created employment opportunities for other migrants and their incessant hard work resulted into making the Lyallpur one of the major industrial bases of the country.

The indigenous community played vital role in welcoming the people. The kinship played most crucial role in this regard. The preexisting links came into use and the people helped in resettlement of the migrants. Though there is some news of conflict of interest between migrants and the indigenous community regarding distribution of

184 resources, however this conflict can be attributed social injustice rather enmity between migrants and the native people. The indigenous people did not raise voice to mitigate significance and rights of the migrants, rather they raised voice for their rights which can be regarded justifiable. In nutshell, it can be said that the giant task of rehabilitation of thousands of migrants in Lyallpur became possible because of coordinated efforts of government, migrants, and native community. However, the most conspicuous and leading role in rehabilitating and building the localty are attributed to the migrants and that will be highlighted in the next chapter.

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Chapter - V

Rebuilding from the Wrecks of Partition: An Industrial Development The migrants are the factors and the actors for the development of many localities in Pakistan in respect of industry, business, trade, commerce and modernity and Lyallpur is also one of the localties which also witnessed the similar model of migration, rehabilitation, reconstruction and progress. Lyallpur proved a magnet of attraction for migrants belonging to differential walks of life. Because of their forced migration and abandonment of their belongings in East Punjab, they were rendered resourceless in the West Punjab. However, the skill that they had, resolute determination, and left over capital helped them to endeavo to exploit their skills and left over capital to their advantage.

Introduction

Before looking into the role of migrants in modernization of Lyallpur, it might be relevant to reminisce Colonial inheritance of Lyallpur. The Colonial projects of canal colonization, as mentioned in Chapter 1, rendered Lyallpur to stand among major agricultural regions of the British India. Cotton served to be trademark crop of the region that seems to be dominant cause of concentration of Textile industry in the region in post partition era. In other words it can be said that the huge potential of Lyallpur turned it as land of opportunities and made it gravitating magnet for the unsettled and the opportunity seekers. Regarding modernization, Rostow has proposed five stages of development1 including traditional society2, preconditions to take off3, take off4, drive to maturity5, and

1 Walt Whitman Rostow, The stages of economic growth: A non-communist manifesto (Cambridge university press, 1990). 2 This is an agricultural economy of mainly subsistence farming, little of which is traded. The size of the capital stock is limited and of low quality resulting in very low labour productivity and little surplus output left to sell in domestic and overseas markets. 3 Agriculture becomes more mechanised and more output is traded. Savings and investment grow although they are still a small percentage of national income (GDP). Some external funding is required - for example in the form of overseas aid or perhaps remittance incomes from migrant workers living overseas. 4 Manufacturing industry assumes greater importance, although the number of industries remains small. Political and social institutions start to develop - external finance may still be required. Savings and investment grow, perhaps to 15% of GDP. Agriculture assumes lesser importance in relative terms although the majority of people may remain employed in the farming sector. There is often a dual economy apparent with rising productivity and wealth in manufacturing and other industries contrasted with stubbornly low productivity and real incomes in rural agriculture. 5 Industry becomes more diverse. Growth should spread to different parts of the country as the state of technology improves - the economy moves from being dependent on factor inputs for growth towards making better use of innovation to bring about increases in real per capita incomes.

186 the age of mass consumption6. Though the Rostow’s theory of economic development is prone to criticism owing to lack of clarity of in terms of "stage", the meanings of a“sequence of stages”and of“periodization”7，however it still earns significant status in understanding patterns of modernization in a locality8. The modernization of Lyallpur that can be regarded as placed in ‘Age of mass consumption’, however there is palpable evidence to substantiate that stages of ‘Take off’ stage and ‘Drive to maturity’ were mainly carried out by the migrants. Though the industrial development of Lyallpur cannot be given at credit of one stakeholder, however, the thesis assumption of the study claims that the foundation of the industrial tsunami in Lyallpur was largely laid by the migrants who constitute above 45% population of Lyallpur. Various studies and data available in the different departments and archives proves the claim that Lyallpur was one of the major host cities of the Punjab.

The study attempts to explore contribution of migrants in the development of Lyallpur during the period of 1947 to 1960 in the light of fresh sources/local newspapers or oral testimonies. Though the development of Health and Education will be included as well, yet the lions share is reserved for economic growth of the city. In other words, current chapter will discuss migration and development in spatial context of Lyallpur.

The role of migrants regarding development of Lyallpur needs to be investigated under theme of role skilled migration or brain drain in development of Lyallpur as suggested by Pippa Virdee9. Similarly,Ilyas Chatha is of the view that Lyallpur was one the major cities where significant number of industrial migrants moved. These migrants included skilled labor and veteran businessmen who laid the foundation of industrial development of Lyallpur with some cooperation of government as well. The role of migrants in the industrial development of Lyallpur gives three major patterns. Moreover, dual sector economy model (Lewis model) seems relevant paradigm to study

6 Output levels grow, enabling increased consumer expenditure. There is a shift towards tertiary sector activity and the growth is sustained by the expansion of a middle class of consumers. 7 Yoichi Itagaki, “Criticism of Rostow's stage approach: The concepts of stage, system and type,” The Developing Economies 1, no. 1 (1963): 1-17. 8 Alexander Cairncross, “The Stages of Economic Growth,” The Economic History Review 13, no. 3 (1961): 450-458. 9 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region 1947-61,” (PhD diss., Coventry University, 2004).; The study views industrial foundation of Lyallpur being established by the skilled migrants from Ludhiana.

187 development of Lyallpur. there are several studies like John Knight10 and Nazrul Islam11 who have discussed relevance of Lewis model in the localities where economic shift from agriculture to industrial economy was observed like China. Similarly, the shift of Lyallpur form hub of agricultural hub to industrial centre of the region renders it to be studied under dual sector economy model in terms of labor surplus in rural area, rural urban migration, and supply of labor from rural areas.

This development and their role can be defined in different ways or under different models.

First Model of Development

This model attempts to explain development as a result of migration. The model asserts that core areas12 leads to brain drain and those people put hard effort to gain financial stability. However, their struggle for the sake of their good serves in good of overall society in macro perspective. This framework bears potential to explain major part of the pattern that manifests role of migrants in industrial development of Lyallpur.

Brain Drain in Lyallpur

Docquier and Rapoport consider brain drain migration to be most dominant form of international migration. The recent empirical literature shows that high-skill emigration need not deplete a country’s human capital stock and can generate positive network externalities13. Beine et al say that agents are heterogeneous in skills and the migrants are highly skilled14. These skilled migrants are potentially competent to provide a competent economic development15. In case of Lyallpur specifically, the first migration16 as well as 2nd migration played an important role in the development of

10 John Knight, “China, South Africa and the Lewis Model,” In The Rise of China and India (Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010). 27-38. 11Nazrul Islam and Kazuhiko Yokota, “Lewis growth model and China's industrialization,” Asian Economic Journal 22, no. 4 (2008): 359-396. 12 Market hubs. 13 Frederic Docquier, and Hillel Rapoport, “Globalization, Brain Drain and Development,” Journal of Economic Literature 50, no. 3 (2012): 681-730. 14 Michel Beine, Frederic Docquier and Hillel Rapoport, “Brain Drain and Economic Growth: Theory and Evidence”, Journal of development economics 64, no. 1 (2001): 275-289. 15 Ghazi M Farooq and Gordon C. Winston, “Shift working, Employment, and Economic Development: A study of Industrial Workers in Pakistan”, Economic Development and Cultural Change 26, no. 2 (1978): 227-244. 16 Darshan Singh Tatla, Sikh Free and Military Migration during the Colonial Period”, The Cambridge survey of World Migration (1995): 69-73.

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Lyallpur owing to skillfulness of the migrants17. However, in theoretical context, first migration and 2nd migration cannot be viewed in same perspective as the first migration was somewhat organized, consensual, and it maintained networking between sender and host areas18. But 2nd migration was abrupt, unplanned, and forced to great extent. Moreover, unlike other patterns of international or national migration, the migrants had almost nonexistent links with their home states19.

There has been extensive literature on the role of migrants in the development. Some of the literatures view links between migration and development in win context. The sender country gets benefit in form of remittances and increased economic activity, whereas the host country takes advantage of the skills in updating her industry20. Individual migrants and their families tend to benefit from the decision to seek opportunity abroad21. But the consequences for migrant communities and the countries of origin are more ambiguous. Some researchers argue that migrant communities and countries benefit from migration, whereas some others argue otherwise. The literature suggests substantial evidence to validate role of migrants in development. Hass has discussed various theoretical considerations in view of migration and development. His debate on various perspectives like pessimist, optimist, neo classical, and deterministic views that diligently attempts to cover several aspects of migration in context of development, especially the industrial development22.

However, most of the literature and theoretical explanations does not fully explain the migration of Lyallpur and the role of migrants in making the Lyallpur ‘Manchester of Pakistan’. The migration of Lyallpur was unpredicted and forced. It rather can be equalized with displacement of people instead of migration. Moreover, most of the theories include financial planning aspects and objectives as push factors of migration, but the migration in Lyallpur did not include financial management and planning at

17 Pippa Virdee, “Refugee Experiences of Migration and Post-Partition Resettlement in Lyallpur”, Troubled Times: Sustainable Development and Governance in the Age of Extremes 47 (2006): 391. 18 Indu Agnihotri, “Ecology, Land use and Colonization: the Canal Colonies of Punjab”, The Indian Economic & Social History Review 33, no. 1 (1996): 37-58. 19 Sarah Ansari, “The Movement of Indian Muslims to West Pakistan after 1947: Partition-Related Migration and its Consequences for the Pakistani Province of Sind”, In Migration: The Asian Experience (Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994.), 149-168. 20 Frederic Docquier, and Hillel Rapoport, “Quantifying the impact of highly-skilled emigration on developing countries." Manuscript, May (2009). 21 Simona Milio, Riccardo Lattanzi, Francesca Casadio, Nicola Crosta, Mario Raviglione, Paul Ricci, and Fabio Scano, “Brain Drain, Brain Exchange and Brain Circulation:The Case of Italy viewed from a Global Perspective,” National Interest (2012): 43. 22 Hein De Haas, “Migration and Development: A Theoretical Perspective,” International Migration Review 44, no. 1 (2010): 227- 264.

189 beginning. Rather it can be discussed in themes of religious migration, nationalist motivations, and unwanted consequence of swear communal disharmony. However, a similarity of the case study of Lyallpur and other studies across differential time and space relates to skilled migration or brain drain. Yet, the novelty of the case study is that the skilled migration or brain drain is coincidental.

The brain drain or skilled migration in Lyallpur is narrated by Pippa Virdee, Ilyas Chatha, Dr Waseem, Muhammad Aslam, and some accounts of local newspapers from 1947 to 1960s. Pippa Virdee and Muhammad Aslam have discussed skilled labor in more or less similar way. Both have discussed migrants of Ludhiana. However, the relevance of their studies to Lyallpur is that both works testify that a large number of the migrants of Ludhiana settled in Lyallpur. Moreover, much of the migrants were skilled people as the people of Ludhiana had expertise in hosiery and textile related work. Muhammad Waseem adds to it that Previously-gained technical and industrial skills and capital acquired in Ludhiana were vital not only for individual refugee rehabilitation in Lyallpur, but were a crucial element in the city's rapid post-independence economic growth.23 By tapping into a skilled base that had migrated, the city was able to prosper much more rapidly than if a labour force had needed to be completely trained from scratch.

The first individual account is that of Bashiran Bibi. She spoke of her husband (they were married before partition) setting up one hand loom and within a year he had progressed to 40 hand looms. She talked of how hard they both worked, they washed and dyed the cotton thread themselves as well. With the hard work paying off, they were soon able to purchase a shop of their own. She recalls how they pioneered cotton spinning in the area:

“Yes, we were the pioneers of cotton spinning. Other people also learned it from my husband. He had many trainees. He sold cloth and cotton as far as Dhaka, East Pakistan. When East Pakistan was separated, we lost an investment of Rs. 150,000 in that area. He set up a single hand loom from the money his father gave him. I brought some money from my father with

23 One example of this is a company by the name of Karim Hosiery. The company was founded over 100 years ago at Ludhiana. After partition, the family came to Lyallpur and started their business from scratch. Today the company is the largest socks manufacturer in Pakistan, selling about 6 million pairs of socks annually. See further, Karim Hosiery, Ayub Colony, Jhang Road, Faisalabad. http://www.golsocks.com/profile.html

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which cotton thread was purchased. From one hand loom, he progressed to forty in a year.24 Mohammad Sadeeq initially set up a medical store in a shop allotted to them in Katchery Bazaar but then went into the handloom industry in 1948. The family settled in Guru Nanak Pura; gradually the handlooms business flourished and they progressed to silk power looms, which turned out to be a big business afterwards.

I set up silk textile mills in 1953 with the name of Chaudhari Textiles. By God’s grace I prospered to 50 silk looms, 20 towel looms and my export revenue reached millions. I have been an exporter for twenty to twenty-two years and have connections with 8 to 10 countries . My elder brother and I had a small hosiery factory in Ludhiana and my father just looked after the property. I had experience of hosiery business prior to partition but loom enterprise was entirely new to me. In the early days of Pakistan, there wasn't much competition and manufacturer could easily get through. Those times, business opportunities were in excess because the country was newly created25. Sadeeq had not worked with silk power looms in Ludhiana. But he brought with him experience of running a factory. This background enabled him to branch out and grasp the new manufacturing opportunities in Lyallpur. The pride in his community's earlier achievements in Ludhiana, revealed in the extract below from his interview, must have been a crucially important factor in the enterprise he displayed after migration.

Ludhiana was called Manchester of hosiery in India and Muslims also had much of the hosiery business of the city - hand looms and small enterprises as well. Our mohalla was called Syedon da Mohalla. Syeds were very rich people and had vast properties. Hindus were the richest community. They were the owners of giant mills. Muslims were owners of some good factories of hosiery.126 The role of the Ludhiana hosiery industry is further highlighted by Yousaf Ludhianvi. He worked in the handloom business before partition in Ludhiana.

Ludhiana was famous not only in Punjab but all over the India for its industries. Hosiery and cloth industry of Ludhiana was very famous. Ansari, Taili, Jolahe, Mochi and nearly all other artisans lived in Ludhiana. The days we started handloom business in Lyallpur, it was difficult to get raw material. I left that business and started working in

24 Interview with Bashiran Bibi, Harcharan Pura, Faisalabad, 7 February 2003. 25 Interview with Mohammad Sadeeq, Gurunanak pura.

191 the cotton mills at the age of 17 to 18 in 1949. I used to operate power loom in the mills of Makhan in Ludhiana so it was easy for me to work in the cotton mills. The handloom business was not a new enterprise for us because we were into same trade before the partition. We knew about tarkhans as they were also present in Ludhiana. We gave 12 to 14 rupees to a tarkhan who made us a handloom. That cloth was not so fine in quality but because of the shortage of cloth, it was sold easily and nobody objected it.26

The skilled labor did not confine to textile sector or industrial sector, rather people of different fields did perform in their respective fields and participated in the development of Lyallpur. Muhammad Aslam mentions interview of Maulana Habib Ur Rahman s/o Anis Ur Rahman who established a madrassa in Lyallpur. He narrated

My father came to Lyallpur in 1949. He settled in Lyallpur owing to some of his acquaintances in Lyallpur. Lyallpur Khalsa College was made refugee camp. Later on, after the rehabilitation of migrants, the open land of the college was reserved for mosque. There he build an uneven mosque and established a center of religious teachings27. There are various accounts that substantiate the assumption that Lyallpur hosted the migrants and major portion of them was skilled labor. However, the most important evidence is found in the book of Ch. Aslam. When Sehgal brothers were consulting for installation of a textile unit, they consulted owner of Dhanda textile Mills Mr Hans Raj. He said them, “You should consult Ch. Noor Muhammad. He is the most competent man in knitting and textile industries”28. Further when Ch. Noor Muhammad was consulted, he advised the Sehgal brothers, “Install your industry in Lyallpur. Ludhiana was called Manchester of India. Majority of the muslim population of Ludhiana has settled in Lyallpur. It will help to get skilled labor also”29.

Lyallpur as a City of Opportunities

As the literature and various theoretical frameworks discuss differential forms of migration having various motives, yet according to neo classical perspective, the most dominant form of international migration takes place along industrial lines. The principal line of Ravenstein's laws, which verifiably joins an individual presumption of typical

26 Malik Mohammed Yousaf Ludhianvi, Ghulam Mohammad Abad, Faisalabad, January 30, 2003. 27 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalamno Py keya Guzri, 483. 28 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Musalmano Par kya Guzri, 758. 29 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par kya Guzri, 758.

192 choice to the more extensive structures of urban and progressive provincial political lopsided characteristics, is to be found in the exceptionally commendatory "push-pull" system. This self-sorted out essential model is to push change, driven by a progression of segments pushing from the area or country of the source (wretchedness, unemployment, landless, fast statistic improvement, political limitations, poor monetary prosperity, (Best pay and business prospects, best academic and prosperity system, colonization and checking of land, major ecological and living conditions, political adaptability, and so forth)30.

In terms of role of migrants in development, there is another view propagated by MJ Piore. It agrees to previous studies up to a point that migration takes place along industrial belts. However, there is a conflict of interest among native and the migrant workers. It is based on the assumption that native people capture white collar jobs and low paid jobs are left for migrant workers31. However, in context of Lyallpur, the dominant narratives explain the story otherwise. Instead of migrants, it was the natives who complained their fundamental rights to become scapegoat to assuage migrants troubles. Furthermore, it adds another dimension of labor force induction through network basis. The early immigrants get jobs with the references of the people who already had settled. King Russel writes that If Piore’s argument refers mainly to the Fordist era of mass industrial production and its immediate aftermath, the analysis is progressed to a subsequent stage by Saskia Sassen’s work on global cities (1988, 1991). The primary engine of growth of global cities in the post-industrial era has been the clustering there of corporate headquarters, financial centres and related producer services32.

While talking about Lyallpur, it is narrated that Lyallpur is a planned city, developed primarily to serve raw material for industry in British era. This motivating factor behind establishment of Lyallpur rendered it to serve as hub of opportunities for different sectors including industrial as well agricultural sector. In order to expedite the

30 Oliver Bakewell, “Some Reflections on Structure and Agency in Migration Theory,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36, no. 10 (2010): 1689-1708. 31 Michael J Piore, Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies (London: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 169. 32 Russell King, Theories and Typologies of Migration: An Overview and a Primer, 35.

193 potential of the city, modes of communication and basic facilities were provided33. The task was achieved with efficient institutionalization of colony settlement department. It was called city of ‘Greenery of Asia’34. The abundance of raw material through agriculture provided an opportunity of installation of some industry related to agricultural sector. The accounts suggest that there was one textile unit known as Lyallpur textile mills in Lyallpur and several ginning units, and khaddis in the area. However, the proper exploitation of the land of opportunities is credit of the migrants35.

Pippa Virdee declares Lyallpur very attractive prospect for refugee resettlement as it was located in the most fertile area of West Punjab in Pakistan36. Between 1941- 51, Lyallpur city grew in population by 156 per cent, compared to the overall growth of 54 per cent in the district.37 The population increase can be attributed to the huge influx of migrants into the city, which continued to expand at these phenomenal rates. Between 1951 and 1961, Lyallpur's population grew by 137 per cent.

There have been several accounts that validate the assumption that people settled in Lyallpur owing to economic opportunities there.

Mohna, a migrant from East Punjab tells his story of settling in Lyallpur owing to opportunities there. He narrated:

After coming to Pakistan, I first settled in Pattoki. Later on, I came to know that my sister had settled in Lyallpur and there were better economic opportunities there. I came here and started my work on Khhaddis. I got good opportunity here as everyone was struggling here to settle38. Actually, at the time of partition, Lyallpur was not a city in limelight. However, the skilled and experienced migrant read between the lines and watched behind the wall in order to choose the city of Lyallpur as business hub. Koh e Noor textile mills was one of the initial major industrial installations of Lyallpur. The founders of Koh e Noor Mills,

33 Pippa Virdee, “Refugee Experiences of Migration and Post-Partition Resettlement in Lyallpur, 202. 34 Jahanzeb Khan, Industrial Development in Lyallpur (Lahore: Nasir Publishers, 2010), 5. 35 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change, 208. 36 Government of Pakistan, Census of Pakistan 1951. Sargodha during the same period was the second highest, the growth here was 115 per cent and Lahore was 27 per cent. 37 Government of Pakistan, Census of Pakistan 1951. Sargodha during the same period was the second highest, the growth here was 115 per cent and Lahore was 27 per cent. 38 Mona Bibi, Chak 496 GB., Sammundri, Faisalabad, May15, 2016.

194 the Sehgal brothers took advice of a migrant Ch. Noor Muhammad. The event is explained by his son Faiz Muhammad39.

“Sehgal brothers consulted my father for textile installation. They said they wanted to construct it in Chiniot or Jhang because Lyallpur was not in limelight that time. But experience and providence of my father proved fruitful as he suggested them to construct the unit in Lyallpur”40. Faiz Muhammad narrates that his father said

Construct the unit in Lyallpur Lahore road. Lahore is capital of Punjab and the country is nascent independent. People will have to move to Lahore in pursuit of their essential tasks through Jaranwala. It will help free advertisement also. Moreover, Ludhiana is known as Manchester of India. Majority of the Ludhiana migrants are settled in Lyallpur. It will help to get skilled labor as well41. Hard Work of Migrants

The migrants of Punjab were forced to abandon their homes with immediate effect. Such a sudden and unexpected evacuation rendered their migration with minimum resources they could carry with themselves. The fuel of robbery and violence was added to the injury of forced migration. Though some oral accounts narrate that they managed to get some important things in form of gold, or cash which they succeeded to hide and remained lucky to be caught by marauders, yet such cases cannot be generalized. Most of the people had migrated empty handed, or very minimum. As Lyallpur attracted big number of migrants owing to its big evacuee land of non-Muslims, kinships, and openness of Lyallpur as land of opportunities.

Owing to poor living conditions, the migrants were supposed to build their lives from scratch. Though in this regard, role of government has been crucial despite the limited capacity of the government, yet the task of development at root level was carried out efficiently by the migrants. Owing to their work commitment, they were in a position to meet their both ends.

While telling stories of struggle and success, Muhammad Sohna narrates,

39 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Pay keya Guzri, 733. 40 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Pay keya Guzri, 733. 41 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Pay keya Guzri, 733.

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When we entered Pakistan, we had nothing but paradox of gloom and hope. I missed my home where I was supposed never to visit, and my family and friends which I lost during the way. My home and my lost friends could not come again. I heard that Lyallpur had prospect for Khaddi workers. When I came here, I worked on Khaddis for 12 to 16 hours a day and earned 1 Aana per day. I worked hard and did not care for money. I had make my reputation. Soon I started working on looms. Here my pay increased and I was able to save some money on daily basis. After burning midnight oil for 6 years, I was able to have my own loom in Ghulam Muhammad Abad. I saved a portion of my income to reinvest. Now I have 100 looms and more than 500 people are my employees.42 Muhammad Ali is a lawyer in Lyallpur. His father and grandfather were also lawyers in Amritsar. His grandfather with his family left their village ‘Giddar Baha’ in dark of night. His grandmother was hiding some gold rings and ear rings in paan leave and hide in her mouth. Muhammad Ali narrates the events from his father. He told

My grandmother did not even tell my grandfather that she was hiding gold. They though she was chewing paan. In Lyallpur, that gold helped us to live our early days. My father and grandfather started taking cases of migrants and other people without fee. They fought cases in courts for two years with minimal fee. They worked day in and day out to make their name. Soon their name was being heard in the yards of courts. He also took cases of Koh e Noor and Crescent mills. After few years, we turned from penniless to well off43. Role of Migration Councils

Muhajreen Council of factory area opposed the proposed action of TMA Lyallpur of clearing the huts of people in order to make parks and other TMA constructions44. In Maghiana, a meeting of muhajireen council was called and it was decided to demand for reserve seat of Muhajireen in Elections45. The political activity on the behalf of Muhajreen was actively carried out in various constituencies of Lyallpur city and other Teshils46.

The migrant unions seemed much active and they believed that their perspective could be better advocated on political forums with political strength. In this regard, they

42 Haji Rana Fazal, Mohammadia Colony, Lyallpur, 2010. 43 Muhammad Ali, Lyallpur, May 15, 2016. 44 Daily Saadat, December 15, 1950. 45 Daily Saadat, January 7, 1951. 46 Daily Saadat, January 9, 1951.

196 proposed migrant candidates in various constituencies and arranged political activities to gain the objectives. The newspaper narrates such an event in Maghiana where migrant association called on the DC47. However, the intra competition for migrant seat also generated extensive political activity on the behalf of the migrants48. In wake of the activities of the migrant councils, Governor Punjab formed a committee of 7 members to look into problems of the migrants49.

Moreover, the migrants of different sectors established their unions and raised their voices in protection of their rights. It involved big unions of industrialists to the unions of vendors. In Lyallpur, there are reports when vendor’s union protested against encroachment operation of TMA50.

Demand of Home Industries Flourished

East Punjab was industrial hub and Muslims were dominant in this sector. Ludhiana hosted hosiery and Parcha bafi industry that gave a tough competition even to Japan. Similarly, other cities like Hoshiarpur, Ambala, Panipat, etc had different industrialy adept people mostly comprising the Muslims. However, owing to violent aftermaths of partition, almost half million artisans had to abandon their machinery, products, and their units. The people who had migrated to Lyallpur initially prioritized their fundamental needs of food, shelter and cloth. However, later on, they formed a union and presented a feasible and constructive plan in front of Minister of industries Mumtaz Daultana. As a result of the discussion, it suggested forming a colony comprising hosiery sector people between Nurpur and Mai di Jhuggi. It soon helped working of 400 hand looms and after few years, its capacity increased to 2000 handlooms.

The migrants of Lyallpur demanded cooperation of government in flourishing of home and small scale units51. The establishment of home industries became policy statement of govt in parliament52 that was later seen being pragmatic especially in case of

47 Daily Saadat, January 14, 1951. 48 Daily Saadat, January 13, 1951. 49 Daily Saadat, January 18, 1951. 50 Daily Saadat, April 11, 1951. 51 Daily Saadat, December 14, 1950. 52 Daily Saadat, April 1, 1951.

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Lyallpur. House based ginning units were installed in different areas where house ladies participated in ginning process. Such a unit is reported to be installed near Hussain Ice factory in Kamalia53.

Flood Relief Activities

There the migrants once again suffered during the flood in Lyallpur and Jhang area and lost their homes. The recent heavy floods in West Pakistan had taken a number of human life besides incalculable damage to property, crops, roads, canals, and railway lines etc54. In view of this havoc, the West Pakistan Government attempted seeking substantial monetary aid from the Centre to make good the loss55. First Lady Begum Liaqat Ali Khan announced 1000 blankets and 9000 cash for relief activities56. It was not only government but also the people of Lyallpur who helped their affected brothers57. There are some reports that suggest that people participated in relief activities with full enthusiasm and the amelioration material was provided as per requirements58. Later on, Punjab Committee (formed for relief activities) proposed rewards for the people who had sincerely joined relief activities59.

All the wealth person should have sent doctors, Hakeems, cloth and food for them60. Meeting of prominent citizens’ industrialist, shopkeepers, merchants, social workers, leaders of political parties, and high official of district decided to collect 10 lac for the sufferer of the flood. Mr, Shafiul, the District Magistrate, Lyallpur, presided over the meeting. Out Of the ten llakhs target Rs. 7 lakhs were set aside for the city of

53 Daily Saadat, January 7, 1951. 54 Heavy rains in Lyallpur have destroyed over 1,000 ‘kacha* huts and auart ers in low-lying slum areas and rendered over 5,000 people homeless. The drainage system failed to provide outlet for rain water flooding low-lying areas. Water still stands several feet deep in some areas. About 1,000 residents of the Ghulamabad Colony finally evacuated their houses on Sunday. District officers on Sunday visited the factory area and arranged for temporary shelter for the homeless. 55 Daily Pakistan Times, October 19, 1955. It was suggested for government. Every person, whether in business or service (public or private), whose net monthly income after payment of income tax exceeds 1,000, should contribute at least 10 per cent to the hood relief fund every month with immediate for the at least six months. (ii) All big landlords and commercial and industrial concerns should be asked by the Government to contribute generously to the relief fund in accordance with their financial position. (iii) All State functions, receptions, and dinners, unless inescapable, should be banned forthwith. (iv) Taxes on all luxuries should be increased. (v) Railway freight rates and fares of 1st and 2nd class should be slightly enhanced for a reasonable period. (vi) Loans without interest, payable in easy installments, should be given by the Government to all those who have suffered and need money to start life anew. This applies particularly to agriculturists who have lost their cattle and homes. To my mind if all concerned act on these suggestions there will be hardly any necessity to seek help' from abroad or live on others' charity. I have every reason to believe that this step, if taken, will go a long way towards ameliorating the condition of the flood victim. 56 Daily Saadat, December 10, 1950. 57 Daily Saadat, December 4, 1950. 58 Daily Saadat, January 7, 1951. 59 Daily Saadat, January 24, 1951. 60 Daily Saadat, August 3, 1948.

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Lyallpur alone. A committee of five persons was appointed for the purpose. Kamvar Behram Ata, a local magistrate, headed the committee while Ch. Azizuddin, M.CA, Mian Fazal Ahmad, Sh. Bashir Ahmad and Ch. Shah Mohammed will be members of the committee. Rs. 150,000 was contributed on the spot by various industrialists and merchants associations and in addition to this 700 maunds of wheat by the Lyallpur wheat market and 2,660 yards of cloth by a local merchant were also contributed.

Individual collections were Lyallpur Cotton Mills. Rs. 25000; Premier Cotton Mills, Rs. 25,000; Ganesh Flour Mills, Rs. 10,000; Colony Flour Mills, Rs. 20,000; Messrs. Mohammed Yasin Moula Bux. Rs. 2,000; Sh. Moula Bux, Rs. 5,000; Zeenat Textile Mills, Rs. 10,000; Local Bus Operators Association, Rs. 8,600; Nishat Textile Mills, Rs. 10,000: Regal Salk Mill, Rs. 2,000; Nagina Silk Mills, Rs. 3,000; local newspapers, Rs. 250: Murad Cloth House, Rs. 2,000: Lyallpur Central Co-operative Bank, Rs. 10,000: Lyallpur Merchants Association. Rs. 1,000; Hotel Association, Lyallpur, Rs. 500; Lyallpur Kariana Association, Rs. 2,000 and Lyallpur District Bar Association, Rs. 3,500.

Intensive propaganda among the citizen henceforth conducted to stir the sympathies for the flood sufferers. The meeting resolved that the target should be made good within a week so that money could be immediately distributed among the sufferers who have now returned to their homes and need speedy rehabilitation in places where once stood their villages.

The Deputy Commissioner, Lyallpur, while addressing the gathering said the recent floods and the destruction caused by them was unheard of in the part of the country. The villages affected by the floods had almost disappeared. The task for rehabilitating the peasants was stupendous. The Government alone could not help the migrants. It was the duty of all citizens to help suffering humankind, and to come forward with whatever they could contribute. Sheikh Bashir Ahmad, Fresh dent of the City Muslim League, announced full co-operation on behalf of all the political parties of the district who have carried out relief work during recent tragedy through a joint relief committee.

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Some of the speakers also express their feeling to help other districts affected by flood. This matter was resolved that as soon as the relief measures for the district showed the sign of satisfaction, the remaining part of the fund collected for this purpose may be diverted to the Central Relief Fund Lahore.61

Public Private Partnership

The development of Lyallpur is result of mutual and active cooperation between the government and the people. The migrants raised their voices of rights effectively and made the task of government less painstaking by extending their hand of cooperation. Government of Pakistan had declared rehabilitation and resettlement of the migrants to be 2nd top priority of the government after defense of the state. However, owing to ambitious endeavors of the migrants, the objective of resettlement soon transformed to objectives of development and migrants played significant role in this regard. The government attempted her role in the form of making industrial zones, communication networks, energy supplies, and other likewise ameliorating services. Before partition district government/Municipal/Local Board usually composed of government member and local persons including Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims; they combinelly handle all the matters. This practice was continued after the migration of Hindus and Sikhs to East Punjab and migrants were included in district government.

The government, in order to strengthen the business potential of the city, established banks in the Lyallpur. In this regard, establishment of State bank62 and National bank63 in Lyallpur are noteworthy. These banks were established not only to facilitate process of business transactions, but also provision of loans to people. These loans ranged from micro level of agriculturalists, and labor to large scale loans for the installation of industry64. The amelioration process for industrial growth was further carried out on the behalf of government by fulfilling energy problems of the city. In this

61 Daily Pakistan Times, October 26, 1955. 62 Pippa Virdee, “Refugee Experiences of Migration and Post-Partition Resettlement in Lyallpur quoted that at the opening of State Bank of Pakistan in Lyallpur, in December 1956, the Bank’s Governor, Abdul Qadir declared that this marked not only of an important event in the history of the Bank but also the rapid economic growth that had taken place in Lyallpur after the attainment of independence. 63 Daily Saadat, December 17, 1950. National bank branch was opened in Lyallpur on circular road in order to facilitate business activities that were welcomed by business community of the city. 64 Daily Saadat, February 10, 1948; to support the large number of migrants, West Punjab’s government has decided to support them financially by giving them loans. From 17 August 1947 to 31 March 1948, 21 lakhs, 59 thousand 390 rupees will be given as loan and 17 lakhs are given. The government asked the D.C.’s not to prolong the verification process. Every migrant can get 400 rupees loan to buy cultivation products, to buy animals and for irrigation as well.

200 regard, electricity and gas connection were issued for Lyallpur65. Moreover, the peripheral towns that had industrial potential like Kamalia were also provided electricity and gas connections66.

The government contributed industrial growth of the city by constructing roads and arranging business tours and exhibitions for the businessmen. Furthermore, it took some regulatory measure in order to prevent illegal activities in the name of business.

Village Aid Training

The government had serious challenges to upgrade the villages as the bigger proportion of the population was residing in rural areas. In this regard, The Punjab Village Aid Training program was initiated that aimed at providing the villages with basic facilities of health, education, roads, and law and order. It was considered essential to ensure development conducive environment. In its continuation in Lyallpur, the Village Aid administration opened another Village Aid Training centre in Lyallpur from March 3rd. It served as vocational training institute to impart skills among the youth to contribute in national development. The new center had capacity to train 60 boys and girls for village uplift work. The existing Lalamoosa Village Aid Training Institute is training a batch of 88 workers, including eight girls and 15 boys from Azad Kashmir. The passing-out parade of this batch was held sometime in June.67

Muhammad Bashir from Naranwala (A village near Lyallpur) was beneficiary of that scheme. His son narrated his story

I was only 10 years old when we migrated for Pakistan. My family was killed by Sikh marauders. I was lucky enough to hide myself under dead bodies. In short, after reaching Lyallpur, I used to do hawker in lyallpur to feed me and my younger sister (6 years old). Then government started the program of skill teaching. I joined the program on the advice of a friend. I learned managing looms there. After this, I got job in industry and my first salary was 90 rupees that was enough for me and my sister. I retired as senior supervisor and worked in various

65 . Sui gas will reach Lyallpur in 1956, as the tunnel carrying the gas will be laid via Trimmu Head, Lyallpur will get the gas earlier than Jhang. It is also learnt that the P.I.D.C. p and the Industries Department at a joint- conference held in Lahore recently decided to steady the power requirements of Lyallpur. 66 Daily Pakistan Times, February 25, 1956. 67 Daily Pakistan Times February 8, 1955.

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industries. I am old man now still people take my advice in this regard68. In order to address other aspect of village update, An area comprising 63 Lyallpur villages lying between the Narwala-Chiniot road, was chosen for agricultural and industrial development. In this regard The Village-Aid budget was doubled that year, according to the West Pakistan Director for Village- Aid Programme, Raja Mohammad Afzal. The Village-Aid Director, who recently had visited this place, revealed that the present expenditure for the development includes only 50 per cent foreign allocations and the remaining expenses are met by the government of Pakistan. Commenting on the progress of the Village-Aid organisation, he told that a sum of Rs. 40, 00,000 had been allocated this year as against the last year’s expenditure of Rs. 20, 00,000. “Some nine lakh rupees were averagely being spent by the government in a period of four years for each development area consisting of 50 villages”, he added. When he was informed that the Lyallpur villages which have been chosen for development, are regarded to be the “crime area” hoped that it would when the Village-/ started its operation69.

Provision of Loans

The government arranged to disburse loans among the migrants in order to support their effort of helping themselves. It suggested giving 400 rupees loan per migrant and amount of 21 lakh was sanctioned in this regard70. The provision of loans was extended further to build houses and loans for industries were sanctioned in order to boost industrial growth. Furthermore, a share market was also launched in order to get capital from people to strengthen the business and returning them profit to make them economically stable71.

68 Muhammad Bashir, Lyallpur, July 23 2012. 69 Daily Pakistan Times, February 25, 1956 70 Daily Saadat, February 10, 1948. To support the large number of migrants, West Punjab’s government has decided to support them financially by giving them loans. From 17 August 1947 to 31 March 1948, 21 lakhs, 59 thousand 390 rupees will be given as loan and 17 lakhs are given. The government asked the D.C.’s not to prolong the verification process. Every migrant can get 400 rupees loan to buy cultivation products, to buy animals and for irrigation as well. 71 Daily Saadat, February 23, 1948; it was advertised “Everyone is informed that Government West Punjab has decided to sell the shares of The Lyallpur District Cooperative multi purposes society limited Lyallpur. The society has the purposes to flourish the sale and purchase of raw material like Sugar, Oil, Cotton, and other commodities. One person can buy only 100 shares and per shares is of 100 rupees. The membership forms can be obtained from Inspector cooperative societies or In charge of cooperative commission shops Gojra, Toba Tek Singh, Chak Jhumra, Lyallpur and Jarranwala”

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Sui Gas for Lyallpur

Energy source are the most important for the industires as Lyallpur becoming pace for industries. Sui gas reached Lyallpur in 1956, as the tunnel carrying the gas was laid via Trimmu Head, Lyallpur got the gas earlier than Jhang. It is also learnt that the P.I.D.C. p and the Industries Department at a joint- conference held in Lahore decided to steady the power requirements of Lyallpur.72

Rural Urban Migration

Basic changes in developing nations frequently have significant spatial ramifications. It is a general model that assumes a focal part during the time spent urbanization and is regularly observed as a change of the work market to the intersectoral move from farming to assembling and administrations. Country and urban movement was generally an imperative piece of the urbanization procedure. This audit compresses the present condition of information on inner relocation in creating nations. To the extent the preliminary stage is concerned, thinks about demonstrate that potential transients put resources into training before movement, and gave human capital is required or better compensated in the city73. They can likewise gather data on occupations from vagrant systems or discover work from their country base, which diminishes both the danger of transitory unemployment and instability about the arrival to movement74.

There are evidences that propose that the procedure of relocation particularly intra country migration in Pakistan is an old marvel75 . It gives chances to work as well as enhances the financial state of the migrant family units76. These patterns that are mostly found in process of rural urban migration are also found in Lyallpur. However, the migration in Lyallpur is additionally associated with development process in several aspects from service sector to manufacturing sector77. In context of Lyallpur, Migration also had a physical impact on the villages from where migration has taken place. Again, this has been highlighted in

72 Daily Pakistan Times, April 04, 1956. 73 Anjini Kochar, “Urban influences on Rural Schooling in India,” Journal of development Economics 74, no. 1 (2004): 113-136. 74 Biswajit Banerjee, “The determinants of Migrating with a Pre-arranged Job and of the Initial duration of Urban Unemployment: An Analysis Based on Indian Data on Rural-to-Urban Migrants,” Journal of Development Economics 36, no. 2 (1991): 337-351. 75 Shahnaz Hamid, “Rural to Urban Migration in Pakistan: The Gender Perspective,” (2010). 76 Nazir, Saima, “Socio-Economic Conditions of Female Domestic Workers Before and After Migration in Faisalabad city” (PhD diss. University Of Agriculture, Faisalabad, 2011). http://icdd. uaf. edu. pk/Publications/004. pdf (accessed 17 June 2013). 19. 77 Saima Nazir, “Socio-Economic Conditions of Female Domestic Workers Before and After Migration in Faisalabad City” (Masters Diss. University Of Agriculture, Faisalabad, 2011). http://icdd. uaf. edu. pk/Publications/004. pdf (accessed 17 June 2013), 19.

203 the interviews carried out for this study. Migrant families have improved their homes or have built new ones in the style of the urban areas78.

A migrant from Naranwala told his story in an interview; we reached Lyallpur having gone through various places: first from Lahore to Gujranwala, Gujranwala to Jaranwala. We got land allotment in Naranwala. I was young and I had learnt skill of whitewash when we lived in our Indian village. Due to flood, our crops were devastated. I decided to move to city. I started working on daily wages. Construction business was going good here and new factories were being constructed. My good luck paid me off and I collected my friends and was able to establish my company and started taking big contracts79. The Lewis model80 gives a decent system to how the products of financial advancement are spreading. In a focused market framework, it is just when the economy rises up out of the standard and great period of the advancement procedure and enters the second work concentrated neo-traditional stage that genuine salary fundamentally starts Increase all in all. Up to now the advantages of monetary development can be as retention of surplus work and not really as a general increment in genuine wages81.

Lewis Model of Development and Lyallpur

The main hypothetical work of rural to urban movement is the improvement model of Lewis (1954), which clarifies the move from a stagnating economy in light of a conventional country division to a developing economy driven by the advancement of a cutting edge urban area . In this model, financial development comes not just from the amassing of capital in current industry, additionally from the association amongst provincial and urban parts. Lyallpur, which is a country area with modern focus in uptowns, bears the possibility to add to the clarification of the improvement model of Lyallpur. As Lewis accepted that the country’s economies are at first a particular setting in which there is "surplus work" in the rural segment, so minimal efficiency in this area is very nearly zero. Laborers in the provincial division are expected to share generation, so they are compensated with their normal item.82.

78 Saima Nazir, “Socio-Economic Conditions of Female Domestic Workers Before and After Migration in Faisalabad City”, 4. 79 Abdul Ghani, Naranwala, Faislabad, March 23, 2014. 80 Lewis, W. Arthur, Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour, The Manchester School, 22, May: 139-92. 81 John Knight, China, South Africa and the Lewis Model; The Rise of China and India (Palgrave: Macmillan, 2010), 27-38. 82 Somik V Lall, Harris Selod, and Zmarak Shalizi, “Rural-Urban Migration in Developing Countries: A Survey of Theoretical Predictions and Empirical Findings,” World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, (2006): 915.

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Given these presumptions, the agrarian part can give the advanced modern an absolutely versatile work constrain that can become through the amassing of capital and poaching in the customary farming segment, with wages equivalent to the normal item In the agriculture division. The exchange of work between the two monetary parts includes the redistribution of work crosswise over space through relocation from a low thickness of rustic populace to high populace densities in territories urban zones. Relocation happens until surplus work or "hidden unemployment" is consumed by the present day segment83.

Ranis and Fei show the likelihood of specialized advance in the agricultue segment and accept that the agrarian area can likewise put resources into business part84. In this augmentation, the span of the start-up process increments with populace development and declines with the power of venture consumption in both financial segments. The formalizations of Lewis and Ranis and Fei portray in an extremely adapted manner a general component that happens in a first phase of monetary improvement, supporting the assumed lack of capital and the wealth of work in these models. The speculation of zero minor efficiency and normal item compensation in the agrarian division is more questionable and reprimanded, despite the fact that it is probably not going to be communicated at face esteem: what truly matters in the model is that the Rural part can give gigantic transients to the Urban Sector. In this basic system, inner relocation is alluring seeing that it goes with development85.

The formalizations of Lewis and Ranis and Fei depict in an extremely adapted manner a general system that happens in a first phase of financial advancement, which legitimizes the assumed deficiency of capital and the wealth of work in these models. The speculation of zero minor profitability and normal item compensation in the agriculture division is more easily proven wrong and censured, despite the fact that it is probably not going to be fully trusted: what truly matters in the model is that the part Rural zone can

83 Lall, Somik V., Harris Selod, and Zmarak Shalizi, “Rural-Urban Migration in Developing Countries: A Survey of Theoretical Predictions and Empirical Findings,” (2006): 8. 84 John CH Fei and Gustav Ranis, “Innovation, Capital Accumulation and Economic Development,” The American Economic Review (1963): 283-313. 85 Lall, Somik V., Harris Selod, and Zmarak Shalizi, “Rural-Urban Migration in Developing Countries: A Survey of Theoretical Predictions and Empirical Findings,” (2006): 9.

205 give monstrous transients Urban zone. In this basic system, inner relocation is alluring seeing that it goes with development86.

The political result of this model is that administrations in nations with economies experiencing significant change from work concentrated farming economies to the economies of huge mechanical and administration divisions ought to guarantee that relocation from provincial territories To urban zones is not obstructed but facilitated in ideal situations. This sort of model likewise proposes that the legislature ought to guarantee that ventures are adequately escalated for start-up to happen by any means. This would advance the arrangement that favors interest in present day work escalated enterprises with a specific end goal to assimilate camouflaged rustic unemployment. It is critical to note, in any case, that the Lewis system just applies to a specific period of the improvement procedure and does not scatter light to different settings. It appears to be insufficient to portray the procedure of urbanization of numerous South African nations south of the Sahara even toward the start of their urban move. Specifically, the perception in the late 1960s that urban territories experienced high unemployment rate recommended that these models couldn't recount the correct anecdote about country urban communications87.

Rustic work supply alludes to the minimal item or the normal result of work, contingent upon the motivation behind the migrants; Lewis accepted that the normal item would be significant until the peripheral item had crossed it. A developing minimal item in this manner straightforwardly or in a roundabout way builds the supply cost of the country work constrain, which converts into a conceivably declining supply bend for the urban area. Thus, the resulting exchange of work to the urban division builds the piece of the pie dictated by the market in this area. The procedure portrayed above backings a wide comprehension of what number of the as of now created advertise economies and some as of late effective industrialized nations, for example, South Korea and Taiwan have for the most part upheld a maintained way of life. Be that as it may, the Lewis demonstrate requires a few capabilities or changes to depict the advancement procedure of the present poor economies. In the first place, it is impossible that there is an

86 Somik V Lall, Harris Selod, and Zmarak Shalizi, “Rural-urban migration in developing countries,” 9. 87 Michel McCarty, “The Process of Rural-Urban Migration in Developing Countries,” (Ontario: Carleton University, Ottawa, 2004), 20.

206 unmistakable qualification between the established and neoclassical stages, for two reasons: spatial heterogeneity and flawed work portability imply that a few locales are encountering a lack; And the supply of provincial work will have a tendency to be mindful instead of skipping, so that the supply bend for the urban area will progressively debilitate88.

Second, as a rule it is impractical to acclimatize the agrarian division to the rustic segment or the casual segment or industry with urban or formal economies. Provincial industry can be a vital wellspring of work and the casual urban area can be an imperative part of the surplus work drive89.. Third, there might be capital aggregation and specialized advance in the provincial segment, which builds the normal item and in this way the cost of the country work compel before the work procedure itself influences the supply bend. Fourth, the formal revamping of the part can be dictated by non-advertise strengths at a level above market pay. Pay for proficiency, turnover and hypotheses of representative pay, and also the assurance of institutional or arranged wages, are all contenders. This pay can be set paying little mind to market compensation or a positive relationship90.

Figure 2: Map of internal migration to Lyallpur

88 John Knight and Sai Ding, China’s remarkable Economic Growth (London: Oxford University Press, 2012), 186. 89 Amelia Santos-Paulino, and Wan Guanghua, The Rise of China and India: Impacts, Prospects and Implications (London: Springer, 2010), 28. 90 Amelia Santos-Paulino, and Wan Guanghua, The Rise of China and India, 28.

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Origin of Agricultural Industry

Cotton Industry

As the establishment of Cotton industry is related to abundant production of cotton in the country. Moreover, there was growing demand of cotton across the globe that the govt wanted to exploit. In this regard, a tax on cotton was imposed that was initially opposed. However, the government increased prices in order to compensate the burden on farmers and the industrialists91. In order to ameliorate cotton sector, a research institute was established by Khwaja Nazimuddin aimed at boosting the production as well manufacturing sector of cotton92.

The efforts of industrialization were supported also by government. These were facilitated by the policies of government of ensuring stability of currency that was contributed by foreign aid also, trade visits of different countries, and deploying trade commissioners in different countries.93 French trade delegation expressed their interest in cotton and jute of Pakistan and ensured every support in capacity building of Pakistan for better exploitation of the resources94.

The agricultural sector was supported with the advice of international experts and they made visit of Lyallpur for the up gradation of agricultural sector95. Moreover, newspapers and other forums were also used as an advocative forum to educate people to get expert guidance in order to get better outputs with effective inputs96. The statistics and expert opinions suggest that cotton sector served as either direct or indirect source of economy of 92 % population of punjab97. however there are later on reports that suggest that owing to efficient work in agro industrial sector, soon, an exhibition was stalled in France that helped export of the textile products to France98. The laborers associated cotton factories were awarded with bonus prize of 50,000 rupees in acknowledgment of their contribution in expansion of the industry. Such activities raised efficiency of the

91 Daily Saadat, January 14, 1951. 92 Daily Saadat, January 28, 1951. 93 Daily Saadat, January 31, 1951. 94 Daily Saadat, February 2,1951. 95 Daily Saadat, February 6, 1951. 96 Daily Pakistan Times, February 6, 1951. 97 Daily Saadat, February 9, 1951. 98 Tijarti Rehber, Lyallpur February 23, 1951.

208 labor99. Such effective teamwork among all stakeholders, the government, the mill owners, and the laborers optimized the govt for self-sufficiency in cloth industry100. Moreover, in order to carry out effective measures, the parliament gave immense powers to government101. All these factors cumulatively resulted into almost 35% increase in cotton production in the year of 1951102.

The expansion of the sector largely owes to pro activeness of the unions of the labors and owners in order to raise their concerns at proper levels and make an active involvement in decision making process. Such an activity was reported in newspaper that narrates that session of Ansaar Textile Corporation. The session concluded that almost 60000 people were associated with Khaddi business in the city whose life is concerned with the developments taken place in the sector103. In continuation of such business awareness and activity, several protests took place in Lyallpure. Such a protest is reported in newspaper that reported gathering of Lyallpur textile manufacturing association in protest of increasing price of yarn that was harming the industry and resulting in compulsive downsizing and tough business conditions104. On same date, another protest from ‘Parcha Bafi’ people was staged to protest the same cause105.

Pakistan earned huge foreign exchange through export of cloth and yarn. According to reports of Pakistan textile mills owner association, the first three months of the running year (1956), yarn of 15.25 million rupees out of which 4.2 million was solely contributed by Koh e Noor mills106. It means, 27.53 % of the total textile export was contributed by Koh e Noor mills only107. The export was done towards Hong Kong, Bangkok, Glasgow, Colombo, Jakarta, Durbin, Muscat, and Basra. There were total 1.6 million spindles in Pakistan out of which, 1.5 lakh were installed in Koh e Noor only108. Similarly, cloth export has also taken place. The production was such at a high pace that it was exceeding the demand limits. However, the export of cloth and yarn has enabled

99 Tijarti Rehber, Lyallpur, February 26, 1951. 100 Daily Nawai Waqt, Lahore, February 27, 1951. 101 Daily Saadat, April 11, 1951. 102 Daily Saadat, April 15, 1951. 103 Daily Saadat, February 12, 1951. 104 Daily Saadat, February 21, 1951. 105 Daily Parcham, Lyallpur, February 21, 1951. 106 Daily Saadat, May 8, 1956. 107 Daily Saadat, May 3, 1956. 108 Daily Saadat, May 2, 1956.

209 the sector to import other machinery in order to support other industries as well. However, there was an issue of prices of the products that could render the products price wise incompetent to the products of other countries. However, installation of multiple industrial units and their competition with each other rendered market competitive rates109. The indigenous cloth will be exported to an extent of about 30 lakh yards within the next two or three weeks. The Pakistani textile mills have already received orders from abroad. The profit will be about 15 per cent less than in the local market. The market would be Rangoon, East Africa, Belgium, Hong Kong, and Bangkok, which will consume Pakistani militia, Muslin, long cloth and poplin.110

Agricultural Implements

In pre partition era, there was extinct formal structure in agricultural machinery despite the fact that Lyallpur was an agricultural town. The process of formal agricultural sector opened after the partition and it was spearheaded by Seth M. Tufail & Sons in Lyallpur in 1947. Jehan Zeb Khan writes that initially, its production capacity was 500 SC Crushers and 100 wheat threshers annually. this sector further flourished with the emergence of Golden Engineering who contributed the sector with 1000 Chaff Cutters, 800 Gears, and 500 S Crushers annually. The sector was augmented with 6 units till 1950 who further consolidated production of the sector by adding 1200 SC Crushers, 600 Gears, and 3000 chaff cutters in the potential. The additional contributories up to 1950 included:

 Lyallpur Engineering

 Batala Crown Engineering

 Pakistan Engineering

 Zamindar Foundry

In coming half decade, the agro machinery sector observed an exponential growth with a multiplier effect. It is astonishing to know that up to 1947, Lyallpur had sole such unit, within one year after independence, it reached to two, 2 years further it reached 4,

109 Daily Saadat, May 2, 1956. 110 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, April 25, 1956.

210 and five years from then it reached 27 such units. Furthermore, the scope of the sector also enhanced from chaff cutters to land levelers, and seed drills, that helped agricultural growth of the country that latently augmented industrial sector. However, it is important to acknowledge the contribution of migrants in establishing the whole industrial base in agricultural sector. The indigenous community of Lyallpur was largely associated with agricultural activities. The Lyallpur residents in pre partition era could be classified among three major categories on the basis of division of labor and economic structure of the society. It comprised land owners, tenants, shopkeepers, and the artisans. Landowners were largely Sikhs, whereas, the business community largely comprised Hindu community. The Hindu community served as market to the landowners and the tenants. They also played role of money lenders, and managed accounts as the banks were scarce and people found it convenient to go for informal economic part. There were landlords among Muslims as well; however, their strength was less to the Sikh Landlords in Lyallpur.

The artisan work was largely carried out by people of menial castes and it did not have vivid religious discrimination. As according to the culture of Punjab, the agricultural auxiliary tasks were performed by Lohars (Blacksmith), and Tarkhans (Woodsmith). However, after the partition, the agricultural auxiliary sector turned to be more formal and the migrants took lead in conceiving and floating the idea of agro industrialization in order to achieve modernization in agricultural sector that largely benefitted the industrial sector as well.

Muhammad Amin, a migrant from Amritsar narrated

After partition, owing to adverse law and order situation, we migrated to Pakistan and settled in Lyallpur owing to preexisting kinship links. I was young, but my elder brother used to work in agricultural tool making unit and he was adept in it. We got land allotment of 8 Acre. My father sold 4 acre of land and supported my brother to establish his business. He started business and employed some native as well migrant workers. That was time of industrial growth and our business soon consolidated. On our shop, seven migrants and two local guys worked. As mentioned in the previous chapter also, Lyallpur was the biggest host of the migrants. Moreover, the migrants in general did not carry sufficient capital with them as

211 their migration was preemptive where only priority among the migrants was to secure their life. However, the most of the migrants were skilled and hardworking. They utilized their skills and soon became capable to contribute in the development instead of being a burden. This pattern is visible in other migrations also especially the migrants who left for India. However, when the migrants had asserted themselves with effective and efficient growth in Agro Industrial sector, people from other parts of the country also started moving to Lyallpur. Jehanzeb Khan has mentioned that owing to business friendly environment of Punjab. The larger shift was from Karachi especially in post 1960 period to 1989111.

Despite the assertion of the writers that people were attracted to Lyallpur for their industrial installations, there are allusions of another pattern that seems followed in Lyallpur. It is the Mydral perspective on pattern of expansion of industry112. It is a pro Marxist perspective that advocates concentration of industry in specific area sows’ seeds of capital inequality. The argument seems following the perspective of dependency theory that in case of Lyallpur presents the Lyallpur as core, and the surrounding villages as peripheries and semi peripheries. Though the impacts can be considered debatable in terms of their either positive or negative connotations for economic development, yet the pattern of industrial concentration is replicable in spatial setting of Lyallpur.

The power of attraction today of a center has its origins either in an initial advantage the area may have had or is a result of a historical accident. Once started, however, there is a systematic divergence in the levels of development between regions. Internal and external economies lower costs of production, relative to other regions, thus making the initiating region cumulatively more advantageous for further investment. The factors that would tend to cause cumulative divergence in the attractiveness of regions for future investment and hence growing disparity in the regional growth rates include growth of infra-structure i.e. communications, banking facilities, public utilities, (electricity, gas, water etc.) trained man power, technical know-how and maintenance facilities. Also, as most of the new investment is undertaken by existing industrialists and traders, they, for convenience of management and supervision, tend to locate it near their

111 Jehanzeb Khan, Industrial Development of Lyallpur, 88. 112 Naved Hamid and Akmal Hussain, “Regional Inequalities and Capitalist Development”, Pakistan Economic and Social Review 12, no. 3 (1974): 255-288.

212 existing business. Finally, the government in an underdeveloped country plays an important role as it is normally the final authority for permission to set up industry, sanction of loans and grant of licenses. Thus, industry also tends to concentrate around the federal capital113.

The people associated with the industry of agricultural tools are mostly migrated from Batala. However it is true that they are not restricted to Batala migrants only, yet majority of the migrants who are associated with this business are migrants from Batala. The reason behind choosing this business is their experience of India as they did the same business in Batala as well. Initially, the industry was haphazard, however, in 1950s, majority of the agricultural industry moved to Lyallpur Jaranwala road as it emerged an industrial center for agricultural implements. The oral accounts suggest that help of government is limited to approval of claims. Remaining struggle is on the credit of migrants.

The interviews conducted with migrant population of Lyallpur led to give a multifaceted view of their endeavors in the field of economy. Many accounts suggest that people pursued the business that they were adept at; some accounts suggest that new explorations were witnessed. However, Muhammad Ishak narrated a new dimension regarding analysis of the pattern of employment of the migrants. He was of the view that people established their business in Lyallpur on the basis of trial and error. He said:

Our family migrated from Amritsar and the family pursued employment in agricultural sector in Amritsar. However, after partition, our family moved to Lyallpur and settled in a nearby village Phalohi. In order to meet our both ends, we did differential tasks, however ultimately joined business of making the Agriculture implements. It was not pre planned, rather circumstances leads us to take decision of joining this field. Moreover, this business proved quite profitable for us and now we have our market in various districts of Punjab114 In 1948, a unit for agricultural implements “Seth Tufail Toka” started in Lyallpur that is considered to be pioneer in the industry. Nephew of Seth Tufail narrated their story of business in Lyallpur He is of the view that government did not assisted them in their business establishment and they had to manage their finances on their own. However,

113 Naved Hamid and Akmal Hussain, “Regional Inequalities and Capitalist Development, 255-288. 114 Muhammad Ishaq, Phalohi, Faislabad, April 30, 2016.

213 with the installation of their industry and the growth of the sector, the efficiency of agricultural sector has increased to great extent.

Our family migrated from Batala India and settled in Lyallpur near Lyallpur cotton mill. Back in Batala, our family did the business of making agricultural tools. We installed our first unit at Samundari road as all the major industries were concentrated there. Govt did not help the migrants for their business settlement, rather they established their businesses on self-help basis. Their industry has enhanced efficiency of the farmer. Hosiery Industry

Hosiery industry has proved to be one of the most thriving industries of Lyallpur. This is the industry that the migrants of Ludhiana, Amritsar, and Delhi flourished in core as well peripheries of Lyallpur115. The pattern of hosiery industry in Lyallpur can be better understood by analyzing status of hosiery Industry in United India, and pattern of migrant’s influx in Lyallpur. In pre-partition era, the hosiery concentration largely took place in Ludhiana, Amritsar, and Delhi116. Ludhiana was called Manchester of India. Almost twenty years before partition, Ludhiana had developed ensconced hosiery and foundry industry. The khaddi made cloth of Amritsar was renowned and it was supplied to various parts of India, including Lahore117. It was first done with manually which evolved into automatic machines with the passage of time118. It is estimated that almost 302487 migrants came from Ludhiana119. Their majority settled in Gujranwala, Multan and Lahore Lyallpur district including small urban centers like Toba Tek Singh, Kamalia, Jarwanwala, Gojra, Sammundri, Tandialwala, and Chak Jhumara. Minister for resettlement says that he helped several families in their settlement by allotting them land and industries120. Migrants of East Punjab have played an important role in the industrialization of Faisalabad121. It actually links back to their industrial skills back there in East Punjab122.

115 Ilyas Ahmad Chatta, “Partition and Its Aftermath: Violence, Migration and the Role of Refugees In The Socio-Economic Development Of Gujranwala And Sialkot Cities, 1947-196” (PhD diss., University of Southampton, 2009). 116 Sukhdev Singh Sohal, “Scientific and Technical Education in the Punjab (1849-1947),” Journal of Regional History XIX (2013): 77-90. 117 Gurpreet Maini, The Giant Awakens: Punjab Industry & Growth (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2004), 141. 118 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri,83. 119 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 85. 120 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri ,163. 121 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano Par Kya Guzri, 163. 122 Varinder Jain, “Manufacturing Sector in Punjab: Evolution, Growth Dynamism, Key Concerns and Rejuvenation Strategy”, In Economic Transformation of a Developing Economy (Singapore: Springer, 2016), 251-272.

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The hosiery industry of United Punjab was initially set up by Muslim Kashmiri migrants who had left their homeland in 1830s123. They introduced new variety of woolen shawls in Punjab that made it very popular brand across the country. Some writers have written that Indian elite and the British officers liked these woolen brands. The fame of the shawls among British officers helped to introduce the products into Western Market that earned its appreciation there as well. The working of the industry included making ‘Loongi and Patkas’. These people also provided the Army uniform and badges to the soldiers. Some evidences suggest that before partition, power looms had also arrived in Ludhiana and the many hosiery workers were using power looms in pre partition era124. However, some accounts suggest that Muslims did not own hosiery industry at large scale and their status was of workers. Still it is important to mention that all the working and management was in control of Muslims and they used their experience to flourish hosiery Industry in Lyallpur. VN Dutta writes that hosiery Industry of Delhi suffered owing to outmigration of Muslims as they largely contributed the sector in United India. Similarly, Pippa Virdee writes that hosiery industry of Ludhiana suffered a lot owing to outmigration of Muslims likewise125.

Various sources verify that Lyallpur served to be major host city for the migrants. The concentration of people associated with hosiery business largely settled in Gujranwala and Lyallpur126. It led the Lyallpur to become major hosiery center. However, the process of initiating such a business was not easy in the beginning as the migrants had only experience, but not the capital and other supplements needed for this sector127. Sources from local newspapers suggest that more than 50,000 skilled hosiery workers had migrated to Lyallpur128. The argument carries weight as Pippa Virdee mentioned that majority of the people who had migrated from Ludhiana settled in Lyallpur. Muhammad Aslam also suggests that majority of the people from Ludhiana settled in Lyallpur. however, owing to lack of capital, the skilled hosiery workers who

123 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy, 30. 124 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Kay Musalmano pay Keya Guzri, 100. 125 Vishwa N Datta, “Panjabi refugees and the urban development of Greater Delhi: Delhi through the Ages, Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986), 442-460. 126 Elisabetta Iob, “A Betrayed Promise: The Politics of The Everyday State and The Resettling of Refugees in Pakistani Punjab, 1947- 1962” (PhD diss., Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013), 123. 127 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and Locality: case studies of the Impact of Partition and its Aftermath in the Punjab Region 1947-61”, (PhD diss. Coventry University, 2004), 28. 128 Daily Saadat, January 29, 1948.

215 came to Lyallpur, initially focused to grab an employment in whatever sector. Even the Chairman of Sitara Group Haji Abdul Ghafoor also started his career from grocery business to meet his both ends129. However, soon they tried to form a union and conveyed their concerns to the Minister of Industries and the Minister of Rehabilitation demanding colony for hosiery workers130.

The government took the concerns of the hosiery workers seriously and the Minister for Industries Mian Mumtaz Daultana formed a commission under the supervision of Commissioner Wahgray to make a roadmap to materialize the project. The land between Mai di Jhuggi and Nurpur was selected for the hosiery workers. Government called for applications from people who were willing to install their units131. It was designed for 2400 handlooms and the installation of initial 400 looms took place up to first month of 1948132. In other words, it can be said that the hosiery workers had started mustering up their sources to establish hosiery business in Lyallpur just 6 months after partition. After few years, the situation reached a point where not even a single street of Lyallpur city was void of Khaddis. Within one decade, number of khaddis reached to 4 to 5 thousand in Lyallpur. The concentration of khaddis not only took place in Lyallpur city, but in peripheral villages also especially Toba Tek Singh, Jaranawala, Gojra, Samundari and Kamalia.

Initially, there were handlooms which later in 1958 were replaced with power looms. Handlooms were wooden made and these were installed inside house. It was sort of family business and all family members worked on the Khaddis. Its installation cost was from 500 to 1000 rupees in 1950s. The skilled labor started cotton trade and fabric manufacturing at small scale that gradually progressed and updated from handlooms to power looms. To achieve the goals, old machinery was also revamped. These collective efforts rendered Lyallpur to be thriving hub of weaving industry133. In that period, 100

129 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy, 28; It was decided in meeting that the Anjuman will cooperate with government to serve the migrants for their welfare with sound resources. Moreover, it was demanded that migrants should be settled district wise in the larger interest of refuges. This demand was made on the fact that families are dispersed scattered due to partition and it’s should be the duty of government to unite them by bringing them or allotting them the same district of India. 130 Daily Saadat, January 29, 1948. 131 Daily Saadat, July 18, 1948; The wavers already been given permission to install Looms and Khaddis. Now it is announced that they who applied for new looms and khaddis must install till 31 July, 48 and after installation they must inform Civil Supply Department. The Department will inspect the installation and other formalities. For the inspection, The Civil Supply Department and Wavers Association will be together. 132 Daily Saadat, 29 January 1948. 133 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy, 90.

216 units of looms were working as each unit comprised 4 looms. The great Lyallpur residents achieved this hallmark on their own without getting any exterior technical help except few minor imports in the beginning. The skilled hardworking workers made it their fashion to rely and exploit their own resources134. It was further ameliorated with the availability of cotton yarn that was made possible with the establishment of spinning units in Lyallpur. It facilitated the poor people to install looms in their houses. It impacted the surrounding of Lyallpur with installation of looms in houses. However, this development took place as haphazard and resulted into streets overcrowded with cloth. Later on, well off people installed dye units, processing, printing, and clandering units at Makbool road, Oadin Street, Abdullah Pur, and Fateh Abad resulting into coagulation of Power looms and industrial units. Migrants of Ludhiana installed hosiery units and observed an unexceptional rapid growth.

Despite growth in the sector, there were some problems faced by hosiery workers. Initially, there was an only Lyallpur cotton mill to provide input material to Khaddis. Later on, installation of Koh e Noor, Crescent, Nishat, and Sitara Textile also contributed in expansion of hosiery sector. however, with the installation of large units, the house industries suffered as well. The government had introduced yarn quota135, however, the big share of the quota was grabbed by industrialists hence rendering the hosiery workers underperformed136. Local newspapers covered these stories as well137. Controller General of prices had announced that government would not give license for new khaddi machinery because the higher level of khaddis will create problems of the availability of cotton and yarn to the khaddis. Provincial government had announced to make a corporation of home industry for 8 small industries and khaddi industry is at the top of the list. Hand and machinery khaddi owners suffered a lot and faced unpredictable circumstances. It is the duty of the government to provide cotton, yarn to the weavers as

134 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy, 91. 135 Daily Saadat Lyallpur, 31 May 1948; Civil supply west Punjab had released a press note in which it was asked that the migrants who had been working as khaddi and hosiery manufacturing business in east Punjab prior to the partition. They were asked to establish the former business (khaddi and hosiery) in Punjab and especially in Lyallpur. The last date of installation of the business is 31st July 1948 and the date will not be extended. Their quota of yarn will be fixed and government will inspect their machinery. Furthermore, they were asked to report civil supply officer if their factories/ hand looms/ khaddis/ machinery is not inspected 136 Daily Saadat, 10 February 1948, “It is requested to the textile commissioner and other concerned officers to fix the cotton (sotter) quota so that poor Khaddi man could survive. 137 Daily Saadat, March 1, 1948; In kamalia a hundreds of khaddis are useless as there is no supply of yarn to them; Daily Saadat Lyallpur, March 2, 1953. The traders showed resentments against the agents of Koh e Noor textiles and Lyallpur Cotton mills. Weavers were off the view that due to policies of textile mills, weaving industry is going to be crushed and thousands of workers are going to unemployed. Government should take control of this painful situation.

217 well as khaddis138. The large industrial units could also affect their marketing as well which was managed by the khaddi workers by giving competitive rates and higher profit margins for the retailer. A shopkeeper said in his interview:

The mill manufactured fabric left insufficient profit margin that obliged us to go for loom’s manufactured fabric from Lyallpur. For this purpose, we used to reach Gujranwala early in the morning and visited the market to get White Malmal, White Latha, Colored Latha, and Colored Malmal. It used to take our 24 hours and we reached home next day early in the morning. We made once in a week visit of Lyallpur139. The growth in the sector has helped the hosiery of Lyallpur to introduce their brands as well. Khaddar from Kamalia is one of the famous brands of Lyallpur hosiery. There were 5 major hosiery industries in Lyallpur from 1947 to 1955. National Hosiery Factory was established in 1948 in Lyallpur. It had the annual capacity of producing of 200000 dozen vest and undergarments140. It was followed by Rana Hosiery and Textile mill in 1954 and Khan Hosiery Industry in 1955 with the capacity of producing 150000 dozen of vest and other garments. Similarly, there were several other units that were established during that era in Lyallpur.

Atlas and Gulab hosiery was established in 1954 and 1955 respectively141. Hadi Hosiery factory Dijkot road was established by a migrant family of Ch Noor Ahmad of Ludhiana, in 1961. Ch Noor Ahmad was renowned business of Ludhiana and after partition, left for Pakistan. This family initially started their business at Lahore but later shifted to Lyallpur which was at that time less developed than Lahore142. They also established their business in Dhaka and it became their business headquarter and they also started the business of import and export. When Ch Zahoor Elahi s/o Ch Noor Ahmad came to know about the sale of Asghar Silk Mills, they bought the property paying 5 lakhs per acre which was huge amount at that time143. In this factory, they started the business with the brand name of “Pakistan Hosiery Machine Makers” in

138 Daily Saadat, December 12, 1953. 139 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy, 33. 140 Jehanzeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Lyallpur, 43. 141 Jehanzeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Lyallpur, 93. 142 The story of Noor Ahmad Ch. Told by his son Faiz. Muhammad Ch.Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana mein Muslmanon py kiya Guzri, 235. 143Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Mein Muslmanon Pay kiya Guzri, 231.

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1947144. Their business expanded by days and nights and they became one of the wealthy family of Lyallpur. Later they also got an allotment of a factory in the factory area of Lyallpur and started “Azad Hosiery Mills” which was finest hosiery producing factory. Owner of Dhanda Textile Mills, Hans Raj said to the Saigols that “ Ch Noor Muhammad is the most competent guy in knitting and textile industry” when they consulted him where to establish Koh-i-Noor textiles. Then they came to Ch Noor Muhammad and he asked them to establish it on Lahore Jarranwala road145. This family did a lot in the textile and hosiery industry of Lyallpur. There are now nearly 130 hosiery and knitting units and round about 100 garments units are working in Lyallpur146. But these factories played major role in the development of hosiery industry of Lyallpur. Lyallpur was home of fine cotton and these industries produced best and refined hosiery products admired worldwide147. Meanwhile, in 1960, All Pakistan Hosiery Mills Association was constituted with the aim of protecting the common interests of the hosiery product producers. The hosiery industry is almost totally export oriented. It is highly value-added earn much more foreign exchange per kg by converting cotton into finished garments. According to estimates of Pakistan Hosiery Manufacturers Association there are about 1,300 knitwear units with 15,000 knitting machines are working in the country to manufacture 125 million dozen pieces of knitwear148.

This mammoth expansion reached to 1000 hosiery units in Lyallpur up to first half decade of 21st century that manufactured from ordinary to extra ordinary fabric. Weaving industry has also ensconced and more than 450 factories of weaving and processing are working in Lyallpur.

144Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana Mein Muslmanon Py kiya Guzri, 231. 145 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana mein Muslmanon Py kiya Guzri, 231. 146Jehanzeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Lyallpur, 5. Jehanzeb Khan is off the view that there was no as such major development and progress in the field of hosiery industry except 3 or 4 industries. 147Jehanzeb Khan, Origin of textile industry in Lyallpur, 5. 148 Noor Ahmed Memon, Knitwear Industry - Radical reforms needed to achieve $ 2.5 billion exports, 5, article published in Daily Dawn, October 24, 2009.

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Colonial inheritanc e

Evacuee Role of Govt

Lands

Labor Concentration Industrial

LyallpurLand

SkilledLabor

Opportunities

of of

Internal Migration

External Migration

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Conclusion

. The partition resulted into economic destruction of various cities of Punjab owing to large scale migration in wake of partition. The economies of Lahore, and Lyallpur disturbed owing to outmigration of non-Muslim community as the majority of the business of these cities was dominated by non-Muslims. There was a lion’s share of migrants in terms of economic, political, and social dynamics which contributed to make Lyallpur ‘a modern city.

There is evident role of migrant councils that acted as lobbyists in protection of migrants’ rights in differential walks. These unions served as a platform to advocate cumulative rights of migrants before government and officials of Lyallpur. he also identified policy loopholes regarding their design and implementation phase if they contradicted with interests of the migrants. This act of advocacy was supplemented with realization of corporate social responsibility on the behalf of affluent migrants. They established various educational and medical institutions to compensate infrastructural lags by the government. These institutions have gained their due stature over period of time and now they serve as model institutions like Ghafoor Bashir Children hospital, and National Textile University Lyallpur. This helping hand was extended to other times of need like to combat floods in Lyallpur and it was contributed by well off as well middle class of people.

In nutshell, , it can be gathered regarding factors and actors of development in Lyallpur that skilled people who had sufficient business savvy moved to Lyallpur. Owing

221 to their remorselessness, they had to work hard. As a consequence, they were able to establish industrial rudiments in the city that attracted further business here and gave it a multiplier effect. Moreover, as according to Lewis model as well, there was labor surplus in industrial sector that moved to urban industrial centres of Lyallpur hence serving their personal as well industrialists’ monetary interests in form of providing him cheap labor. These factors cumulatively rendered Lyallpur to be one of attractive business cities. This cycle of development gave multiplier effect to the contribution of development of Lyallpur that is said to be largely credit of migrants.

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Chapter - VI

Rags to Riches: Starred role of Migrants in Textile Sector The industrial development is considered to be elementary in national development as it transforms the economic foundations of a state from primary sector economy to secondary sector economy and its peak leads to intended tertiary sector of economy. The attempt of Pakistan to attain level of ‘drive of maturity’ was largely contributed by major industrial hubs of Pakistan. Lyallpur is considered a textile hub contributing a major portion of export and foreign exchange. However, in case of Lyallpur, it is important to mention that these stages from traditional society’ to ‘drive of maturity’ is largely contributed by the migrants. This chapter covers the industrial development of Lyallpur1 focusing on the major actors. Moreover, it attempts to explore the factors behind serving the Lyallpur as business haven especially for textile industry. Furthermore, it investigates the modus operandi of business communities resulting into their exponential business growth.

Various historians have addressed various aspects of industrial development of Pakistan by discussing specific case studies. Imran Ali has discussed industrial growth in Pakistan with main focus on factors behind undergrowth of industry in Pakistan. However, his view is bit disconcerted by Akbar Noman who views Pakistan’s industrial growth matchless to any country keeping the circumstantial constraints intact2. Despite some differences in their analysis of the issue, both studies suggest a common factor of ‘industrial undergrowth’ or ‘circumstantial straightjacket’ that is lack of proper import policy.

Broadly speaking, the works of writers can be classified into three major areas. Some writers like Papanek 3have addressed initial time frame of industrial development that covers upto 1950s. Their main assumption addresses symbiotic interaction of the government and private enterprises resulting into mammoth growth in industrial sector.

1 Imran Ali, and Adeel Malik, “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective”, The Lahore Journal of Economics 14 (2009): 29. 2 Akbar Noman, and Mir Annice Mahmood, “Industrial Development and Efficiency in Pakistan: A Revisionist Overview,” The Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 4 (1991): 849-861. 3 Gustav Fritz Papanek, Pakistan’s development, social goals and private incentives, (New York: Harvard University Press, 1967), 33.

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The other area of research has addressed state intervention to disturb laisses faire market structure resulting into their inefficient growth4. The other areas of research include critical analysis of previous circumstances and suggesting market dynamics that assuages snags of laisses faire as well controlled market for national growth5. Rashid Amjad investigated capital investment of private sector and its outcome in terms of industrial growth in association with government6.

Regarding works on industrial development, there are works on various industrial localities. Importantly, major industrial hubs like Lahore7, Gujranwala, Sialkot8, Karachi9, and Lyallpur10. Though most of the writers have acknowledged role of migrants, however, their role in industrial development of Lyallpur is not sufficiently explored. This chapter is an attempt to bridge the gap and guide new dimension of research.

Moreover, the chapter is an attempt to substantiate that the large enterprises of Lyallpur allude the presence of the entrepreneurs equipped with the prerequisite traits of entrepreneurship as mentioned by David McClelland11 and Dr Amjab Saqib12. These traits comprise skills of decision making, ambitious, innovative policies, and adaptation to technology, prudent human sourcing, and smart delegation of responsibilities supplemented with effective management skills. Moreover, the chapter is an attempt to investigate impact of triangular interaction between entrepreneur skills, cooperative relations with government machinery, and diligent fulfilemnt of corporate social responsibility on business growth. The chapter is an attempt to view the development model under these themes by taking case study of Lyallpur.

4 Stephen R. Lewis, “Economic policy and industrial growth in Pakistan”, (1969). 5 Keith Griffin and Azizur Rahman Khan, Growth and inequality in Pakistan, (London: Springer, 1972), 431.; T. E. Nulty, “Income Distribution and Savings in Pakistan: An Appraisal of Development Strategy”, (PhD diss. University of Cambridge, 1971). 6 Rashid Amjad, “Private Industrial Investment in Pakistan 1960-70”, (PhD diss. University of Cambridge, 1977): 121. 7 Ian Talbot, “A Tale of Two Cities: the Aftermath of Partition for Lahore and Amritsar 1947–1957,” Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 01 (2007): 151-185. 8 Ilyas Ahmad Chatta, “Partition and Its Aftermath: Violence, Migration and the Role of Refugees In The Socio-Economic Development of Gujranwala and Sialkot Cities, 1947-1967”, (PhD diss. University of Southampton, 2009), 43. 9 Vazira Fazila Yaqoob Ali, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 141. 10 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and Locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region 1947-61”, (PhD diss. Coventry University, 2004). 11 David McClelland, "Characteristics of successful entrepreneurs." The journal of creative behavior 21, no. 3 (1987): 219-233. 12 Amjad Saqib, Successful People, 70.

224

Introduction

History establishes the Indus valley as the oldest home of cotton and cotton textiles. The partition of 1947 had prospect of wide industrial growth despite seamy side of violence, turbulence, and nascent industrial foundations of newly created state. The dominant non-Muslim business class’s migration to India ramificated the West Punjab with capital flight and technocratic gap. We will discuss these in detail before analyzing the impact of this inherited legacy on subsequent business development in Pakistan.13 Major Industrial belt during British rule were flourished in present Indian side rendering the Northern part (Now Pakistan) lagging behind in terms of industrial and economic development. Some historians pronounce it intentional purport. The figures suggest 10 times numerical inferiority of industrial installations in Western Punjab.14 A critical analysis of distribution of resources at the time of partition seems inequitable and disproportionate resources in comparison to liabilities.15 Thus, Pakistan obtained less than 10% of the existing manufacturing capacity and under 7% of the manufacturing employment, although it got approximately 25% of the population of the subcontinent.

Hence it can be gathered that the chapter of rapid industrial growth in Pakistan starts in post partition era and the span of 1953 to 1963 shows multiplier growth effect. It outraced all its Asian competitors with Japan being an exception.16 It is viewed on the behalf of some analysts that such a comparison does not justify the struggle and success of Pakistani industrial sector as the industry in Pakistan made inception in outsourced circumstances.17 The model of extravagant growth is worthy enough to be taken as prototype.

In 1947, there were no large manufacturing centers, and those which did exist tended to be scattered about the country-primarily in the food processing industry. There were fewer than thirty major manufacturing establishments in the country outside the

13 Imran Ali and Adeel Malik, The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective, The Lahore Journal of Economics 14: SE (2009): 29-50 14 Government of Pakistan, Industries in Pakistan (Karachi: Department of Films and Publications, 1965), 2. Before partition, there were 14,569 manufacturing establishments employing over 20 workers in British India, of which only 1,406 were in the areas comprising Pakistan. 15 The jute was sent to Calcutta for processing and the cotton to Bombay for spinning and weaving due to the lack of such industries in those sections of undivided India where the crops were grown. 16 Jawaid Bakhari, “Balanced Industrial Growth,” Trade Journal 11-12.(nd): 69. 17 For a study of the increase in industrial productions see G. F. Papanek, “Industrial Production and Investment in Pakistan,” The Pakistan Development Review, IV: 3, 462-490. The great difficulty in obtaining useful data is stressed in this study.

225 food processing industry at the time of partition.18 In 1947, the industrial capacity was aproximately the same in both the eastern and western sections of the country. The two regions have developed along separate paths to a large degree subsequently, although the government’s basic industrial location policy is the same for both east and west.

Government Policy for Industrial Location Control

Few months after partition, the consortium of all major stake holders including representatives from central government, provincial govt, and princely states decided to give priority status to 27 industries including textiles, sugar, cement, electricity, heavy chemicals, heavy engineering, and arms and ammunition. The objectives were set to achieve with amenities of monetary, training bases, tax and tariff relief.19

It was further progressed in 1948 with announcement of first industrial policy. The policy was inspired from policy guidelines of 1947 industrial conference. The primary objective of the policy included economic development through industrial growth with its effect trickling down to rural areas. The government decided bifurcation the industry with areas of defense manufactures, hydroelectric, and all means of communication to be state controlled, and all other areas were left to private sector. However, the government reserved its right of intervention in private sector in public or national interest making it a controlled capitalist market. The public private partnership was further augmented with the amenities from government that included leasing industrial installations to private sector, determining industrial targets, industrial zones, and other amelioration that the private sector might need to yield utmost efficiency.20

The policy was expanded in terms of its gamut with the inclusion of prospect of foreign investment in November 1948 and November 1954. It included encouraging foreign investment through offering them incentives with their investment. Furthermore, the policy was revised in 1959 in order to compensate the changes over period of time. Besides reinforcing controlled capitalism and monopoly of state in specific disciplines, the policy announced redistributive attitude towards the companies managing

18 K. U. Malaney, A Portrait of S.I.T.E. (Karachi: Publicity Society of Pakistan, 1965), 44. 19 “Government of Pakistan, Industry in Pakistan, 2. 20 Planning Commission, Government of Pakistan, “Industrial Policy of the Government of Pakistan,” 1961, 1-5.

226 disequilibrium in foreign exchange.21 Moreover, in furtherance of the policy, some industries were added to state monopoly that included:

1. Industries located in the federal area of Karachi 2. Industrial undertakings owned wholly or partially by the central government or by a corporation set up by the central government 3. Marine fisheries The provincial governments were assigned to implement the policy and to attract the foreign investment, certain industries were singled out. The policy included measures to forestall industrial concentration as it could potentially result into hike of Lorenz curve of certain districts. ”22 however, the policy seems ambiguous to point out such places and appropriate road map for this. In other words, it can be said that mission statement of the policy was quite, however there were some ambiguities in ‘design and implementation’ part of the policy. The door is left open for future control over the location of private sector industries. Hence to address the ambiguity of industrial location, the govt announced three Five Year plans, each containing a policy statement on industrial location. In the first Five Year plan, 1955-1960, there is the following statement on the location of new manufacturing establishments:

In the earlier phase of industrialization, industries have tended to congregate near a few main towns such as Karachi, Lyallpur, Narayanganj, and Chittagong. This has been natural because of the facilities and economies available at such places. Karachi, in particular, has figured prominently, due to the advantages of the port, the special facilities of industrial estates, close proximity to the centers of administration and the presence of a large business class that settled there on migration from India. On purely economic grounds new capacity should be installed where the costs of production and transport will be lowest. But location cannot be determined on economic grounds alone. In the interest of balanced regional development and social stability, it is desirable that industries should be more widely dispersed, to spread the benefits of employment and increased income over large areas. Dispersal will lessen the magnitude and intensity of the social problems

21 Planning Commission, Government of Pakistan, “Industrial Policy of the Government of Pakistan,”8-11. 22 Planning Commission, Government of Pakistan, “Industrial Policy of the Government of Pakistan,”10. The policy said, “The policy statement also stated that “in order to avoid congestion and to have uniform economic development of the country, new industries will be dispersed to suitable places. Special attention will be paid to the industrial development of economically backward areas.

227 created when populations are moved from rural to urban areas, inadequately provided with public facilities.23

In analysis of the first two five years plans, it can be inferred that concept of industrial disbursement was more diligently followed between 1955 and 1960. Though it might have resulted favorable to its motivation of trickling down the effect of growth to under developed areas of the country, however, it rendered slowing down the industrial growth. It happened as the far off areas had resource limitations that ultimately resulted into relaxation of rules in post 1960 era.24 Under the second Plan, economic factors received priority over considerations of social justice and balanced regional development. This was due primarily to a need for quick results as the previous policy had led to long term projects which were economically unproductive.

The third Five Year Plan’s (1965-1970) industrial location policy statement differed from the first two in that it indicated a need for a rational and pragmatic policy on the location of industries question. It stated:

Industrial investment policy as to kind and location of industry will be pragmatic and rational to the maximum extent consistent with the overriding plan objective of eliminating economic disparity between East and West Pakistan. As a general guide, investment opportunity which offers maximum rate of return on invested capital will be selected over alternative investments for the same purpose but indirect benefits of dispersing industries throughout the country will be fully taken into account. Clustering of industries around a few industrial centers entails many additional costs inherent in rapid urbanization besides numerous social problems in the long run. Besides these general criteria, special considerations must determine the location of different kinds of industries. For some industries such as cement and steel, proximity to raw materials is essential, while for others, factors such as availability of skilled labor, or easy access to markets are more important. Export industries are more competitive if located near port towns, but this factor must be weighed against possible advantages from proximity to raw materials such as natural gas or power supply. Subject to these considerations, industries

23 Planning Board, Government of Pakistan, First Five Year Plan (1955-1960), 414. Between 1957 and 1960, the establishment of new manufacturing establishments in Karachi was banned. After 1960, however, the rule was relaxed and licenses could once again be obtained for some industries. 24 Planning Commission, Government of Pakistan, Second Five Year Plan (1960-1965), 222-224.

228 will be sanctioned for locations where they will maximize contribution to economic growth on the basis of rational and pragmatic analysis subject to exceptional considerations of intraregional disparities and long term development.25

The influx of migrants was assumed to be the harbinger of hardships for the newly born state of Pakistan in 1947 and their settlement was seemingly insurmountable26. However, with industrious endeavors on the call of their founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the migrants turned the circumstances into opportunity. Hence within span of one decade, the burden turned into big advantage of state and the migrants contributed their lions share in industrial rudiments of the state27. The contribution in industrial growth on the behalf of migrants is evident in various studies that have taken into consideration case studies of various studies like Lahore, Karachi, Gujranwala, and Sialkot etc. however, the ‘Manchester of Pakistan’ is not highly attended by the researchers in terms of contribution of the migrants. The chapter is a contribution to bring the participation of the migrants into light. The role of migrants owes to their industrious efforts, business skills, investment of capitalist class, and the cooperation of government visualizing rapid industrial growth spearhead by Lyallpur. Regarding major contributions, the Saigols, Chinioti Sheikhs, and Haji Abdul Ghafoor and Brothers are above board.

The business class who migrated to Pakistan largely settled in Karachi that included Memons, Khojas, and some other Gujrati speaking communities. In any case, a moment, yet vital monetary and modern base on the Lahore-Lyallpur district of Punjab created. The most vital exchanging group around there was the Chiniotis, a gathering from the residential community of Chiniot close Lyallpur (now Faisalabad). Numerous Chiniotis settled in Calcutta amid the British time frame and got to be distinctly dynamic in the exchange of stows away and skins. Prior to the parcel, some chiniotis had moved into the generation of cowhide and elastic items. After the division, most Chiniotis came back to Pakistan and started to create territories around Lyallpur. In spite of the fact that they were substantially less than the memons, which number around 30,000, they were

25 Planning Commission, Government of Pakistan, Third Five Year Plan (1965-1970), 451-452. 26 M. M. Rahman, & Van W. Schendel, ‘I am not a Refugee’: Rethinking Partition Migration. Modern Asian Studies, 37(03), (2003): 551-584. 27 Ahmed, R K Mahmood, & N. B Jafferi, Urban Development and Industrial Clustering in Pakistan: A Study Based on Geographical Perspective. Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences, 12, (2016), 32-40.

229 the first to assemble a material and shopper merchandise industry in Pakistan. These movement models give an illustrative depiction of the transitory impacts on the spatial appropriation of business action in Pakistan today28.

Furthermore, the spatial conduciveness is central to achieve industrial concentration29. This precondition is well met by Lyallpur as it had contained all the necessary elements that an industrial conglomerate might need. It served as potent source of providing affordable skilled labor, raw material, help from the government, and other amenities that proved the Lyallpur to be land of opportunities30 and the opportunities were precisely and appropriately exploited by the migrants. Ahmed Jahanzeb is of the view that agriculture sector was nucleus of attention and the major industry established during that span of time also had either agricultural raw material or agricultural consumption31. Though the Lyallpur had an industrial base in pre- partition era, however, it was destroyed in immediate ramifications of partition32. There was clear beginnings of agro-preparing before the segment of 1947. Rustic development has heightened broad farming exchange and extension of exchanging urban areas. Be that as it may, the exchange amasses that have driven the development of the farming worth chain have been to a great extent non-Muslim. The migration of these business visionaries into the division has debilitated the officially critical speculation and business atmosphere in the Indus basin1. In the Pakistani locales, there was little nearness of Muslims in business, trade and trade. The non-Muslims who controlled the economy moved to India at the season of division. This has had a noteworthy problematic impact on business improvement in the Pakistani locales33. And this base was resuscitated with the contributions of the migrants having larger share34.

28 Imran Ali and Adeel Malik, “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective,” The Lahore Journal of Economics 14 (2009): 37 29 Khalida Mahmood, Razzaq Ahmed, and Nighat Bilgram Jafferi, “Urban Development and Industrial Clustering in Pakistan: A Study Based on Geographical Perspective,” Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences 12 (2016): 32 30 Imran Ali and Adeel Malik., “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan”, 29. 31 Jahanzeb Khan, The Industrial Development of Faisalabad, 47. 32 Jahanzeb Khan, The Industrial Development of Faisalabad, 47. 33Imran Ali and Adeel Malik, “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective,” The Lahore Journal of Economics 14 (2009): 29. 34 Pippa Virdee, “Partition and locality: Case Studies of The Impact of Partition and Its Aftermath in The Punjab Region 1947-61” (PhD diss. Coventry University, 2004), 28.

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Initiation of Corporations in Lyallpur: Major Case Studies of Textile Industry

Background

Textile is leading industry of Pakistan owing to its higher potential of raw material production in form of cotton. It is evident from the reality that the material fares contributed half of the nation's aggregate fares in financial year 201235. Apart from being one of the largest contributors in GDP of Pakistan, it also contributes 2 to 4% in global textile needs.36 This relies on upon locally accessible crude materials; Give the best work for mechanical work to drive and the biggest remote exchange laborers in the nation. It contributes about 68% of our aggregate fares of total exports Textile History37. After the making of Pakistan, there was an ambitious target was set by the administration to transform Pakistan into self-sufficient in material prerequisites. The target was diligently pursued in successive decades and the Pakistan resultantly achieved surplus stage to fare yarn and cotton textures being an outcome of industrial growth with multiplier effect38. It resulted into exponential increase from 6 textile units with capacity of 80,000 spindles and 3000 looms to 521 textile units with 10 million At the time of independence, there were only 6 textile units with 80,000 spindles and 3000 looms 10 million spindles and more than 114 rotors Textile History39.

Pakistan inherited three textile units at the time of independence that comprised Lyallpur Cotton Mills, which was an offshoot of Delhi Cloth Mills, Sutlej Cotton Mill40, Okara and Mohini Textile Mills Dacca41. The informal sector comprised only few hundred of handlooms however, having negligible buttress of power looms and Hosiery and other ancillary units. The utmost operational capacity included ginning factories in

35 Economic Survey of Pakistan (ESP) 2011-12. 36 Textile Sector Study, The Pakistan Credit Rating Agency Limited, Dec 2012. 37 Tariq Masood, History of Cotton Textiles in Faisalabad, (Lahore Al-waqar Publishers, 1989), 14. 38 Noor Ahmed Memon, Cotton Textile Industry in Pakistan, Textile Today, Vol.I (Karachi: Publication of Pakistan Cloth Merchant’s Association, January 2000), 14. 39 Stella Cridge, The Role of Founder Experience in Industrial Development: Firm entry, Growth and Diversification in Pakistan’s Textile Industry during trade Liberalization (PhD diss.LSE London, 2009). 40 Interestingly, Sutlej Textile Mills was founded in 1934 by the late Mr. G.D. Birla who went on to create the successful Birla K.K. Group of companies in India that now has interests in fertilizers, engineering, IT and Biotechnology. According to the company’s website in 2007, Sutlej was “set up with a composite textile mill at Okara, now in Pakistan, but after the partition in 1947, the factory at Okara was seized by the Government o f Pakistan. Sutlej is now also a leading Indian manufacturer of home textile products. Source: Sutlej Textiles and Industries. 41 Jehan Zeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Faisalabad, JADS 2, no 4, (2013): 14.

231

Punjab and Sindh that counted for 215 units in cumulative provinces42. In 1947, just after independence, we had only 1,77,418, spindles and 4824 looms. As the inherited structures were insufficient to meet the challenges hence a gateway to industrial growth was opened that was materialized with symbiotic cooperation between government and the private sector43.

The resultant growth speaks the effectiveness of the initiatives and the functional capacity of textile sector rose to 17,97,376 and 27, 428 looms with production capacity of 62.90 crore yards of cloth and 24.05 lbs. of surplus yarn till 195644. The successive years carried forward the legacy which was acknowledged by Prime Minister Muhammd Ali. He said,

In the year of 1955, Pakistan would now self-sufficient in cloth of coarse and medium varieties and that in cotton textiles it should now be possible for us to undertake exports on an expanding scale after satisfying the demand of the home market45.

The Prime Minister manifested his exclamation of textile sector growth as the units’ number reached 45 in 195746. He said, “By the end of 1957, Pakistan would also be able to produce sufficient cloth to meet all the internal requirements of the country47”. However it is important to mention that the textile sector growth was spearheaded by Lyallpur and it earned title of “Manchester of Pakistan48”.

Lyallpur had raw cotton inheritance supplemented with few ginning units. However, large scale industrialization did not take place owing to policy of shipping raw cotton to Britain for manufacturing in colonial rule.49 The end of colonial rule proved to be watershed in industrial history of Lyallpur and its potential of raw material production was sublimated with idea of industrialization in Lyallpur50 and some major industrial

42 F.A Bhatty, Cotton Textile Industry in West Pakistan (Karachi: Dept. of Industries and Commerce, Govt. of West Pakistan, 1959), 1. 43 F.A Bhatty, Cotton Textile Industry in West Pakistan, 2. 44 S.Inait Husain, Economic Problems of Pakistan (Lahore Pak. Time Press, 1960), 303. 45 S.Inait Husain, Economic Problems of Pakistan, 304. 46 S.Inait Husain, Economic Problems of Pakistan, 309. 47 S.Inait Husain, Economic Problems of Pakistan, 309. 48 Syed Abdul Quddus, Punjab-The Land of Beauty Love and Mystics (Karachi, Royal Book Company, 1992), 383. 49 Syed Abdul Quddus, Punjab-The Land of Beauty Love and Mystics, 383. 50 Jehan Zeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Faisalabad, JADS 2, no4 (2013): 15.

232 units flourished in Lyallpur from 1947 to 196051 competent enough to contend in international market52”.

Koh-i-Noor Textile Mills

The Sehgals managed to flourish vast industrial empire in Pakistan and their journey in Pakistan started with Koh e Noor Textile mills in Lyallpur53. However, the business journey of the group had started much earlier by the founder of the Group name Amin Sehgal who made his fortune in rubber industry in British India54. The family migrated to Pakistan from Calcutta and on the demand of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and planned to install industrial units in Pakistan55. They initially planned to install textile unit in Chiniot, however, they were advised to install the unit in Lyallpur by their advisor who also happened to be migrant from Ludhiana56. The founders of Koh e Noor Mills, the Sehgal brothers took advice of a migrant Ch. Noor Muhammad. The group acclaimed substantial support of the government as well. Furthermore, the group claims to be pioneer of industrial growth in West Punjab57.

The decision of choosing Lyallpur for industry installation can be attributed various factors. It can be considered as outcome of ‘footloose’58 decision as it was nascent investment of the Saigols in Pakistan and they had variety of options to install the industry. This argument seems plausible in the perspective that Pakistan did not possess ensconced industrial history that rendered the industrialist to choose out of range of options. However, in specific case of Koh e Noor, the argument is less relevant as the decision of choosing Lyallpur was rational one keeping in view the availability of labor, raw material, and advertisement purposes59. These mills were established through a Japanese assistance program under which the machinery was provided on very cheap yen loan and land almost free by the government. Furthermore, Private industrialists controlling one-third of the “footloose” investment insisted that the location of their

51 Jehan Zeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Faisalabad, 15. For detailed study, see also, S.A.R, Bilgrami, Pakistan Year Book (Karachi, Kitabistan, 1949). 52 Jehan Zeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Faisalabad, 15. 53 Shahid ur Rahman. Who Owns Pakistan, 227. 54Jehan Zeb Khan, Industrial Development of Lyallpur, 83. 55 Jehan Zeb Khan, Origin of Textile Industry in Faisalabad, 15. 56 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana mein Muslmanon Py kiya Guzri, 231. 57 Jehan Zeb Khan, Industrial Development of Lyallpur, 83. 58 Footloose”; that is, it could be located in a number of places with decisions not predetermined by the location of raw materials or markets; Gustav F. Papanek, “The location of industry”, The Pakistan Development Review 10, no. 3 (1970): 291-309. 59 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana mein Muslmanon py kiya guzri, 231.

233 enterprise was the result of their decision on where they wanted to live. Since many industrialists were migrants from India or immigrants from elsewhere, they could settle almost anywhere with little attention to previous personal ties. In the following three decades small scale power loom sector flourished in Faisalabad. It was aided by the government policies that declared, initially, units up to 4 looms and then increased to 40, looms as cottage industry and hence exempt from taxes and stringent labor regulations60. These policies also brought an end to the era of the integrated composite textile mills, as these could not compete with the low cost fabrics produced by the small power loom operators61. The mill earned high foreign exchange for the country as in the year (1956), yarn of 15.25 million rupees was exported out of which 4.2 million was solely contributed by Koh e Noor mills62. It means, 27.53 % of the total textile export was contributed by Koh e Noor mills only63. The export was done towards Hong Kong, Bangkok, Glasgow, Colombo, Jakarta, Durbin, Muscat, and Basra. There were total 1.6 million spindles in Pakistan out of which, 1.5 lakh are installed in Koh e Noor only64.

The Company started operation in 1953 as a private organization, turned into an open constrained organization in 196865. The first LC for a textile mills at the State Bank in independent Pakistan was opened for “Kohinoor Textile Mills” set up at an esteemed cost of Rs 8 million in 1948”66. Stella Cridge is off the view that they were firstly they had foot wear and shoe business67. The underlying limit of its Rawalpindi unit included 25,000 axles and 600 looms. Later, texture-preparing offices were included and turning limit was enlarged. Extra creation offices were obtained on the Raiwind-Manga Road close Lahore in District Kasur and on the Gulyana Road close Gujar Khan, by method for merger. The Company’s creation offices now include 151,902 ring axles prepared to do turning a wide range of tallies utilizing cotton, fabricated strands. The weaving offices at Raiwind involve 204 weavers of weaving extensive variety of textures. It is one of the

60 Islam, Faheem-ul, Evolution of Faisalabad’s textile Industry cluster in Pakistan, Conference paper, 10th Annual Global Conference of the Competitive Institute (TCI), 8-10 October, Portland, Oregon, USA. 61 Faheem-ul Islam, Evolution of Faisalabad’s Textile Industry Cluster in Pakistan, 8-10. 62 Daily Saadat, May 8, 1956. 63 Daily Saadat, May 3, 1956. 64 Daily Saadat, May 2, 1956. 65 Kohinoor Textile Mills Limited, Annual Report 2010. 66 Interview of Naseem Saigol, co-owner of Koh-i-Noor Textile mills, 20-5-1993, published in daily Dawn Karachi; Jehan Zeb Khan, Industrial Development of Faisalabad, 84. 67 The founder of Kohinoor Textile Mills had made his fortune in the shoe and footwear industry in Calcutta, but realized he could not stay if India was partitioned.

234 proud organizations of Pakistan, which contributed a lot in the economic life of Pakistan since its creation. In 1949, it started its working with 25000 spindles. With the increasing demand of the cotton products, it owners enhanced its production capacity. In 1954, it had round about 100000 spindles and more than 1000 power looms. Koh-i-Noor Textile Mills had the honor, which used manmade fiber in its products68.

Their business providence proved fruitful and over the period resulted into giant expansion. The saigols assumed key part for modern improvement of the nation. the Saigols have developed with the nation, setting up manufacturing plant ater production line, industry after industry. Their greatest venture was Kala Shah Kaku substance complex close Lahore comprised of five units in particular Kohinoor Reyoon Ltd, United Chemicals industires Ltd, Kohinoor Oil factories Ltd, Kohinoor Engineeirng Ltd. They could set up a feasible modern base in the nation and got to be distinctly driving agents of the nation69. The company is giving employment to more than 1500 employs earning profit of 7 billion rupees per anum as per the reports of the company. It gained net profitt of Rs. 1,009 million in the fiscal year of 2012-13 and the earning per share reached 19.81 Rs. As according the functioning mechanism of share market, the earning of 1 Rs per share manifests 10 Rs value of the share. Hence in this principal, the value of share reached 200 Rs per share in FY 2012-13 and it recorded Rs. 824 million as one-time gain on recognition of financial liabilities at fair value under IAS 3970. The sale of the products was recorded to 8452 million Rs for the fiscal year 2012-13.

The Company has extremely unmistakable Corporate and Social Responsibility (CSR) strategy in satisfying its duties of securing the group inside which it works. The Company through its executives is effectively required in the different social duty activities in the field of essential training and medicinal services. Amid the year under survey, the Company gave Rs. 7.5 million to The Citizens Foundation Schools for development of schools for under-advantaged youngsters in remote territories. Likewise the Company is taking a dynamic part through APTMA activities for Clean Water for remote ranges71.

68 Ashraf Ashari, Faisalabad (Lyallpur) Tareekh kay Aainey Mein (Faisalabad: Fiza Publishers; 2012), 324. 69 Shahid ur Rahman, Who Owns Pakistan, 9; Jehan Zeb Khan, Industrial Development in Faisalabad, 84. 70 Kohenoor mills Limited, Annual Report 2014. 71 Kohenoor mills Limited, Annual Report 2014.

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Table: Saigol Group of Companies72.

S No Name Assets (millions) Turnover (million)

1 Kohinoor Industries 2428 2265

2 Azam Textiles 407 462

3 Saritow Spinning 333 183

4 Pak Electron 1589 1309

5 PEL Appliances 349 360

6 Kohinoor Power 614 243

7 Kohinoor Energy

8 Union Bank 8832

9 Union Leasing 172

Crescent Testile Mill

The establishment of Koh e Noor textile by the Saigols was followed by Crescent textile mills73. The newspapers covered the business activities of Lyallpur and overall Pakistan with headlines of ‘Race of textile mills’. It is suggested that extensive capital investment in textile sector was an opportunity as a flower of Korean War that had raised demand of cotton and cotton products74. The Crescent group was also established migrants of Amritsar famously known as Chinioti Sheikh. It was founded by Mr Shams Din who was originally from Chiniot. It started initially in 1910 when the founder of the Group Mr Shams Din established a tannery at Amritsar. It observed rapid growth and soon its offices were established in other cities like Madras, Jalandhar, Calcutta, and Delhi. After partition, three sons of Shams Din started the business of exports and imports of cotton at their native land in 1951. They established a company M Amin and M Bashir Ltd. This is how they took entry in business world of Pakistan75.

72 Kohenoor mills Limited, Annual report 2014. 73 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change, 208. 74 Daily Saadat, May 8, 1956. 75 Jehanzeb Khan, Industrial Development of Faisalabad, 85.

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Their contribution in industrial sector is related to their claims of leftover property in India. They sanctioned allotment of 125 Acre of land in return of their claims and provided them opportunity of establishing factory. In this regard, the Crescent Group is different from Saigols as the Crescent Group chooses Lyallpur for industrial installation as they had got allotment there. In other words, the Saigols had greater latitude to choose the place of industrial installation and the Crescent Group had limited options in this regard. The industry was flourished in 1954 with initial with initial capacity of 47760 spindles and 728 power looms. In its comparison with Koh e Noor who had 31000 spindles and 728 power looms, it can be inferred that Crescent group had larger role to play in industrial growth of the country and development of Lyallpur. Furthermore, it is important to note that Koh e Noor group was major contributor in textile exports of Pakistan.

Siblings Muhammad Antis, Muhammad Bashir, Fazal Karim and Muhammad Shafi then dashed to the nation's biggest material exporters. They had initially made Mohammed Amin-Muhammad Bashir Limited for trading cotton and bringing in different items. With more than two dozen stresses in its overlay, Crescent lofty power is not out of the ordinary. This domain fills in as a superior case of the union of cousins, uncles and nephews. Altaf Saleem of this gathering profited from the tranche of the president's privatization bonus amid the Musharraf administration however was not denounced on the grounds that they by and by served on a prize place. The Group now possesses countless, steel, sugar, modaraba, sustenance, renting, weaving, programming, power, synthetic, saving money and venture units. They are one of the wealthiest individuals in the nation for as far back as 40 odd years. This Chinioti Sheik family has lived with a genuinely decent notoriety, with a great record with its loan bosses all through its business history. The men who run Crescent don't need to reach in light of the benefit obviously. Mr. Muhammad Shafi laid the primary stone of Crescent Textile Mills Lyallpur on 1 May 195176. Under his leadership, the majority of its products were exported to Europe, Middle East and Japan. Company deals expanded by 21.55 percent in financial year 9 over the earlier year figures, achieving Rs 10.75 billion77. This change

76 Jehanzeb Khan, Industrial Development of Faisalabad, 85, 255. 77 Imran Ali& Adeel Malik, “The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Pakistan: A Long-Term Perspective,” The Lahore Journal of Economics (2009), 31-32.

237 was the aftereffect of increment in the offer of significant worth included items alongside the downgrading of the nearby cash. In the meantime, there was a 16.49 percent expansion in the cost of offers, and a 127.69 percent expansion in the working expenses over the earlier years’ esteem. In spite of these increments in costs, the organization figured out how to demonstrate an after assessment benefit of Rs 179.020 million. This esteem, in any case, was adversely affected by an expansion in the budgetary and other working costs for the year.

Amid the financial year 2010, the organization figured out how to perform well in spite of increasing cost weights, extreme power emergency and rising cotton costs. Deals income enhanced to Rs 10.86 billion contrasted and Rs 10.76 billion in the earlier year. Cost of offers for the financial year 10 demonstrated an expansion, moving to Rs 9,407 million contrasted and the estimation of Rs 9,175 million a year prior. Rising fuel, cargo and dispersion costs likewise affected gainfulness of the organization. In any case, the organization was effective in lessening its other working costs and budgetary expenses by 63.63 percent and 34.28 percent separately from a year ago. This had great effect on its main concern comes about, which expanded to Rs 345 million for the year. Net deals income of the organization expanded by 35.86 percent in financial year 11 contrasted and the figures from the earlier year, on the back of fares that recorded a development of 46.32 percent, regardless of greatly troublesome business conditions including vitality emergency and powerless security and political environment. This was because of higher deals volumes by the organization and better offering costs. Nevertheless, this change was not changed into positive profit for the organization principally because of the bounce in the cost of offers, which went up by 42.40 percent infer-able from expanded info costs (expanded by Rs 3,987.99 million from the last financial year).

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Table: Assets

S No Name Assets (million Turnover (million Rupees) Rupees) 1 Crescent Textile 3159 894 2 Crescent Spinning 582 209 3 Shama Textile 556 592 4 Elite Textile 161 297 5 Crescent Mills 122 324 6 Jubilee Spinning 680 322 7 Suraj Cotton 458 533 8 Crescent Steel 676 760 9 Crescent Jute 1007 672 10 Shakarganj Sugar 1630 1090 11 Crescent Board 605 457 12 Crescent Sugar 950 958

Table: Financial Companies

S NO Name Assets 1 Crescent Bank 6585 2 Premier Insurance 333 3 Trust Investment Bank 4 First Crescent Mudarba 473 5 First Equity Modarba 355 6 First Elite Capital Modarba 155 7 Crescent Leasing Corporation 250 8 Pakistan Industrial Leasing Corporation 4202 All these groups have their major units in Lyallpur.

Nishat Group of Companies

Nishat Group of Companies is one of a leading industrial contributors of Pakistan contributing in all major sectors including Textiles, Cement, Banking, Insurance, Power Generation, Hotel Business, Agriculture, Dairy and Paper Products78. Nishat being biggest financial conglomerate of 192 Billion Rs, that renders its Chairman Mian Muhammad Mansha to be uncontended richest person of Pakistan heading boards of 45 companies. However their ascribed knack in business is inherited from their leather

78 Nishat group online web portal. www.nishatmillsltd.com retrieved on 20/12/2106.

239 business establishment in Calcutta which was founded by Mian Yahya (father of Mian Mansha).

Nishat Mills Limited is the lead organization of Nishat Group. It was built up in 1951. It is a standout amongst the most current, biggest vertically incorporated material organizations in Pakistan. Nishat Mills Limited has 227,640 shafts, 805 Toyota Jet looms.79. The organization additionally has best in class coloring and handling units, 2 staplers for residential material, two piece of clothing staplers and 120 MW of force era hardware. The organization's aggregate creation for 2016 was Rs. 35.931 billion ($ 344.744 million). Because of the utilization of a reasonable administration arrangement, business solidification, solid accounting report and compelling showcasing system, the development pattern is relied upon to proceed throughout the following couple of years. The organization's creation offices incorporate turning, weaving, machining, sewing and power era. Nishat Mills is Pakistan's biggest exporter of material items80. Table: Nishat over the years

1951 Nishat Mills Limited commenced its business as partnership

1959 The company incorporated as private limited company

1961 Nishat Mills Limited was listed on Karachi Stock Exchange

1989 The Company was listed on Lahore Stock Exchange

1992 The Company was listed on Islamabad Stock Exchange

1996 Acquired the operating assets of Nishat Tek Limited and Nishat Fabrics Limited

2005 Acquired the assets of Umer Fabrics Limited

2008 Acquired the assets of Nishat Apparel Limited

79 Nishat group online web portal. www.nishatmillsltd.com retrieved on 20/12/2106. 80 Stella Cridge, The Role of Founder Experience in Industrial Development: Firm Entry, Growth and Diversification in Pakistan’s Textile Industry during Trade Liberalization, (PhD diss., LSE London, 2009), 256.

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Sitara Textile Mills

Sitara Textile maintains significant stature in industrial sector of Lyallpur and the group has expanded efficiently and asserted its distinction in market competition. Mainly, Sitara group is associated with textile business that was started in mid of 1950s. Owing to modernity, uniqueness in its designs and color schemes, the products were equally popular in various stratifications of society. However, the Sitar group targeted middle in order to consolidate its roots and provided the products to retailers at affordable prices. Apart from textile, the group has asserted itself in fields of chemicals, spinning, and energy that is acknowledged and acclaimed by monetary and govt. institutes, and the people as well. The precocious development is attributed towards untiring hard work and keen sense of business of Haji Bashir and Haji Abdul Ghafoor.

The story of journey of Sitara Textile starts in Amritsar where Aziz Din (Father of Haji Bashir and Abdul Ghafoor) used to sell cloth to people in streets of Amritsar. Like other major groups, the Sitara Group also narrates the story of skill, hard work, and development. The Khaddi made cloth of Amritsar was renowned and it was supplied to various parts of India, including Lahore. However, the monopoly was among Hindus and the idea for Muslims to compete them at bigger level was not feasible that time. Tahir Asghar uses analogy of discovery of Columbus to narrate the discovery of unique combination of two colors by two brothers (Haji Bashir & Abdul Ghafoor) that was highly liked by the people. It proved trump card for the business expansion of Sitara Group81.

Advent to Lyallpur

The settlement of the family in Lyallpur is associated with kinship attachments. They got a house in street #4 in Anarkali Bazar and started their cloth business. However, in 1950, they moved to model town and stayed there for 12 years almost. Later one, with the construction of Jinnah colony that was considered to be posh area of the city, they moved there in 1962. However, the final settlement took place in Peoples Colony where they bought a plot of 8 canals and constructed their banglaw there. Regarding their

81 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 19.

241 business activitities, it is important to mention that at the time of their advent to Lyallpur, the sole textile unit was Lyallpur cotton mills that provided the material to handlooms workers in surrounding areas as well the cities like Jhang, Gojra, Toba Tek Singh, Samundri, and Kamalia. The handlooms marketed their products back into lyallpur where it was further processed for clandering and printing. Haji Bashir Ahmed stepped into business in 1952 and he was initially assigned to supervise and materialize all the processes from getting raw cloth to its finishing. He shifted to Temple Street Lyallpur that is now famous cloth market of Lyallpur82.

The concept of power looms was introduced in 1958 which replaced handlooms. However, it is important to mention that there were 4 to 5 thousand handlooms in Lyallpur which were installed by the migrants of Amritsar, Ludhiana, and Delhi. Tahir Asghar narrates interview of Haji Bashir Ahmed:

There were 4 to 5 thousand handlooms in Lyallpur which were established by the migrants of Amritsar, Ludhiana, and Delhi. These handlooms were installed in their houses and whole family operated them. These looms were wooden made and it had estimated cost of 1000 Rs in 1950s. Lyallpur cotton mills had spinning units that provided raw material to handlooms to manufacture cloths. 83 Later on, in 1954 after getting knack savvy of the business, Haji Bashir Ahmed started a printing press on Makbool road that had capacity to print 5 to thousand yards of cloth daily. The management believed the workers to be cardinal for growth and hence followed policy of X type management to achieve Hawthorne effect. After two years, in order widen work experience, Haji Bashir Ahmed stepped into formal cloth trade business in partnership with Haji Muhammad Rafik (A migrant belonging to Chinioti family) who had giant industrial contracts. It helped him to exploit cloth savvy of textile tycoons Seth Mehboob Elahi (National Silk Mills), Mian Muhammad Shafi (Crescent Group founder), Mian Yousuf Sehgal (Owner of Koh e Noor Textile), Mian Abdullah (GM Koh e Noor Mills), and the owners of Colony textile mills. For trade purposes, the cloth was bought from textile units of Lyallpur (Nishat, Crescent, Premier, and Koh e

82 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 24. 83 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 31.

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Noor textile Mills). However, owing to less profit margins, Haji Bashir Ahmed decided to obtain fabric from looms of Gujranwala84. He told in his interview

The mill manufactured fabric insufficient profit margin that obliged us to go for loom’s manufactured fabric from Gujranwala. For this purpose, we used to reach Gujranwala early in the morning and visited the market to get White Malmal, White Latha, Colored Latha, and colored Malmal. It used to take our 24 hours and we reached home next day early in the morning. We made once in a week visit of Gujranwala85. Haji Bashir Ahmed critically surveyed various big industrial units and analyzed their pattern of expansion, and their relevance to his probability of business expansion. Later on, he sold Sheikh printing press and established a new factory ‘Nishat Printing’.

Table: Man power of Sitara Group

Sr No Name Technical staff Non-Technical Staff Others Total 1 Sitara Chemical Industries Ltd 630 305 79 1014 2 Sitara chemical industries 221 467 71 560 (Textile division 1) 3 Sitara Chemical Industries 17 443 63 532 (Textile Division 2) 4 Sitara Textile Industries Ltd 452 62 122 636 5 Sitara Textile Industries Ltd 403 356 58 817 (Stitching unit) 6 Sitara Energy Ltd 70 72 116 258 7 Sitara Storgae house (Godaam) 154 25 9 188 8 Aziz Fatima Trust Hospital 39 121 69 229 9 Ghafoor Bashir Children 25 51 48 129 Hospital Sitara group has total 1748 technical staff, 1730 non-technical, 64 medical, 172 Para medical, and 635 other staff. It comprises total 4349 personnel86.

Analyzing the industrial Development in Lyallpur

Industrial development in Lyallpur is pronounced to be second to none within circumstantial straightjackets. However, the exponential expansion can be regarded outcome of capitalist structure of economy. However, still the ideals of free market were not applied and it apparently looks controlled capitalism. As Max Weber had proposed protestant code to be driver of capitalist economy87, however, in case of Lyallpur, it can

84 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 34. 85Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 33. 86 Asghar Tahir, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 112. 87 Shawn F Dorius and Wayne Baker, “The Spirit of Capitalism, Economic Development, and National Wealth,” Population Studies Center Research Report no 12-771 (Michigan: University of the Michigan, 2012), 12-14.

243 be termed as ‘secularization of business’ to be key to rapid industrial growth. The most striking feature of industrial capitalism, seen either in its early periods or in historical hindsight, is its enormous success in implementing technological changes that expanded the supply of goods and services available for consumption88. Such a modernization was driving force of industrial competition in Lyallpur that we see visible in case of Sitara Group of Industries, Nishat Group of Industries, Crescent Group of Industries and Koh e Noor Textile mills89.

Industry Flourishment

As mentioned in previous paragraphs, Lyallpur enjoyed status of agricultural hub and the Asia’s largest Agricultural College was established here during colonial rule. As per the objectives behind. Before partition Lyallpur was famous for agriculture and bit for textile and this progress became static after partition as district and higher authorities did not pay attention for promotion and continuity of industries. This argument can be substantiated in a way that Crescent group trialed their luck in cotton business as they realized that Pakistan was a cotton country and there was huge potential in that field. Hence their business reached everywhere in Pakistan where cotton was main crop like Sargodha, Multan, Khanewal, Nwabshah, Sanghar etc. Crescent textile Lyallpur is one of the founding textile industries of Pakistan90. It was admitted by the District Commissioner Lyallpur admit this fact in meeting with Ch. Abdul Rahim, president of textile association gave remarks that Chudhary Mushtaq Cheema put a great deal effort to revive this industries by untiring efforts that was endorsed and it was praised by the owners of such industries.91 Though Lyallpur observed mass industrialization that served source of mass employment of people, yet the expansion was haphazard. This haphazard development can be used as inference about minimal role of government in industrialization in Lyallpur, because the government would give comprehensive plan in case it would be her priority. The greatest share in this regard is hence credit of the migrants as it is said that there was not a single street void of home based looms. Small

88 Lionel Robbins, “The Dynamics of Capitalism,” Economica no, 16 (1926): 31-39. 89 Haji Bashir Ahmed installed his fast color printing press and imported machinery from Japan. Koh e Noor group were also working on it. There was competition between Sitara and Koh e Noor to launch their product. 90 Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs’ Business, (Lahore: Sang e Meel Publishers, 2016), 184. 91 Daily Saadat, August, 18, 1948.

244 scale industries flourished the all around the city and the district. Migrants established their looms and khaddis in their home at Abdullah Pur, Ghulam Muhammadabad, Jinnah colony, Bolay Di Jhuggi etc. and at kamalia, jarranwala, sammudri, gojra, Toba Tek Sing, Mamukanjin, and Chak Jhumra. However, the big industrial units were preferred to install along highways especially, Lahore road, Sheikhupura road, and Samundari road. The Kohi-Noor Textile mills (the largest) and a few other silk and rayon and woolen mills, as well as dyeing, calendering and chemical works along the Lahore Road, some cotton textile, silk and rayon and nylon mills, a sugar factory, a hardboard factory and a few chemical, edible oil and foundry establishments along the Sheikhupura road; and some other cotton textile mills along the Chiniot and Jhang roads. The last named road also had some foundries92. it is interesting to note that the leading industry groups set up their industry by their own planning and wishes inspite in instruction guidelines given by district government many times.

The agro-industrial units were largely established along Sammundri road and Dijkot. These installations were largely contributed by the migrants of Batala as they had foundry savvy since the days of colonial rule. The first two decades manifest huge industrial expansion along these lines that led to making Lyallpur ‘manufacturing hub’. The growth aimed and served not only to meet domestic needs but to contribute in foreign exchange as well through exports. For example, Ch Zahoor Elahi established “Pakistan Hosiery Machine Makers” in 194793.

The Lyallpur proved lucky business station for major industrial groups and it helped them expand their businesses in other cities as well. Kohinoor installed unit in Rawalpindi, Crescent Group went to Peshawar, and Nishat Group installed a unit in Charsada94.

It is important to consider contribution of some other textile units of Lyallpur which might not observed that expansion in later years, however, the industrial history remembers their names. Lyallpur cotton mills was only inherited textile unit of Lyallpur working in fields of ginning, spinning, weaving, dyeing and bleaching as well as

92 M. H. Bokhari, “Growth and Development of Lyallpur City,” Pakistan Geographical Review 26, No.2 (1971): 15. 1-16. 93 M. H. Bokhari, “Growth and Development of Lyallpur City”, 1-16. 94 Daily Saadat, March, 31 1954.

245 processing and printing. It generated big employment opportunity for the people95. Zeenat textile is another modern unit established in 1954 with capacity of of 25000 spindles and 360 looms. Its products included “Faber one Cymric” and “Lawn”96. Stella Cridge is off the view that

“From 1949 to 1950 manufacturing and industry represented only 7.8 per cent of gross domestic product in Pakistan, with agriculture generating 53.2 per cent and services 39.0 per cent”97. Additionally, there is some credit of the workers also. The expansion of the sector largely owes to pro activeness of the unions of the labors and owners in order to raise their concerns at proper levels and make an active involvement in decision making process. Such an activity was reported in newspaper that narrates that session of Ansaar Textile Corporation. The session concluded that almost 60000 people were associated with Khaddi business in the city whose life is concerned with the developments taken place in the sector98. In continuation of such business awareness and activity, several protests took place in Lyallpur. Such a protest is reported in newspaper that reported gathering of Lyallpur textile manufacturing association in protest of increasing price of yarn that was harming the industry and resulting in compulsive downsizing and tough business conditions99. On same date, another protest from ‘Parcha Bafi’ people was staged to protest the same cause100.

The Model of Expansion

The expansion of business empires in Lyallpur is replication of highly acclaimed entrepreneurship capabilities of the people of Lyallpur. In other words, the economic activities of Lyallpur are largely outcome of entrepreneur skills of the migrant population that exemplified strata of business expansion from micro to macro level. Though the migrant community of Lyallpur was not formally educated in business epistemology,

95 Stella Cridge, The Role of Founder Experience in Industrial Development: Firm Entry, Growth and Diversification in Pakistan’s Textile Industry during Trade Liberalization, (PhD diss. LSE, London, 2009), 256. 96 Stella Cridge, The Role of Founder Experience in Industrial Development, 325. 97 Stella Cridge, The role of founder experience in industrial development: firm entry, growth and diversification in Pakistan’s textile industry during trade liberalization, An PhD dissertation submitted to LSE London, 2009, 60 98 Daily Saadat, February 12, 1951. 99 Daily Saadat, February 21, 1951. 100 Daily Saadat, February 21, 1951.

246 however, their entrepreneur savvy seems appreciate able if studied in terms of its pattern and outcomes.

Innovative Policies

Joseph Schumpeter recommended that enterprise included untested developments and advances, or what he called creative destruction, characterized as a procedure of supplanting existing items, procedures, thoughts and business with better ones101. Schumpeter trusts that the procedure of innovative decimation has supplanted old and obsolete methodologies and items by better. By the decimation of the old has come the making of the new. He likewise felt that business visionaries were the main impetus behind this procedure of imaginative demolition. They are the ones who put inventive thoughts and developments available. Schumpeter's portrayal of the procedure of imaginative devastation has highlighted the critical pretended by advancement in business. As our past meaning of business enterprise has appeared, the terms development and uniqueness are an indispensable piece of entrepreneurial action102.

While talking about Lyallpur and its major industrial installations, The key groups under the study has extended their policies, capacity and performance by introducing modern technology of printing that ultimately transformed the local market to edge of national attraction. They modified the traditional patterns of clothing to meet the national demands and international standard. The ambitions desired taking leading and pioneering status in providing printed cloth in the market. It entailed hard work on the behalf of the owners that they fulfilled appropriately and gave full time to their business. Efficiency of workers was acquired through matchless pay packages and support ameliorations that resulted into higher efficiency of the workers and higher production of the factory. In this regard, example of Sitara group is most vivid when the Sitara press abled to achieve pioneering status of marketing printed fabric that gave rendered the group well reputed in the business community. This argument was also substantiated by Mian Muhammad Mansha who in his interview said,

101 Joseph A. Schumpeter, Change and the Entrepreneur: Postulates and Patterns for Entrepreneurial History (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1949), 11. 102 Álvaro Cuervo, Domingo Ribeiro and Salvador Roig, “Entrepreneurship: Concepts, Theory and Perspective. Introduction in Entrepreneurship, (Berlin: Springer, 2007) 1-20.

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Taking initiative is central deciding factor in success of business. It is supplemented with competitive ambition that results into business growth. I am never satisfied less than the best. Furthermore, the achievement of best one further continues to achievement of perfection. Through several political and economic crises, I stood firm as I believed that hardships best socialize a person103.

This competition and ambition to gain top ranking in business community resulted into healthy race among the industrialists of Lyallpur that ultimately served the city and the country through revenue, employment, and foreign exchange generation. In this connection, The Sitara group decided to install their own power looms. Gujranwala was major center for power looms that costed 2000 Rs per loom in 1957, hence rendering total cost of supplement materials and 10 looms around 80,000Rs. The decision aimed at providing unique quality of fabric, and for this purpose, Malatia and Steeple fabric was manufactured in power looms extending capacity of 50 to 60 bundles (Thaan) per day. It was addition to already functional 8 factories of power looms. However, owing to ambitious plans of expanding production, they sold out the looms even less than market rate in order to establish a new printing press named Sitara Printing. Crescent Group imported German machinery to compete the market in price and quality. The expansion was to such a scale that they dared to step into differential businesses like Insurance, Sugar, Jute, and food104. The Nishat Mills whose initial venture in West Pakistan was Nishat Textile Mills in 1951, Upto 1970, the group was able to install six industrial units in West Pakistan105. These units included

 Nishat Corporation  Nishat Sarhad Textile  Nishat Textile Lyallpur  Nishat Chemicals  Nishat Poultries  Karimi Industry Nowshera

103 Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs’ Business, (Lahore: Sang e Meel Publishers, 2016), 107. 104 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 248. 105 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 105.

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Crescent group presented their distinction since their entry in business world. its policy went for mobilization and integration of various resources centered at profit maximization. The business legacy of Crescent group is four generations and one century old. Haji Shamsuddin stepped into business with establishment of Shams Textile mills in Chiniot more than a century ago. However a prevalent pattern in the business of Crescent group is family partnership that still prevails. The first project was also joint venture of four brothers of Haji Shamsuddin. The legacy of Haji Shamsuddin was carried forward by Mian Fazal Karim at the age of 14 who also with the partnership of his other three brothers (Mian Muhammad Amin, Haji Muhammad Shafi, and Mian Muhammad Bashir) led to formation of Crescent Group106. Mian Fazal Karim is narrated to be outstanding genius and business analyst that attributed to his giant growth in business world. the claim can be substantiated with innovative business policy of Haji Fazal Kareem who adopted policy of grow together with integrated division of labor. After studying map of India, it was gathered by Haji Fazal Kareem that it was essential to have symbiotic nexus among various fields of business107. These branches included

1. Resource Mobilization Networking and Compliance 2. Strategic Planning 3. Political Linkages, Networking, Implementation 4. Operation Expansion and Family Affairs108  For resource mobilization, networking and compliance the city of Delhi was selected this assignment was assigned to Muahmmad Bashir.  The task of strategic planning was assumed by Fazal Karim and the Madraas (Chennai) city was chosen as headquarter for this purpose.  Muhammad Shafi assumed responsibility of political networking and Amritsar was chosen centre for such activities.  Muhammad Amin took charge of family affairs and operation expansion and he stayed in Chiniot.

106 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 91. 107 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 91. 108 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 92.

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This integrated model helped the family to achieve the goal of grow together within short span of time109. The journey of business was furthered with inclusion of commodities dealership in market and later on added further businesses to his empire110.

Resource Mobilization Dehli Networking and Compliance

Madras Strategic Planning

Operation expansion and Family Chiniot affairs

Political Networking Amritsar

Sitara group had made its way in business world through invention of color combinations.

Decision Making

Decision making involves right decision at right time. Decision making (DM) is as a fundamental function in management111 . It reflects that the success and failure of managers and the organization mainly hinges upon the quality of decisions112 . Simon (1976) revealed that “decision making role” is the “heart of executive activities”. The process of decision making is dependent on constructs of decision making and styles of decision making113.

109 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 92. 110 Amjad Sakib, Successful People, 91. 111 Jon Edgar Grant, Samuel Robin Chamberlain, Liana Renne Nelson Schreiber, Brian Lawrence Odlaug, and Suck Won Kim, “Selective Decision-Making Deficits in at-Risk Gamblers,” Psychiatry Research 189, no. 1 (2011): 115-120. 112 Baba Shiv and Alexander Fedorikhin, “Heart and Mind in Conflict: The Interplay of Affect and Cognition in Consumer Decision Making”, Journal of Consumer Research 26, no. 3 (1999): 278-292. 113 Herbert Alexander Simon, “Administrative Behavior; A Study of Decision-Making Processes in Administrative Organization” Computer Science, (1994): 3.

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Mian Muhammad Mansha in his interview said

Decision making is most crucial in business world. This attribute is polished through education and experience. Giving due prudence to some decision might be necessary, however, decision delayed is decision failed. I usually tell my friends on a lighter note that all the decisions that I took spontaneously proved fruitful in comparison to those I took prudently. It might be true that many decisions can prove wrong, yet a single right decision can compensate all114. Updating of Technology and Filling the Gaps

The passage from handlooms to power loom thus enhanced the production capacity was considered a major transformation but actual revolution in industry line was in color printing. The sitara textile never compromised on quality management and assurance was guiding principle of the group. Hence colors of well reputed factories were used that elevated credibility of the Sitara industry among business community. This giant task was supported by Mian Shareef Hussian, for dying purposes Master Ata Hussain (from Rehmania Textile), and Mirza Mukhtar to advise in designs. The modus operandi included to analyze prototypes of the fabric coming from Karachi, identify the color scheme, and materialize it with best quality standards. The group considered updating of the color scheme with changing trends over the period of time. Such client centered approach has benefitted the group with distinctive and venerated status in business community115.

Lyallpur known for its agriculture and agriculturists from its inception with rural population. The industrial class was well aware of the demands of masses thus they targeted the middle class for their clientage as the upper class preferred imported fabric. It was the middle class who could give better business expansion and marketing edge over others. Available literature suggest that Sitara industries focus on this approach and some of the brands got popularity however; they observed that 80% of the clients preferred subsidized cloth and only 20% went for brands.

Apart from ensuring quality management, the groups focused updating their structure with the help of technology hence upgrading their standards competitive in local

114 Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs’ Business, 106. 115 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 36

251 as well international market. For example, Sitara Group updated their work from handlooms to power looms, and later on, they were pioneer of bringing printing press and introducing fast colors in Lyallpur in 1961. Furthermore, they also stood pioneer to update their system with computerized printing press and introduced Rotary printing machine. The business community wanted best for themselves and they seemed ready to pay any cost in that regard. Mian Muhammad Anwar ( Member of Crescent Group) told in his interview’

In 1952 when we installed Crescent textile in Lyallpur, we did not even know which country hosted best textile. My uncle was going to England for machinery, however, someone in his way convinced him to give trial to German machinery. Hence he landed in Germany. A German technician stayed with us for 20 years and helped our business116. These steps proved fruitful and soon owing to high quality standards of the products, they outclassed even traders of Karachi, and the traders of Gujranwala and Multan started buying cloth from them. It even progressed to level that we infiltrated Karachi market and the traders there made business deals with Lyallpur businessmen. Sitara Textile considered pioneering in this context and it proved the progress of Sitara group above board. Over the period of time, they introduced diverse variety of fabric that included Sitara Fabric, Sitara Shireen, Sitara Shabnam, Sitara Sapna Lawn, and Sitara Mughal-e-Azam Latha117. Thus this progression in technology led Lyallpur as clothing hub at national and international level intimately.

Hard Work and Provident Planning

The Hard work is common secret of success that the study observed among various successful people belonging to migrant class. The Sitara group also had minimal resources in the beginning, however with their business skills and un shattered conviction succeeded to build an empire.

116 Dr Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs’ Business, 248 117 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 41.

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Haji Bashir Ahmed said

“The time when we started our business, we struggled to consolidate our business. We brother worked with our hands. Unlike today, it was the time when resources were very limited, for example, to make a call in Karachi; we had to wait two or three hours. This is the age of facilities and we established our empire out of none” Mian Muhammad Mansha in his interview said,

Nothing pleases me more than work. Sometimes I walk restlessly in my bedroom at midnight waiting for next day and going to office. there is only one shortcut of success and that is hard work. I have business friends around the globe and I know no one who succeeded without hardwork. Luck might be important but it is unworthy if not accompanied by hardwork. The realization of richness might not give that satisfaction that hard work bestows118. Their strong conviction for their work was mainly derived out of the realization that they were doing our business for their upcoming generations. It made them work hard with an objective of consolidating enough the roots of their empire to absorb the shocks of unfavorable circumstances in the future. It made them rapidly progress without fear of conceiving impossible goals.

Marketing and Advertisement

The mills and other production houses used different ways to familiarize their products at maximum level. The famous products which they advertised through print and mass media were the different varieties of fabric like Staple Lattha, Lawn, Tawera and other items119.

They advertised their products in print and electronic media locally and nationally. The business men were well aware of the use of media. They many times demanded to the government for the establishment of a radio station at Lyallpur. To promote the products of Industrialists of Lyallpur in 1964, Radio Pakistan initiated its broadcasts in Lyallpur. With respect to industry, it became symbiosis between industry and the radio, as the radio served as publicity agent for the business community regarding their products, and the radio monetarily benefitted out of it. Here is also an example of

118 Amjad Sakib, Successful People: A Success Story of Chinioti Sheikhs Business, 107. 119 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 41.

253 advertisement of fabric of Sitara Textile Mills announced at radio Lyallpur. Sitara Group also exploited the medium for giving their commercials. It resulted fruitful for sales enhancement.

The first ad spanning 15 to 20 seconds narrated,

“Lady to husband telephone conversation: “Have you reached Lyallpur? Don’t forget to fulfill your promise of bringing Sitara Lawn for me. Husband replied, “It is un forgetful, I will”. They also advertised about their products in the newspapers urging the masses that they must buy these products and strengthen the country’s economy.

Corporate Social Responsibility

The concept of Corporate Social Responsibility is also as old as the making of Pakistan and untiring efforts of the migrants to contribute in laying foundation of fortune of the nascent state. The newly emerged concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in corporate world previewing streamlining redistributive policies for the underprivileged section of society in accordance with social mores120 was soon embraced by business corporates of Lyallpur. There are several functional institutions as an outcome of the concept; however, the pioneer status in Lyallpur is the credit of Sehgal Group. Despite their alleged involvement in activities that allude corporate crime, the leading role in formalizing social welfare sector of corporate sector is credit of Sehgal Group. As Wood puts it, “the basic idea of corporate social responsibility is that business and society are interwoven rather than distinct entities; therefore, society has certain expectations for appropriate business behavior and outcomes”121.

Peoples Colony School

On 25th April 1960, a school in Peoples Colony was inaugurated by Mrs Yousaf Sehgal. In materializing the vision of Sehgal trust to provide standard education to underprivileged section of society, there is considerable role of Ms Bilkees Siddike who

120 Alex Douglas, John Doris, and Brian Johnson, “Corporate Social Reporting In Irish Financial Institutions,” The TQM Magazine 16, no. 6 (2004): 387-395. 121 Donna J Wood, “Corporate social performance revisited”, Academy of management review 16, no. 4 (1991): 691-718.

254 assumed charge of Principal of the school. Like some other migrants, the school was also built with intention to introduce young generation to religious as well functional education and laying their balanced quality education foundation. However, the vision of donating back to society was well elaborated by Mrs Yousaf Sehgal in her speech on that occasion122. It stated

Child education rate is one of the major predictors of a nation’s growth potential. Moreover, girl’s education deserves higher attention, as she has to perform the role of initial and most influential agent of socialization for a child. The state of Pakistan is resource deficient in addressing the campaign of education at sufficient scale. It puts responsibility upon the well- off class to fill the gap in social welfare sector. Sehgal Trust has been made functional under the Chairmanship of Justice S.A Rehman with Manzoor Kadir (Foreign Minister), and Mr Khursheed (Chief Secretary West Pakistan) as its trustees. The Sehgal Trust has donated generously and established schools in Lyallpur and Rawalpindi. Donation bank of 2.5 million rupees was initially set up that was totally contributed by the Sehgal Group123. Institutions

The migrants of lyallpur played vital role in building institutions for the welfare of Lyallpur. These institutions comprise technical colleges, schools, and religious teaching institutes. As discussed earlier, a major portion of the migrants of Lyallpur were capable of constructive contribution in the development of the city. This role of migrants is visible in other parts of the country. Moreover, even in India, there are evidences that suggest such role of migrants in development of the cities.

Hospitals

Provision of health facilities was becoming major concern for Lyallpur citizens. In this regard, government attempted some steps however; they were insufficient to meet the needs. Like District board Lyallpur had issued orders of the establishment of 16 new dispensaries124. Similarly, the increasing value of pollution and smoke had affected the population at large scale. The city society struggled to establish new T.B. hospital in the city. Municipal committee had given the fund of 1-lakh rupees and spared two lakhs

122 Daily Saadat, 27 April 1960. 123 Daily Saadat, 27 April 1960. 124 Daily Saadat, 10 June 1955

255 more. There was dire need of women hospital in Lyallpur125. The homeopathic doctors were also suggested to get registered in lyallpur126. However, the gap between needs and provisions was attempted to minimize on the behalf of the wealthy migrants. On 23 December 1956, two Ministers visit Lyallpur (Makhdoomzada Muhammad Almadar Hussain Gilani and Ch. Ali Akbar Khan) to select a suitable site for the Mian Mohammad Trust Hospital. The Trust has been set up by the proprietors of the Premier Flour and Cotton Mills who propose to spend a sum of Rs. 10 lakh on free hospital for which suitable; tract of land will be leased out by Government. The area adjacent to the new 250-bed hospital in Lyallpur was provisionally selected for the Trust hospital, which will have 200 beds. The Trust has also agreed to bear the entire recurring maintenance expenses of the hospital, which will run into several hundred thousand. The Director of Health Services, Punjab, Col. F. M. Khan, was also present to give expert advice on the suitability of the site. The Trust was represented by Mian Fazl-i-Ahmad.127 Furthermore, An eye hospital was built by Dar ul Ehsan trust run by Sufi Barkat Ali Ludhianvi. This hospital conducted free of cost eye treatment for people. Between the time frame of 1976 to 1996, 142884 people had eye operation. 226296 people had eye treatment without operation. 171 born blind persons were cured in the hospital128.

The development of lyallpur in health sector and the contrinution of the migrants is more conspicuous in the decades later 1960 because the migrants had to start their life from nothing. As they got well off enough, they contributed in health sector to great extent. Such is example of Aziz Fatima Trust Hospital, and Ghafoor Bashir Children hospital that works under Sitara Group of industries129.

125Daily Saadat, 20 April 1954; newspaper reported that there was need of female hospital in Lyallpur. According to saadat, the basic facilities are of given to the people of town “Chak Jhumra”. Similarly, the girl’s school has been given the status of middle. On the other hand, a girl’s high school is present in the neighbor town. The thing that a female hospital is the dire need of Lyallpur so that Muslim women could go there and could easily get the medical facilities. Women are deprived of medication because of unavailability of lady doctor. 126 Daily Saadat, April 14, 1954; the principal of Punjab homeopathic college Muhammad Akhtar said that the registration of homeopathic doctors will be started soon in Lyallpur. 127 The trust was established as a child & maternity clinic in the heart of Faisalabad City by late Al-Haj Sheikh Mian Muhammad back in 1960’s. It was the dream of the founder to serve the poor at a time when the whole city lacked required health Facilities. The Clinic was up graded into a hospital in 1967. 13 acres of land was obtained on lease from the Punjab Board of Revenue and the founder and his children provided funds for the construction and running of the hospital. Today MMTH stands as a Multidisciplinary 135 bed hospital which is duly recognized by Pakistan Center for Philanthropy, a reputed International agency that evaluates status of NGO's / NPO's. The hospital is also running a midwifery school, which offers a diploma course recognized by Pakistan Nursing Council. The students are provided proper accommodation, schooling & meals at subsidized rates. Daily Pakistan Times, December 23, 1954. 128 Ch. Aslam. Ludhiana kay Musamano Pay keya Guzri, 197. 129 These hospitals were constructed in the decade of 1980s, and have capacity of over 250 beds. These hospitals are equipped with modern facilities and have potential to entertain the patients suffering from different diseases. Aziz Fatima trust has centres for

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Aziz Fatima Trust Hospital

It is situated in Gulistan Colony spanning acre of land. It aims providing standard medical facilities with subsidized medication of under privileged class. The project was conceived in 1980 that now carries 250 beds employing 10 full time consultants, 6 visiting consultants, 9 registrars, 13 Medical officers and 5 Women Medical officers. 70 nurses are employed to look after the patients. It includes all major medical facilities including ICU, CCU, Dialysis centre, Endoscopy, Laproscopic- Urethro Cystoscope, Appendix, Hernia, and infertility treatment units. Moreover, it also has medical test facility of EMG, ECG, EEG, CT Scan, and X ray. It was approved for house job by Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC) on 28 November 1998130.

Ghafoor Bashri Children Hospital

It is another welfare institute of Sitara group that is situated at Faisal Town Canal Road Manawala. It is one of the finest hospitals of Pakistan. It has building of latest design supplemented with latest facilities that has helped thousands of deserving patients. It includes:

OPD, Executive Clinic, Special Clinic, Emergency, ICU, Peadiatrics, Child Rehabilitation centre, Gynecology dept, Department of general medicine, ENT Deptt, Eye Deptt. X Ray, ECG, Ultrasound, and the General ward131. It provides standard medical facilities at affordable rates and free treatment of deserving people.

Schools and Madaris

The migrants who had religious erudition played role in establishing instititutes for religious education. Such institutes served to be major NGOs of the city that accommodated people from middle and lower classes and provided them free of cost education. Mian Abdul Bari in his presidential address has said that masjid schools can fill the gap of government run schools and it is the need of time that such type schools should be run. He was presiding the meeting of board of teachers union132. Some of the institutions presented enticing blend of religious and worldly education. It is important to

CCU, Urology, Endoscopy, ICU, Laparoscopy, dermatology and other departments. Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Founders of Sitara Group of Industries, 108; 130 Tahir Asghar, From star to galaxy: A biography of Founders of Sitara Group of industries, 108. 131 Tahir Asghar, From star to galaxy: A biography of Founders of Sitara Group of industries, 109. 132 Daily Saadat, July 7, 1955.

257 mention that such initiatives were supported by whole community and government representatives also that rendered in the success of such projects. Such is a story of Kari Abdul Hameed who established a madrassa and school that catered more than 500 students in 1960 and later on, its capacity was enhanced to 1200 students. The son of Qari Abdu Hameed narrated

My father was running a Madrassa in Ludhiana. After migration to Pakistan, he started business of printing press. We got land in return of our claim for Madrassa land. We got 8 canals 18 Marla land in Lyallpur where my father laid foundation of Madrassa e Umm ul Madaris. The political leadership played important role in getting us the claim. My father established a primary school as well that served to impart worldly education as well. It followed the mission statement of ‘education for free’ and ‘education for all’. It now incorporates 1200 students133. Similar is the story of Mufti Abdul Hameed who established a madrassa in Lyallpur.

My father laid foundation of Tawakli Mosue in Chak 328 Toba Tek Singh. My father started teching religion to the offspring of the migrants at home. Almost 400 students used to visit my father daily for religious education. My aunt and grandmother also accompanied my father to disseminate the education among girls. They believed that teaching a girl means teaching the whole family134. Aziz Fatima Girls High School

It is also part of welfare projects of Sitara group and it is situated in Gulshan e Ikbal Faisalabad. It aimed at providing quality education to girls in their proximate location. It entertains students from class six to class 10 and maintains religious and modern education simultaneously. Furthermore, it also focuses extra-curricular activities, summer camps, and tutorial groups to socialize an individual into a balanced personality.

National Textile University

The idea of establishing a Textile Institute of world fame was conceived by a group of visionary industrialists in 1954. To realize this idea the Government of Punjab joined hands with the leading textile industrialists to form an Institute of Textile Technology in Faisalabad (then Lyallpur) and provided sixty-two acre of state owned

133 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Muslamano pay keya Guzri, 1033. 134 Muhammad Aslam, Ludhiana kay Muslamano pay keya Guzri, 496.

258 land free of cost. Initially, the idea was conceived by Textile Commissioner and initial cost estimation was 1.2 Million Rs. The opening donation came from Kohinoor Textile of 1 Lakh Rs and Colony Textile Multan worth 5 Lakh Rs. Later on, a trust was established and monetary contribution of Kohinoor Industries, Colony Textile Mills, Dawood Foundation and Lyallpur Cotton reached Rs.2.5 Millions, which were utilized for the construction of building and provision of other infrastructure. The Government of U.K. provided the bulk of equipment and machinery, along with the services of experts under Colombo Plan. Field Marshall Muhammad Ayub Khan, the then President of Pakistan, laid the foundation stone of the Institute, on the 12th of October 1959135.

A Board of Trustees, with the Minister of Industries as chairman and nominees of the donor companies as members was constituted to manage the affairs of the Institute. In order to meet the recurring expenses of the Institute a Cess was levied by the government on the Textile industry of Pakistan. Later, in 1965, the Institute was granted affiliation by the University of Engineering & Technology, Lahore, and it was renamed as “National College of Textile Engineering”. The first batch of graduate engineers was passed out in 1966. In 1973 the administrative control of the Institute was transferred to Federal Government and it was renamed as “National College of Textile Engineering”.

In 1992, the college received a comprehensive assistance worth 650 million yen from the Japanese Government, through JICA program, in the form of latest machinery and equipment for all the departments of the Institution. The college was upgraded as National Textile University on 15 November 2002 through promulgation of Ordinance No. CXXIV of 2002 by the President of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Ever since its inception National Textile University has been the premier Institute of textile education in the country, meeting the technical and managerial human resource needs of almost entire textile industry of Pakistan. It always retained a close relationship with the industry and industrialists.

135 Weekly Bang e Dra, Lyallpur February 2, 1951. Daily Parcham, Lyallpur, 1960.

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Industrial Exhibition: Promoting Business

The industrialists also planned to hold exhibitions and promos to promote their products. Initially the industrialists’ mange to participate in industrial exhibitions arranged by industrialists in different cities like Karachi Multan etc. Pakistan textile association decided to hold industrial exhibition at local and foreign countries to introduce their products and expand the trade and business. It was decided, these exhibitions would be continued for two years. The expenditures to be bore by the participants, which are estimated that first year 75 lakhs and 60 lakhs will be spent for this purpose. Invitations were sent to all other major industry owners and cottage industry to participate in great opportunity. Thirty textile 2 hosiery, sports, wood, surgery, diesel engine oil and jute mills are ready to participate in these exhibitions136. Haji Bashir Ahmed narrated:

“In 1962, an industrial exhibition was conducted in Lyallpur where Field Marshal Ayub Khan also participated. He visited stalls of Koh e Noor, Lyallpur cotton mills, and Sitara textile. He was briefed about the products and he appreciated Sitara products”137 Kohinoor textile mill owners had managed to visit in such exhibitions in Pakistan and abroad to introduce and to promote the business. They were successful in this regard earning huge share of foreign exchange that was admitted Sikander Mirza.

Politics of Import Licenses for Industry Machinery

At initial stage of industrialization in the District, the government helps the private entrepreneur’s location and import of machinery. On the inauguration of Kohinoor Textile mill, Governor General of Pakistan Khawaja Nazam ud Din met with industrialists assured that government would facilitate for the import of machinery and encouraged the migrants to establish industries. According to chief controller of imports and exports:

The Chief controller import and export announced that in Pakistan machinery was imported of 1 billion and the cloth dealers also permitted to get import license of 20 million. Furthermore, Machinery import license were mainly be given to

136 Daily Saadat, May 3, 1956. 137 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 50.

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cotton industry as well but the industrial corporation will get the license of machinery worth 6 million and other quota will be given to the cotton industry traders138. In this context import license were rendered to such assignments during first half of fifties, hence it was very easy for the capitalist having good ties with bureaucracy and political elites139 has many concerns for small scale industrialist having no industry industrial expense have to face a lot of problems in getting such licenses.

Monopoly at Policy Level

It is mentioned above that raw material was in abundance in Pakistan but processing factories were installed on Indian side, so partition left no infrastructure for production of yarn for industries of country especially for Lyallpur which having base of ginning factories. In 1947, there existed sole textile mill, the Lyallpur cotton mills owned by a Hindu who expanded his business sole handedly. So to comply with this Government of Pakistan and India concluded an agreement of exchange of yarn vs cotton.140 Resultantly, other option was adopted additionally to import to meet the demand of industries. The government introduced quota system and issued the licenses. In principle, it was proposed to disburse yarn among the quota holders only as per the limits defined by government. However, such a situation also drove dominant industrialists to purport the quota system to reinforce their domination. The district government has introduced the license policy but it was failed to gain its objective as licenses was given on favoritism to industrialists and other influential persons. The cottage industry was left no enough share of yarn for their business as they raise the demand individually and under their trader unions in different parts of district (Lyallpur, Kamalia, Toba tek Singh etc) for proper supply of Sooter quota. Regarding the shortage of fabric, DC Mushatq Cheema noticed that matter will be handled soon with the help of import of fabric and all the stock depots selling fabric in black will be punished especially in Toba Tek Singh situation will be analyzed on urgent basis. The government also initiated the loans to the small industries and fixed their quota of yarn and wool too.

138 Daily Nawai Waqt, 21 September 1955. 139 It is evident in case of major industrialists having pre-partition ties with elites like Kohinoor. 140 According to agreement Pakistan will send cotton to India and India will export yarn for Pakistan. Pakistan and India singed an agreement that Pakistan should provide send cotton to India and India will give yarn to Pakistan. Daily Saadat, March 21, 1948.

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141 Government has directed that only those people can import Khaddi fabrics that have import license, others will be punished142. Wholesale dealer are not allowed to import Khaddi fabrics from east Punjab.

However, far along the situation became better as Pakistan became independent in production then Punjab’s minister of Industry while a press conference stated that Punjab is producing 15 crore-meter Khaddi fabrics, one can estimate and judge the race of production of clothes through these figures. He added that government is also thinking to export the fabric to other countries143.

Cloth Black Marketing and Profit Earning

Partition left with shortage of cloth in country and in Lyallpur the situation was bitter as migrants have been voiced about it. To meet this government planned to distribute the cloth thorough ration depots. Policy of licenses for cloths depots was carried out in the district. The relationship of debasement and dark advertising is coordinated from quite a while back. In the event of Pakistan, the foundation of the relationship keeps running back since the Independence Day. After the formation of Pakistan, rest of the material industrial facilities went toward the eastern part or India and Pakistan needed to confront extreme issues identified with the dress. The need of attire was getting high as the vagrants were coming in wealth from India. In Lyallpur, there was serious lack of materials. To overthrow up with this issue, the legislature began the import of the materials from remote nations and it was conveyed through settled warehouses. These depots were at many places especially in Ghulam Muhammad Abad and labor colony.

The government announced plans for the distribution of the cloths via newspapers144. Government additionally consented to an arrangement with the factories to give texture and fabric to all the entire deal merchants disregarding their own particular

141 Daily Nawai Waqt Lahore, July 27, 1954. The Government announced for the applications for the issuance of Import licenses till the last date July, 1954. It is pertinent to mention that the reserved quota for the import license of industry is expired. The last date of the applications was 27 July. The government is giving import licenses more than previous governments and the business policies of the governments are also favorable. 142 Mahr Sher Muhammad, Civil Supply Officer, Lyallpur. 27 September 1948. 143 Daily Saadat, July 16, 1952. 144 The distribution of the improved clothes will be started soon in Lyallpur. So far that purpose the lists of wholesale dealer have been materialized but the government of Punjab has not given any scheme yet to distribute the imported clothes. Daily Saadat, April 13, 1954.

262 chose specialists. It was claimed that these specialists were not reasonable in the appropriation of the materials and through swarming they make manufactured deficiency of the fabrics and when the rates expanded they take out their stocks and sold them on high costs145. It was said that Lyallpur cotton mills and other local mills had created hegemony on cloth market in Lyallpur through their agents. The agents had created cloth inflation selling cloths in black. Other cloth dealers demanded that Lyallpur cotton mills should revise its cloth distribution policy146. The government announced that it will not bear any kind of black marketing and hording. The government also reduced the prices of the cloths. The government also asked the dealers to provide cloths to the public on lower rates147.

The administration settled the arrangement of the circulation of the foreign made fabric in Punjab and particularly in Lyallpur148. The administration of cost and supplies had requested that factories give fabrics direct to the wholesale shops. It also requested that factories ought to give materials not to their particular workers but rather to all the wholesale shops with the goal that dark showcasing and expansion of costs of fabric could be controlled149. The provincial and district hierarchies did their best to handle this very issue and they likewise looked for assistance from the factories. The administration likewise restricted transportation of yarn and fabric from one locale to other in the beginning stage150. These benefit searchers made deficiency of fabric to acquire most extreme of benefit. The operators of the factories were additionally on a similar page with them and different merchants commonly challenged them151. Black marketing was reported in various sectors that were reported to have negative consequences in general good. The government held meeting with the stake holders of fabric producers to cut the prices of the fabric short. In the conference of textile mills association, textile officers and

145 An agreement was signed between Government and the mills association in which it was decided that they will sale clothes on low rates through their agents. But still agents are selling clothes on higher prices more than fixed rates so govt. should take action against them. See, Daily Saadat, February 14 1954. 146 Daily Saadat, October 15, 1953. 147 Daily Saadat, March 28, 1954. 148 Daily Saadat, January 27, 1954. 149 Daily Saadat, January 27, 1954. 150 Daily Saadat, April 24, 1953. Police arrested a truck driver with fully loaded truck of fabric going from Lyallpur to Lahore illegally. 10 people arrested in Lyallpur by Khan Muhammad Nawaz Khan along with his police party. The culprits were selling yarn in black and taking yarn in a car. The government of Punjab had put ban on the transportation of yarn from one district to other. See, Daily Saadat Lyallpur, February 19, 1954. 151 Daily Saadat, September 6,1953. The shopkeepers of Kamaliya protested against the hegemony of fixed cloth dealers of Colony Textile mills that through hoarding, they are trying to create the shortage of cloth and it will increase inflation. A meeting of retail association was held in which the issue of wholesale was discussed. This matter was also decided to be highlighted in the corridors of power.

263 fabric dealer arranged by government, it is decided that mills will reduce the prices of fabric from 1st January 1954. It was also decided in that conference that the factories also will open their whole sale shops of cloths152.

With respect to deficiency of fabric, D.C. Lyallpur said that matter will be taken care of soon with the assistance of import of fabric and all the stock stops offering fabric in dark will be rebuffed particularly in Toba Tek Singh circumstance will be broke down on earnest premise153. The hoarders' in spite of the control arrangement and prohibition on the transportation of yarn from one region to other were occupied to assume yarn from one position to other. The administration hardware attempted to stop them as much as they can. They struck on the factories, stock houses as well154. According to of the arrangements, soon the deficiency of fabric was secured and the things were in entire control. As it was distributed in a daily paper of Lyallpur "according to of new import arrangement of the administration, the rates of the fabrics is getting low because of offers of plants affiliation. Due to in the midst of down going rates, dealers are not prepared to purchase fabrics"”.155 .

Be that as it may, before long, Pakistan was independent in the generation of fabric and addressed the issues of garments locally. Various material monster bunches rose on the situation, with the gigantic limit of the creation of the fabric fabrics, best case scenario level and soon Pakistan began fare of the fabric garments to different nations.

Industrial, Bureaucracy Nexus and Politics

The industrialists had long haul relations with the political tip top of Pakistan and utilized them every once in a while for their own advantages. The proof proposes a nexus between the industrialists and the political elites in light of bias and fiscal interests. As it were, it suggests components of debasement that served interests of the modern first class of Lyallpur to extend their business exponentially. As the modern first class to a great extent contained the transients, subsequently it can be reasoned that migrants had close connections with open authority's thus coming about degenerate methods for their fast

152 Daily Saadat, December13, 1953. 153 Daily Saadat, August 18, 1948. 154 Police attacked on Koh e Noor Textile Mills Lyallpur. See Daily Saadat Lyallpur, April 24, 1953. Police had arrested a truck loaded with yarn, going from Lyallpur to Wazirabad despite of control on it. 155 Daily Saadat, December 21, 1953.

264 business extension. Be that as it may, this example is not limited to Lyallpur just, rather it is evident in different parts of Pakistan where ethnicity assumed an imperative part in characterizing mechanical government connections. Before all else, the Urdu talking political tip top of Muslim League dispensed their bestowments for Urdu talking group of Karachi. Notwithstanding, these favors swung to Punjabi modern group of Lahore, Lyallpur, Gujranwala with the control of Punjabi-Muhajir in higher up spaces of Muslims League156 .

Quaid, I Azam introduced Valika Textile Mills in Karachi on 26 September 1947157. This custom then was trailed by his successors however not for national interests as a noteworthy need but rather individual connections as earlier. Khawaja Nazim Ud Din introduced Koh I Noor Textile Mills in 1951 at Lyallpur Jarranwala road158. The administration has supported and upheld corporate gatherings in the quest for financial improvement as far as import substitution industrialization. They overcome in legislative issues of area with the nearby connection of authorities for their personal stakes. Consequently, these industrialists later incited for the apparatus in the up and coming decisions and bolstered their candidates through sham voting and financing their political campaign too159. There was a national clamor on race mishandle. The District Bar Association Faisalabad passed a determination requiring an investigation into the matter. Khan Sahib, the director of the Republican Party of West Pakistan, the first run through conceded association, however then called the entire issue. He couldn't stand to lose the support of the industrialists who were the cartridges of many MPA's own gatherings and had an immediate connection with the predominant organization, including Iskandar Mirza. The move in the support of the Republican Party's Muslim League industrialists had as of now took after the ascent of the last mentioned both in the middle and in the area.

The industrialist of Lyallpur additionally began to impact the political passageways of Lyallpur and the division of the gatherings was very evident. In

156 Mohammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75”, Pakistan: The Social Sciences’ Perspective (1990): 207-28. 157 Christopher Candland, Labor, Democratization and Development in India and Pakistan (New York; Routledge Publications, 2007), 89. 158 Christopher Candland, Labor, Democratization and Development in India and Pakistan, 94. 159 Muhammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local level: The Case of Faisalabad City”, 207-8.

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September 1956, Mian Yousaf Saigol 160of Koh I Noor Textile factories was chosen as the leader of Lyallpur Republican Party which was a clear contribution of the industrialists into governmental issues. In the decisions of 1956, the industrialists of Lyallpur vigorously affected the races crusade bringing about the triumph of their bolstered candidates from the voting demographics individually161 . The entrepreneur class worked for the political class to ensure the common interests up until this point. In the Lyallpur, the case was similar that the industrialists were vowing for the support of Muslim League's candidates in the region chamber Lyallpur. They subsidized the entire crusade of the competitors. It was distributed in the daily papers that the workerss of the nearby plants were included in the false voting in the support of Mir Abdul Qayyum and Sheik Mahboob Elahi, who resultantly won the races in spite of the intense battle drove against them by their adversaries. The adversaries affirmed that Koh I Noor Textile Mills and Colony Textile Mills had upheld them and utilized unlawful intends to the triumph of their applicants by utilizing unreasonable voting through their workers162.

Almost all the political tip top of Pakistan went to Lyallpur and it assumed an essential part in nearby and also common governmental issues. The heads of state likewise went to Lyallpur on various events keeping in mind the end goal to have an intelligent session with industrialists. It went for comprehension the potential, generation, and the difficulties. All heads went to Lyallpur amid their administrations and heard the issues of the business group. The leader of Pakistan Sikander Mirza likewise went by Koh I Noor Textile Mills. Kohinoor material Mill got the greatest worth in its initial years of foundation underway, assortment, fare and benefit on national and global levels. Indeed, even they have relations with the nearby organization, administration, and Political class. Its notoriety could be gaged by that spouse of the leader of Pakistan wish to visit this mechanical domain in 1956. Material proprietors of different manufacturing plants have unequivocally censured for this visit to Kohinoor and such relations

160 Koh e Noor textile mill was inaugurated by the Governor General Khawaja Nazim ud Din. They were migrant business men and established their business in Lyallpur after getting support from the government. They were highly involved into the politics especially after the selection of Yousaf Saigol’s as president Republican Party. It was alleged that the Saigols used unfair means to grab the properties of the locals too. All the high officials and political elite was in their pockets and they used them as per of their wishes and they emerged as one of the wealthiest and powerful business groups of Pakistan. All the political leadership of Pakistan after Quaid I Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan visited them. 161 Daily Saadat, September18, 1956. For detailed study see, Christopher Candland, Labor, Democratization and Development in India and Pakistan (New York; Routledge Publications, 2007). 162 Muhammad Waseem, Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local level: The Case of Faisalabad City, 207-8.

266 particularly about the visit of top political decision authority. Sikander Mirza, the First President of Pakistan made a visit to Kohinoor Textile Mill in 1957 along the organization like Minister for Industries Mumtaz Qazlibash, Muhammad Sadiq (President for Cooperative social orders, M. Z. Khan (Commissioner of Multan). The President highlight the significance of material industry of Pakistan and the commitment of Lyallpur material industry which gives fabric to the nation, along these lines it made Pakistan autonomous in attire and brought remote trade by fares. He kept up by valuing the commitment of Kohinoor of his 40% share adds up to the remote trade of the nation163.

The Textile bosses turned out to be so much intense that the administration was in their grasp. All the vital leadership went to them and demonstrated their support to the Industrialists in exchange of monetary benefits with business leverages. It was even detailed in the press however they didn't make any move to their strategy164 . The merchants indicated feelings of disdain against the operators of Koh I Noor materials and Lyallpur Cotton plants. Weavers were of the view that because of approaches of material factories, weaving industry will be pulverized and a large number of specialists are going to unemployed. They solicited the legislature ought to take control of this excruciating circumstance165 yet without much of any result every one of these endeavors was. After the burden of military law in 1958, the interceding part of lawmakers was wiped out. The bureaucratic decide of metal that took after had a tendency to overlook the zamindars. While Saigols and Chiniotis have encountered a specific ascent in their status, the white collar class exchanging, incorporating the distributor in texture merchant, the bearer, exporters, and shippers of focal bazaars gave a financial premise to improvement exercises. At the appropriate time, the standard gatherings of the unimportant bourgeoisie, retailer, foreman and managers of different modern units of little officers of different open or business establishments and researchers were assumed control as partisans as ideologists of the bourgeoisie and the white collar class business166.

163 Daily Saadat, March 3, 1957. 164 Daily Saadat, March 2, 1953. 165 Daily Saadat, March 2, 1953. 166 Muhammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75”. Pakistan: The Social Sciences’ Perspective (1990): 207-28.

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There is one eminent example of bureaucratic power during Ayub regime that how much they were influenced by the industrial tycoons. President Ayub had to visit Siagols of Koh I Noor. The Siagols were in tussle with other prominent business groups. The S.P. arrested Yousaf Saigol at the time of Ayub’s visit and the president had to cancel his visit167 . That is one of the examples that shows how much bureaucratic industrialist nexus was strong and they were part and parcel of each other, defending each other.

Migrants’ role in the development of the industry

The rich experience, untiring endeavors, and skill of the displaced people helped a considerable measure in the improvement of the material business. The unending endeavors particularly made by the vagrants made Lyallpur be a mechanical domain. At the season of the segment, the vagrants did not have a mechanical foundation; in any case, the greater part of them contained conventional gifted and persevering individuals. They were additionally excited about the advancement of the nation that lured them to buckle down and bringing about exponential mechanical development regardless of inadequate assets. The gifted work began cotton exchange and texture producing at a little scale that progressively advanced and overhauled from handlooms to power looms. To accomplish the objectives, old apparatus was additionally revived. These aggregate endeavors rendered Lyallpur to be a flourishing center of weaving industry168 .

Fabric industry is fundamental to a mechanical screen of Lyallpur. Sitara gathering of ventures additionally started their business travel with fabric fabricating and picked up authority in it at last. Modern quality texture supplemented with a special shading plan and differential outlines offered the qualification to results of Sitara gathering. At first, the material assembling occurred on handlooms which were soon supplanted with power lingers that flourished all through roads of Lyallpur. Their number expanded with a multiplier impact. These weaving machines crude texture that was further prepared into dying, bleaching, and printing169.

167 Muhammad Waseem, “Urban Growth and Political Change at the Local Level: The Case of Faisabad City, 1947–75”, 207-208. 168 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 90. 169 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 90.

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In that period, 100 units of weaving machines filling in as every unit involved 4 looms. The considerable Lyallpur inhabitants accomplished this trademark all alone without getting any outside specialized help aside from a couple of minor imports before all else. The talented dedicated specialists made it their mold to depend upon and abuse their own assets. It was further improved with the accessibility of cotton yarn that was made conceivable with the foundation of turning units in Lyallpur170. It encouraged the needy individuals to introduce Looms in their homes. It affected the encompassing of Lyallpur with an establishment of weaving machines houses. In any case, this improvement occurred as random and came about into boulevards packed with the fabric. Later on, well off individuals introduced kicking the bucket, handling, printing, and clandering units at Makbool street, Oadin road, Abdullah Pur, and Fateh Abad coming about into coagulation of Power weaving machines mechanical units. Vagrants of Ludhiana introduced hosiery units and watched an unbelievable quick development. The state likewise recognized and acknowledged results of the material business that was to a great extent contributed by the vagrants. Endeavors of the business group particular vagrants, at last, came about into the tag of "Manchester of Pakistan" on the grounds that finest texture creation in Lyallpur which was profoundly refreshing in the abroad.

This mammoth extension came to 1000 hosiery units in Lyallpur up to first half- decade of the 21st century that fabricated from customary to an additional conventional texture. Weaving industry has additionally hidden and more than 450 plants of weaving and handling are working in Lyallpur. Handling and printing are fundamental to a material field that has advanced well here. Besides, there has been mammoth development in turning units and the industrialists have introduced turning units in a steady progression. In Lyallpur, there is a belt of turning units along both sides of Shahkot street that shows a few parts of the advancement of the city. There has been parallel less development and extension in the material business in Lyallpur and city got to be distinctly well known as Manchester of Pakistan that is at the very least the insignia for Lyallpur171.

170 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 91. 171 Tahir Asghar, From Star to Galaxy: A Biography of Haji Bashir Ahmed and Abdul Ghafoor, 78.

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Such predominance of material industry made it acclaimed inside the nation as well as around the world. Just about fifteen miles from Lyallpur Khararyanwala, and Jaranwala street has turned out to be enormous mechanical edifices and the most recent apparatus has been introduced here. In any case, regardless of such praiseworthy development, the capability of the city is yet to be investigated. More than 100 materials, articles of clothing, power looms, estimating, passing on, Clandering, Printing, and completing rural assembling units are closed down attributable to over money related shortfall or liabilities. In the late situation, Lyallpur is contributing 80% of material results of the nation and a major bit of them is sent out. It's few items has overall request. In the material division, towels are the noteworthy item. Moreover, other than material units, there are a few mechanical units in Lyallpur as well. Lyallpur is contributing billions as far as income and outside trade as yet lingering long ways behind inconveniences that it required.

Conclusion

In light of whole discussion and the arguments presented in the chapters, it can be concluded that shift in economic dynamics of Lyallpur from primary sector to secondary sector can be credited to two factions of the migrants. One belongs to technocrats and other belongs to the capitalist class who also happened to be technocrat in their capacity. Following the footprints of Karachi, Lyallpur also served to be business headquarters of some major business enterprises of the country and provided them a station to expand their business activities across the country. The whole discussion leads to infer that the journey of astonishing business growth of some enterprises can be expressed as a blend of commendable policies and business shenanigans. The businessmen of Lyallpur followed the traditions of successful entrepreneurship in form of intelligently exploring business opportunities, diligent hard work, and sophisticated management skills, but evidences also suggest some political maneuvering on their behalf for business leverages.

The business growth model of the major enterprises of Lyallpur leads to infer that individual capabilities of the entrepreneurs of Lyallpur helped them exploring business options, extreme hard work, and intelligent decision making were effectively coordinated with symbiotic nexus of capital and social capital. Its cumulative effects were translated

270 with their attributes of selection, managing, and delegation of powers to their staff members. Out of self-narrated stories of these entrepreneurs, it can be gathered that these people had dreams. They presented their dream to capable people and those capable people worked for the dreams come true. But the quality of these businessmen was the selection and management of the people working on their dreams.

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Business Principals

Personal HR Organizational

Ability to Ability to organize delegate Wealth

 Spontaneous

decisions Political links Realization of Bureaucrati  Looking for new Responsibility c links opportunities  Seeking Experience pleasure in

work

Business Growth

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CONCLUSION

This study has been conducted for exploring, investigating and analyzing the history of Lyallpur with special reference to the 1947 partition and aftermath. Everybody is familiar with the consequence of partition such as the displacement, the killings and the serious problems of the migrants it created. The refugee problem faced by Lyallpur was a very serious. It was two-way problem, with Hindus and Sikhs, who formed a majority of the moneyed and the entrepreneurial classes, departing for India with their talent thus leaving a huge void in the city’s economy. This was filled by some Muslim migrants from the Indian side of the new border, many of whom, luckily, were skilled and educated as well. A sizeable section of migrants, out of five million in entire Punjab, one million reached Lyallpur with at least some financial resources in hand. Since they were totally new to this city problems about their resettlement and interaction with those who were already settled here were bound to arise. Since the city’s economic disruption was practically complete the city’s economy and social life had to be jump started from the ground up once again. However, couple of theoratical Models such as the ‘Migration and Violence’, ‘Migration’ and Development’, ‘Brain Drain’ and ‘lewis model’ of rueal - urbane migration’ have been extensively applied to explain Lyallpur’s before and post- 1947 deprivation and re-construction with respect to the role of the Migrants played in reviving the city’s fortunes between 1947 and 1960. The study has tested and verified the main assumption of the thesis that the’ migrants brought about rapid economic development in Lyallpur’ which is termed as industrial and economic ‘revolution’. Therefore, even in the early 1950s city was declared as the ‘Manchester of Pakistan’.

The journey of development of Lyallpur starts with development of Chenab colony in 19th century and Lyallpur being headquarter of it. Chenab colony was one of the major canal colonies established by the British. In this regard, Imran Ali, Waseem Ahmad and few others have already produced important studies on the emergence and development of the Canal Colony, therefore, this study has tried to pick up the string where they had left out. The scheme of canal colonies mainly aimed at transforming barren lands of the region into productive lands that could serve as hub of raw material for industries. The project concluded with establishment of 9 canal colonies and

273 rehabilitation of 6 million acre of land, a lion’s share of 2 million acre of which was allotted to Chenab Colony. The ‘Rachna Doab’ tract, headquartered at Lyallpur, proved to be hub of this project. The process of canal colonization can be categorized into digging of canals, development of new towns, and the land allotment process. In addition to serving the economic and strategic interests of the British Raj the canal colony scheme contributed to the general welfare of people through distribution of land amongst the new and experienced tillers brought in from East Punjab. This resulted in development of previously barren land, agricultural sufficiency, eradication of famine, and population rationalization. It is observed that British Rule though had conclusions about the success of this great project but it actually materialized with pivotal role of settlers who turned the bushy land into green revolution.

The new tillers of land brought in from East Punjab were then given grants of land for their possession and cultivation. The grantees of land mostly belonged to Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana, Ambala, Gujrat and Sialkot districts. A prominent feature of this settlement, which the study refers as will be referred to as the first settlement was that a majority of the cultivators belonged to two main castes, Jatts and the Arains. The intended objective of agricultural development was effectively galvanized with comprehensive resettlement plan of British.

The study has also explored the history of Lyallpur’s urban growth under the colonial rule. As the agricultural lands surrounding Lyallpur produced fine quality cotton the city emerged as a major urban center for its production and distribution. The pattern of resettlement in the Chenab colony presents a two-layered resettlement plan. The symmetrically-laid villages designated as Chaks, were topped by new towns known as the Mandi towns--the latter were to serve as market-towns. The settlement guidelines for incoming new tillers in the villages were caste and home-town sensitive. However, the Mandi towns served transition of British modus operandi of governance from villages to urban centers. Lyallpur, as headquarters of the Chenab colony, was designed as a Mandi town. The other Mandi towns included Chak Jhumra, Mandi Rajana, Gojra Mandi, Tandliyanwala Mandi, Buchiyana Mandi, Jarranwala Mandi, Jhang, Samundri and Toba Tek Singh. These Mandi towns or urban trade centers were connected to each other via railway, road networks, and the link roads. The primary aim of the British authorities for

274 the establishment of these Mandi towns was the collection of raw agricultural produce, its further distribution to the rest of the country or ports for export, and revenue generation. The study has argued that even before the partition of India and division of the Punjab Lyallpur had emerged as one of the major urban centre of India which provided a solid infrastructure for the migrants to apply their skills.

Regarding pre-partition communal status of Lyallpur, the study observes that despite religious and ethnic diversities communal relations in Lyallpur were peaceful; but the communal situation of Punjab began deteriorating in the 1940s following the All- India Muslim League’s Lahore Resolution of 23rd March 1940. The demand for a separate homeland by the Indian Muslims was made as a repercussion of the rising insecurity and potential identity crisis in Hindu-majority India following the departure of the British, But the Muslim’s demand for a separate home-land, in turn, unsettled both the Hindus and the Sikhs, particularly in the Muslim-majority provinces such as the Punjab. They apprehended under Muslim majority Pakistan on the same grounds. In furtherance of this apprehension, also began to express the same kinds of concerns, in case of the idea of Pakistan becoming a reality, if they were to live as a minority in Muslim-majority areas as the Muslims were claiming. The Sikhs even started talking about the division of Punjab and establishment of a new Sikh State.

Study has made special emphasis on the Sikh’s main argument for division of Punjab and their rationale for the inclusion of few districts of the Punjab into India or Sikh State. Their main argument was that in the likelihood of Pakistan becoming a reality the Sikhs began to stress their special claim to the inclusion of the Canal colonies (Lyallpur). They specifically demanded in totality the inclusion of the Jullundur and Lahore divisions, besides some districts from the districts of Ambala and Lyallpur, and the district of Montgomery from the Multan division, to form a part a new Sikh state or Indian dominion, as the case might be. They claimed these areas owing to either a higher concentration of Sikhs relative to other areas or due to their hefty revenue contributions to the government from these districts. Moreover, Sikhs had agricultural lands in these districts and these districts had one irrigation source. They attempted to strengthen their case before the British authorities with strong references to their religious and linguistic ties to these regions in addition to their loyal and gallant role in the armed forces of

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British India. However, apart from other flaws in the arguments presented by the Sikhs, their numerical inferiority, accompanied with dispersed Sikh population all over India, weakened their case for the establishment of a separate Sikh state. The Muslim League argued that Sikh interests would better realized in case of a united Punjab and their acting in concert with the Muslims but the Sikhs made their decision of joining the Indian federation which in the long run proved a wrong decision . Muhammad Ali Jinnah, main leader of the Muslim League, tried his level-best to persuade the Sikhs for a friendly settlement with the Muslims by offering them a ‘special status’ in Pakistan and extra representation in state machinery. However, all the efforts of rapprochement between Muslims and the Sikhs ended up in fiasco; it resulted into failing of the Sikh community failed to secure any of its interests including that of an Azad Punjab, control of most of their sacred places which were located in West Punjab, lands of canal colonies, and integration of their population. Whatever was the logic of their arguments, the Sikhs remained uncertain, undecided and unsure of their exact homeland which made them desperate. These events cumulatively impacted the region of Punjab hub of violent riots among the contending communities of Hindus, Sikhs, and the Muslims aiming at wiping out each other in their dominant regions. On eve of partition of India, their insistence on the division of India created a phenomenon where Hindu-Muslim rights began to appear for the succession of the Punjab after the departure of the British. Circumstance forced the Hindus, Muslims and the Sikhs to experience ‘forced migration’ across the border, coupled with sever violence, a phenomenon which was unprecedented in the history of mankind.

The study has applied the theory of ‘Threat Model theory to describe the migration and violence. The ‘forced migration’ of the population to and from India across the border generated severs violence. Migration of Hindus and Sikhs from Lyallpur was also accompanied by violence but its intensity and scale was much lower than the one which took place in other cities of Punjab including Lahore, Multan, Bahawalpur etc. In fact, partition of India followed with division of Punjab. Delay in the announcement of the Radcliffe Award further complicated the already tense situation communal situation existing in Punjab in August 1947. Radcliffe’s Boundary Award proved controversial as it clearly favored India by giving away the Muslim-majority areas of Ferozepur and

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Gurdaspur districts to East Punjab. Riots erupted on both sides of the proposed new border between India and Pakistan resulting in extreme violence insensitive to gender or age.

To explain history of violence the study has applied threat based decision model of migration because it perfectly suits to the causes, phases of violence and implications of the violence that broke out on eve of the partition of India. The study verifies the arguments of Paul Brass, Ian Talbot and Muhammad Iqbal Chawla regarding the intention of the Sikhs which aimed at wiping out Muslims from the district of East Punjab. The study also verifies assumptions of Threat based decision model of migration. As the model proposes, the oral accounts suggest that Muslims initially tried to avert the violence and resisted the idea of migration. However, when the violence perpetuated enough to cross the critical threshold of fear, they were left with no option but to migrate. In furtherance of proposed model, the oral accounts testify the assumption of Threat based decision model that the agency deficient (lack of political will) and incapable political structure of the government caused events of mass violence and resultant mass migration. More than 10 million people crossed the borders with more than a million causalities on both sides as the outcome of this violence. A critical analysis of history of Lyallpur reveals that though overall Muslim community remained peaceful, rather showed great affection and attachment with Hindu and Sikh communities, but in certain places including Khalsa College and Tandliwala they killed and looted the wealthier section of Hindu and Sikh population. The Muslims savagely tortured and killed non- Muslims particularly the Sikhs in Jaranwala, a tehsil of Lyallpur. Similarly, violence was organized by volunteers and Muslim League National Guards and in response the non- Muslim also took defensive measures.

This study has brought a new light about the reaction of migrants over the kind attitude of the Muslims towards non-Muslims. The Muslim migrants of East Punjab criticized fraternity of indigenous Muslim community towards the Hindus and the Sikhs of Lyallpur. The non-Muslim of Lyallpur especially Sikhs remained in Lyallpur till September 1947 because they were urged by their leadership, namely Master Tara Singh, to quit Pakistan so that a Sikh State in Indian domain can be ensured. Thus Sikhs left Lyallpur not in fear from the local Muslim population but in the hope for a better future

277 in the Sikh state. However, a sizeable section of the Sikh population, mostly Jatts, preferred to stay in Pakistan. They can be classified into two groups; one who were forcefully converted to Islam by Muslims and secondly, those Sikhs who decided to stay in Lyallpur for their land and property.

In post-partition period Lyallpur district emerged as the largest host city of Migrants of Punjab owing to a higher outflow of non-Muslims, pre-existing kinship links in Lyallpur, and its proximity to main roads and railway lines. It is observed that the Migrants adopted four major routes to reach Lyallpur included Kasur Head Balloki- Jaranwala, then to Lyallpur; Lahore–Sheikhupura to Lyallpur; Kashmir to Sialkot to Lyallpur. Moreover, the local people welcomed them warmly and facilitated for residence. There were several official (six in Lyallpur City and in other towns and cities) and non-official camps in across the district Lyallpur that served as transient recipient centers for the migrants. The migrants were provided food and shelter in the camps although there were reports of certain mismanagement.

Regarding rehabilitation of the migrants, the eminent contributors were the government and their own pre-existing kinship networks. The government helped them with temporary shelters and some sort of employment. The kinship networks helped the migrants during their initial time of dislocation and supported them in their search for new opportunities. However, the larger share in settling down was contributed by the migrants themselves. On the government side the task of the rehabilitation of migrants was assigned to the Commissioner and the Deputy Commissioner at .

As far role of government in rehabilitation of migrants in lyallpur is concerned, the government agencies attempted to provide shelter to the incoming migrants by settling them in houses vacated by the departing non-Muslims. The process of rehabilitation included two phases. In the first phase, temporary allotments were carried out on the basis of 1 acre per person; it was followed by 10 acre per family and finally 8 acre per household in rural areas. In urban localities, one shop or one factory was allotted to a single household. However, nominal charges were levied as rent for such accommodation down town. The houses were allotted on the basis of one house per family. In order to bridge the gap between available houses and influx of migrants, the

278 migrants were encouraged to build their own shelters on plots provided by the government. In urban settlements, the allotments consisted of 6 and 10 marla plots while in the rural areas 36 marla plots for two families. Later on, in second phase after receipt of land and property ownership records of migrants in possession of the Government of India, permanent allotments were carried out on the basis of claims registered by the migrants. Institute of House Building Finance Corporation was established to sanction loans to the migrants to build their houses. However, the point to consider is that although the process of allotments and claims registrations took more than a decade to complete in district Lyallpur.

The study has observed that various projects for sheltering the migrants resulted in the establishment of new towns in close proximity to Lyallpur. These new settlements known as ‘colonies,’ were developed by keeping in view the purchasing capacity of different groups of people. While Jinnah colony and Peoples Colonies were laid-out for financially better-placed classes, the colonies of Ghulam Muhammadabad, Samanabad, Peoples Colony and the D-Type colonies were established for working and middle classes. Similarly, several kachi abadis, which created urban slums, also emerged in downtown and uptown areas. The government also employed people in various government projects, on a daily-wage basis. The educated from amongst the migrants were engaged in government sector through the employment exchange program.

Ian Talbot, Sarah Ansari, Zamindara and Chattha have shown in their studies that there were grave abuses of power, corruption and nepotism in the execution of resettlement and rehabilitation policies in Karachi, Lahore and Sialkot but in Faisalabad, on the other hand, this trend was of very small scale because the district administration remained quite vigilant and took corrective measure in case of complaints.

The study is in consensus with the argument that ‘brain drain’ plays important role in developing social networking in host locality. This networking facilitated the migrants regarding their employment searching and employment security. The migrants played an important role in the socio-cultural, economic and political development of early, post-independence Lyallpur. In this connection, migrant councils acted as lobbyists in protection of migrants’ rights in differential walks of life. These unions served as a

279 platform to advocate cumulative rights of migrants before government and officials of Lyallpur. It also identified policy loopholes regarding their design and implementation phase if they contradicted with interests of the migrants. This act of advocacy was supplemented with by acts of corporate social responsibility by affluent migrants. They established various educational and medical institutions to compensate for infrastructural lags by the government. These institutions have gained their due stature over a period of time and now serve as model institutions like Ghafoor Bashir Children Hospital and the National Textile University, Lyallpur. This helping-hand was extended in other times of need as well like in combating floods in Lyallpur to which both the well-off and the middle-classes contributed.

In furtherance of role of brain drain in development of host locality, the study in specific context of Lyallpur established the argument that skill of the migrants not only develops the host locality but also contributes as the majority of skilled migrants who settled in Lyallpur originated in the districts of Ludhiana, Amritsar, Jullandhar, Gurdaspur, Ambala, and Batala in the Indian Punjab. The migrants from Ludhiana and Amritsar were adept in the industry of hosiery production. This section of the migrants installed looms in their houses and pretty soon a point was reached such that not a single street of Lyallpur was without at least one house with looms. Some sources suggest more than 1000 handlooms were installed in Lyallpur in the first decade of independence. The handlooms were replaced by power-looms with regular attempts at further modernization. Such experiments positively influenced their business that soon reached a position to give tough competition to the market status quo. Various unions formed by the migrants in their respective fields of specialization served as the political voice of the migrants that played pro-active and result-oriented roles for furthering their respective agendas in the concerned forums and with the related government departments. Pippa Virdee, and Muhammad Aslam have already discussed industrial brain drain from Ludhiana major contributor in establishing hosiery base in lyallpur but they did not mention the role of migrants from other cities of East Punjab. The current study adds in the existing knowledge base by providing new evidence that base of agro-industry was largely established by the migrants of Batala.

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With the passage of time, Lyallpur also witnessed the emergence of big industrial units especially in the textile sector. Some of the names in the textile business which turned into huge business enterprises included such names as Koh e Noor, Crescent, Premier, Nishat, Sitara and Zeenat textile mills. This emergence of the entrepreneurial class is a manifest example of the important role played by the incoming migrants in the reinvigoration of Lyallpur following the tough circumstances of the immediate post-1947 scenario. The principal business thrust of these migrants was based around a client- centered approach accompanied by innovation, technological adaptability, and accumulation of social capital. In the management arena, the effective management was outcome of daring yet prudent decision-making accompanied by intelligent use of human resources and delegation of responsibilities.

The development model of Lyallpur can be understood in connection of migration with development however rendering the Lyallpur a distinctive stature owing to its migration being forced, unplanned, and its disconnection with origin cities. However, the migration skilled labor to Lyallpur who had established industrial foundation of their origin cities, played vital role in redefining economic dynamics of the city. It turned the Lyallpur into a modern industrial city hence attributing it a land of opportunities that attracted internal migration from various parts of the country. Moreover, the agricultural labor surplus of the peripheral rural areas also moved to Lyallpur that contributed into development. Putting together the factors and actors of development in Lyallpur, the migrant displayed their skill and business savvy in turning city into an urban and modern city. Owing to their remorselessness, they had to work hard. As a consequence, they were able to establish industrial rudiments in the city that attracted further business here and gave it a multiplier effect. Moreover, as according to Lewis model as well, there was labor surplus in industrial sector that moved to urban industrial centres of Lyallpur hence serving their personal as well industrialists’ monetary interests in form of providing him cheap labor. These factors cumulatively rendered Lyallpur to be one of attractive business cities. This cycle of development gave multiplier effect to the contribution of development of Lyallpur that is said to be largely credit of migrants.

The development model of Lyallpur can be understood by keeping in mind how the inflow of skilled migrants helped spur its development from the very lows of the post-

281 independence period development however rendering the Lyallpur a distinctive stature owing to its migration being forced, unplanned, and its disconnection with origin cities. However, the migration skilled labor to Lyallpur who had established industrial foundation of their origin cities, played vital role in redefining economic dynamics of the city. It turned Lyallpur into a modern industrial city which in turn came to be seen as a land of opportunity, attracting internal migrants from various parts of the country. Moreover, the agricultural labor surplus of the peripheral rural areas also moved to Lyallpur thus contributing to its further development. Owing to their dire post- independence straits, they had to work extremely hard. As a consequence, they were able to establish a strong base for industrial development, which, in turn, attracted further business and turned into a multiplier effect. Moreover, as according to Lewis model as well, there was labor surplus in industrial sector that moved to urban industrial centers of Lyallpur hence serving their personal as well industrialists’ monetary interests in form of providing him cheap labor. These factors cumulatively turned Lyallpur into one of the most attractive cities for business in the country.

In short, on eve of first settlement in the surrounding agricultural areas of early 20th century, Lyallpur turned from a barren land into an agricultural hub. Similarly, in the wake of the second migration in 1947 inflow of migrants from East Punjab districts transformed Lyallpur into an industrial city, even some declared Lyallpur as the “Manchester of Pakistan.” Therefore, this study has shown that though Lyallpur was an important canal colony before partition of India in 1947 which contributed to the economic and social development of the British Raj. Following the partition, migration and violence changed the landscape. However, the migrants, because of their will-power, financial capital and technical skills reshaped this city and within few years turned it into an industrial hub of the country, a phenomenon not seen too often in world history.

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APPENDICES

Appendix 1:

Clothes and Sugar Depot, Lyallpur

It is announced to the public that clothes sugar distribution centers are being set up at various places in the premises of municipal committee Lyallpur. Here are names of the centers

1. Zahoor Ullah, Factory Area, Sugar depot 2. Mir Feroz ul Din Muhammad Ismael, Purani Gali, Clothes depot 3. Niaz Ahmad and Gondal Bazar karyana Store, Munshi Mohalla, Sugar depot 4. Ghulam Muhammad, Suleman Ahmad, Golbazar. Sugar Depot 5. Ali Muhammad, Enayat Ullah, Karkhana Bazar, Tariq Abad, Sugar depot 6. Maulvi Abdul Ghani, Goal Bazar, Clothes depot 7. Abdul Rahim karyana, Katchehry Bazar and Rail Bazar, Sugar depot 8. Abdul Razzaq and Gulzar Ahmad, Anarkali Bazar, Clothes depot 9. Taj din and Rahim Bakhsh, Bhowana bazar, Clothes depot 10. Tufail Muhammad, Guru Nanak Pura, Sugar depot 11. Gulzar Ahmad, Guru Nanak Pura, Sugar depot 12. Ibrahim Khan, Harcharn Pura, Sugar depot 13. Din Muhammad and Khushi Muhammad, Jhang Bazar, Clothes depot 14. Syed Fazal Husain, Jhang Bazar, Clothes depot 15. Muhammad Salleh, Sanat Pura, Sugar depot 16. Chargh Din, Duglus Pura, Sugar depot 17. Shah Muhammad and Faisal Muhammad, Anarkali Bazar, Clothes depot 18. Syed Mahmood Alam, Civil Line, Sugar depot 19. Muhammad Ismael and Muhammad Iqbal, Goal Bazar, Clothes depot 20. Abdul Rashid, Montgomery and Karkhana Bazar, Sugar depot 21. Abdul Latif Khokhar, Karkhana Bazar, Sugar depot 22. Muhammad Faisal, Bhowana Bazar, Sugar depot 23. Allah Ditta, Partab Nagar, Clothes depot

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24. Abdul Aziz, Bhowana Bazar, Sugar depot 25. Sheikh Muhammad, Anarkali Bazar, Clothes depot 26. Manzoor Husain, Mahmood Husain, Aminpur Bazar Clothes depot, 27. Manzoor ul Haq and Muhammad Ashraf, Rail Bazar Clothes depot,

List of Depots (Cloth and Sugar) Lyallpur City and District

List Municipal Committee wise Areas

1. Cloth Depots: Factory Area 2. Abdul Majeed and Feroz uddin, Karkhana Bazar 3. : M. Yousaf, Munshi Mohala, Sugar depots 4. Ghulalm Hussain, Goal Bazar, Cloth dpeot 5. M. Ali Inayat ullah, Karkhan Bazar, Cloth dpeot 6. Syed fazal Shah, Tariq Abad, Sugar Depots- 7. Ahmad Dil , Noor Muhammad, Goal Bazar, Cloth depot 8. M. Ali, M. Amen, Cloth depot 9. Sugar Abdul Rahim, Kachehri Bazar 10. Faiz Ahamd, Abdul Razaq, Chiniout Bazar, Cloth depot 11. Zaka Ullah, Rail and Kachehri Bazar: Sugar depot 12. Cloth MOlvi Abdul Ghani

284

Appendix 2:

Food Grain depots in district Lyallpur

Pir Ahsan ud Din I C S district magistrate Lyallpur had issued orders of food grain depots in Lyallpur district. The names of depot holders are

Tehsil Lyallpur

1. Faqir Hussain s/o Ghulam Bakhash Chak 201 J.B 2. Sultan Ali s/o Hakim Ali Chak 128 R.B 3. Sher Khan s/o Mulamy Khan 228 R B 4. Ch Muhammad Sarwar Khan s/o Ghulam Muhammad Chak 134 G.B 5. Ch Sardar Khan s/o Murad Khan Chak 12 G.B 6. Muhammad Masood Khan s/o Fazal Dad Khan Chak 244 R.B. 7. Fateh Khan s/o Wali Muhammad Khan 207 R.B. 8. Muhammad Rafiq s/o Rahim Bakhash 145 R.B 9. Allah Rakha s/o Umar Bakhash 134 R.B. 10. Ali Murad Shah s/o Zafar Ali Shah 293 R.B. 11. Mehdi Shah s/o Inayat Shah 245 G.B 12. Mian Abdul Samad s/o Fateh Din 246 G.B 13. Aziz ul Haq s/o Ghulam Mohi ud Din 234 G.B. 14. Abdul Rehman s/o Wali Jatt 109 G.B. 15. Manzoor ul Haq s/o Abdul Haq 110 G.B. 16. Ghulam Murtaza s/o Maula Bakhash 219 G.B. 17. Muhammad Azam s/o Ghulam Qadir Khan 36 Chak R.B. 18. Muhammad Anwar s/o Sarfraz Khan Baloch 224 R.B.

285

In Tehsil Samundari

1. Shera s/o Baig Cha Tara Garh 2. Ameer Shah s/o Jilani Shah, Shadi Chak 3. Khair din s/o Roshan Din Jat 544 J.B 4. Masni s/o Rehman 505 J.B 5. Muhammad Aurangzeb s/o Riaz Khan 201 Chak J.B. 6. Fazal s/o Karam Jat 135 J.B 7. Zafar Ali Shah s/o Fazal Shah, Chak Khaae 8. Miraj s/o Bahadur Baloch 508 J.B 9. Muhammad Akbar s/o Ali Muhammad 135 J.B. 10. Nizam Din s/o Noor Din Jat 135 J.B. 11. Ghulam s/o Muqeem Arain 136 J.B. 12. Ghulam s/o Suba Khan Rajpoot 136 J.B. 13. Imam Shah s/o Jhando Bukhari Chak Shadi 14. Nawab s/o Qasim 397 J.B. 15. Noor Muhammad s/o Ameer 406 G.B. 16. Bakhtawar s/o Wahag Chak Thata Baig 17. Nadir Shah s/o Amir Shah Chak Mandi Sheikh Moosa 18. Subhan s/o Khan Rajpoot, Chak Tara Garh 19. Noor Muhammad s/o Ameer, do.. 20. Ali Akbar s/o Ali Gohar 229 G.B. 21. Rajab Ali s/o Saad Ullah 405 G.B. 22. Ghulam Moin Shah s/o Abid Hussain, Chak Kharra 23. Muhammad Nawab Shah s/o Muhammad Shah, Chak Alam Ghega

286

In Tehsil Toba Tek Singh

1. Latif Muhammad Khan s/o Sharb Khan 342 G.B. 2. Atta Muhammad s/o Akbar 234 G.B. 3. Charagh Khan s/o Kheem Khan Gadhi 184 G.B. 4. Mehr Khan s/o Charag Khan Gadhi 184 G.B. 5. Muhammad Sher Khan s/o Rab Nawaz Khan 234 G.B. 6. Bahadur Khan s/o Charag Khan 259 G.B. 7. Muhammad Bakhash s/o Jamee Arain 249 G.B. 8. Haji Waheed s/o Yousaf 254 G.B. 9. Syed Israr Husain Shah s/o Fazal Husain Shah 191 G.B. 10. Fazal Shah s/o Raj Shah 191 G.B. 11. Mehr Shah s/o Bahadur Shah 191 G.B. 12. Atta Muhammad Khan s/o Ahmad Yar Khan 191 G.B. 13. Haq Nawaz s/o Waryam Sial 247 G.B. 14. Sarwar Khan s/o Malik Khan 267 G.B. 15. Aftab Ahmad s/o Zafar Ali Khan 353 G.B. 16. Ameer Shah s/o Ghulam Shah 337 G.B. 17. Fazal Ahmad s/o Ghulam Nabi Jat 354 G.B. 18. Ahmad Yar s/o Allah Bakhash 432 G.B. 19. Dilbar s/o Ahmad Khan Sial 421 J.B. 20. Ishaq Muhammad s/o Sher Muhammad 432 J.B. 21. Muhammad Sardar s/o Sher Muhammad 432.J.B. 22. Noor Muhammad s/o Muhammad Maqbool Ahmad Jat 422 J.B. 23. Muhammad Qasim s/o Nawab Din 301 G.B.

287

Appendix 3

(Sample questionnaire for Interviews of Locals, Migrants and industrialists in Faisalabad. This is a structured interview but at some place many of the questions were not, answered properly. Many questions were being understood properly by the interview.)

Questionnaire for Industrialist

Personal Information

Name------Age at the time of Partition------

Father Name------Present Age ------

1. What was your family business in India? 2. When did you migrate? Either before partition or after partition? How did you wrap up your business or abandon it? 3. Did you carry any capital with you during migration? If yes then how much? 4. How and why did you choose Lyallpur for settlement? Any previous kinship link or any other reason? 5. Did you stay in any camp in Lyallpur or in house? How did you get house for residence? 6. How were conditions in camps in terms of food, hygiene conditions, or other things? 7. Did you carry forward your family business what you did in India or start a new one? 8. Which business did you start in Lyallpur? How did you start it and how much capital you invested? Was the capital arranged by you or govt gave any aid or loan or any amelioration in form of subsidy or tax relaxation? 9. Did government devised any industrial policy and how did it impact your business? 10. How did you grow your business? Explain in detail. 11. How did other migrants start their business how did it grow? 12. From 1947 to 1963, how and how many mills were installed in Lyallpur? 13. Which community participated more in business activity? 14. Did migrants record any protest against government? Especially the garment industry. 15. When did Lyallpur achieve status of modern city? Who contributed the most in it? Was it result of role of migrants or the government?

288

16. Did migrants form any union for the development of Lyallpur? 17. Did migrants form any political union for the development of Lyallpur (In Assembly or any other platform)? 18. Was there labor surplus in Lyallpur? 19. When did Lyallpur earn the status of Manchester of Pakistan? 20. In your opinion, what is role of migrants in development or modernization of Lyallpur? 21. How did industrial development impact Lyallpur? 22. How was culture of Lyallpur and how did it evolve?

289

Appendix 4

Questionnaire for Migrants

Personal Information

Name------Age at the time of Partition------

Father Name------Present Age ------

1. In which district did you born? Your District, Tehsil, and Caste? 2. How many siblings you are? 3. How many Sikhs and Hindus lived in your village? 4. What was nature of communal relations among Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims? 5. Did Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims participate in marriage or other festivals of other communities? 6. Did any violent eruption take place before partition or it was limited just to hatred? 7. Can you tell us about political scenario of India? 8. Whom did you vote in 1946 elections? 9. How were circumstances in your village at the time of Partition? Were the Muslims afraid of Sikhs and Hindus? 10. How and when peace situation deteriorated and Sikhs and Hindus turned enemies of Muslims? 11. Can you tell us demands of Sikhs regarding Partition of India? 12. Did Muslims or your relatives participate in conflicts? 13. Did any attack take place in your city, village or Mohalla? 14. Was the attack organized one? How it was carried out and how the Muslims defended themselves? 15. Did your Hindu and Sikh friends intimated you about attacks or helped you during migration? 16. Did your family sell out your property or abandon it in hurry? 17. Was your decision of migration towards Pakistan based on your own volition, forced, or it was announced by Sikhs or government? 18. How many of your family members migrated? How many of them survived and how many got martyred? 19. How many people of your village/city migrated to Pakistan? were they on foot, carts, or train? Were the convoys guarded by Police or Army?

290

20. Which route your family or other migrants adopted to reach Lyallpur? Via Sheikhupura, Kasur, Head Balloki, Kashmir, Sialkot, or some other route? In which camp did you stay?

Camps

21. Where was first camp established during migration and how many people stayed there? Was it attacked? What was status of food and security there? Who guarded it : Police or Army? 22. During migration journey, in how many camps did; you stay and how long did you stay? Tell us status of food and sickness there?

By Foot Migration

23. Did your any Sikh or Hindu friend help you in camps for food or other needs? 24. Did you migrate on foot? How many people comprised the convoy? How many of them survived and how many of them got killed?

25. Did your convoy was attacked? Did Army secure your convoy? 26. Did you face any problem owing to flood? How many days you took to reach Pakistan or Lyallpur? Narrate sufferings of your journey? Migration through train 27. Did you arrive Pakistan through train? Narrate your travel story? Did the trains announce their destination or not? 28. Who guarded the train? Where did the train stop to offload? 29. Was your train attacked? What were your impressions to see the the trains carrying Hindus and the Sikh migrants to India? 30. Did you migrate on trucks? How, where, and when was it arranged? 31. Narrate if any attack took place during travel? 32. Did the truck was arranged by the govt or you manage it yourself? 33. In your opinion, how many Muslims were killed in East Punjab? were these attacks organized or unplanned? 34. Did your any Hindu or Sikh friend intimated you about attack and help you migrate safely? 35. Where did you cross border of Pakistan: Kasur, Lahore, or Sialkot? 36. How did the people welcome you? Did they offer you any food or residence? 37. After entering Pakistan, where did you stay: In camp, some relative’s house, or house on rent? 38. After reaching Pakistan, how and why did you choose to come to Lyallpur? 39. How did you reach Lyallpur: via train, truck, or on foot?

291

40. After reaching Lyallpur, did district administration or any other organization welcome you? Were you provided food items there? 41. How did you get land and house allotments in Lyallpur? 42. How did govt facilitate you in allotment of house and land/ shops? 43. Did you give any bribery to Patwari or Tehsildar for permanent land and house allotment? 44. How did the local people treat you? 45. Kindly share if you heard anything about departure of the Sikhs and Hindus of Lyallpur to East Punjab? 46. Can you share with us any incident of violence against women? Were the women killed, raped, abducted, or they jumped into wells to save their honor? 47. Share if you know any incident of Muslims abducting any woman? Were the women recovered later or not? 48. Can you share any incident of forced conversion? 49. How and when the rehabilitation task for the migrants started? 50. What are your views about making of Pakistan? Was it a right decision or not? 51. Do you recall your home in India? 52. Who did actually contribute in development of Lyallpur? Was it the migrants or the govt?

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Appendix 5:

List of Interviews Conducted

1. Abdul Hamid S/O Ahsan Muhammad, Gojra, Lyallpur. 10-11-2016. 2. Abdul Latif S/O Ghulam Qadir Khan, Sammundri, Lyallpur, 21-9-2016. 3. Abdul Rashid S/O Hussain Bakhash, Sammundri, Lyallpur, 21-6-2016. 4. Ahmad Ali S/O Sarishta Khan Kamoka, Chak 214 R.B Dhudiwala, Lyallpur, 25- 11-2016. 5. Ashfaq Ahmad S/O Imam Din Mughal, Chak 481 GB., Sammundri, 21-9-2016. 6. Baba Shah S/O Muhammad Din Shah, Lyallpur, 7-10-2016. 7. Basheeran Bibi D/O Chanda, Lyallpur, 10-11-2016. 8. Bilqes Begum D/O Abdul Aziz, Lyallpur, 7-10-2016. 9. Ch. Atta Muhammad S/O Ahmad Khan Loona, Chak 238 RB. Lyallpur, 12-11- 2016. 10. Dost Muhammad Bala s/o Baqir, Ghulam Muhammadabad, Lyallpur, 12-11-2016. 11. Mahr Kally Khan S/O Sarwar Khan, Lyallpur, 23-4-2016. 12. Manzoor Ahmad S/O Muhammad Tufail Sheikh ,Lyallpur, 7-10-2016. 13. Mian Habib Ullah Rajpoot S/O Mian Ghulam Ullah, Lyallpur, 23-4-2016. 14. Mian Haroon Yaseen Advocate, Abdullah Pur, Faislabad,12-11-2016. 15. Muhammad Aslam Saif Rajpoot S/O Mian Muhammad Ibrahim, Gojra, 10-11- 2016. 16. Muhammad Iqbal S/O Iram Din, Jaranwala, Faisalabad, 12-7-2016. 17. Muhammad Rashid S/O Muhammad Shafi Ansari, Gojra, 10-11-2016. 18. Muhammad Sajjad Ali S/O Muhammad Ismail, Sammundri, Faisalabad, 11-12- 2016. 19. Muhammad Salim S/O Nisar Din, Gojra, 21-7-2016. 20. Muhammad Younis S/O Muhammad Yousaf, Gojra, 21-7-2016. 21. Niamat Ali S/O Faqeer Muhammad Ansari, Lyallpur, 23-4-2016. 22. Noor Muhammad S/O Fateh Din, Gojra, 21-7-2016. 23. Noor Muhammad S/O Ghulam Muhammad, Lyallpur, 12-12-2016. 24. Sardar Ali S/O Zain ul Abideen, Gojra, 1-1-2017. 25. Sheikh Abdul Salam S/O Abdul Karim, Gojra, 10-11-2016. 26. Tufail Muhammad S/O Khairati, Lyallpur, 21-9-2016. 27. Muhammad Khalil, Chak 484GB migrant from Majat District Ambala

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28. Abdul Bari S/o Abdul Rahim Chak 481 from khanpur India. 29. Baba Ghuma Muhammad Mirza, Islampura Jaranwala, Faisalabad. 30. Iqbal Bibi and Khursheed Bibi, Chak 209, Faisalabad. 31. Suleman, Beiranwala, Toba Tek Singh. 32. Shabbir Ahmad, Gojra, Faisalabad 33. Mehar Ali, Chak 478 GB, Faisalabad 34. Nazir Ahmad, Chak 485 GB, Faisalabad 35. Sittran Bibi, Chak No. 481 GB. Faisalabad. 36. Muhammad Bashir Ahmad Khan, Chak No. 481GB. Faisalabad. 37. Muhammad Ibrahim, Chak 484. Faisalabad. 38. Bilqees Bibi, Chak No. 481 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 39. Noor Muhammad, Chak No. 478 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 40. Muhammad Hanif Chak No. 484 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 41. Fazal Karim, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 42. Mohammad Sadeeq, Gurunanakpura, Faisalabad. 43. Haji Rana Fazal, Mohammadia Colony, Faisalabad. 44. Muhammad Bashir from Naranwala, Faisalabad. 45. Abdul Bari, Chak No. 481 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 46. Kalsoom Bibi, Chak No. 483 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 47. Mona Bibi, Chak No. 496 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad. 48. Husni, Chak No. 481 GB, Sammundri, Faisalabad.

294

Appendix 6:

List of houses of category B and C in Lyallpur which were allotted though lucky draw. The list was published on 16 February and 29 February 1960 in Daily Sadat Lyallpur.

Number Lucky Draw Winner Father Name 1. Sultan Bakhsh Allah Ditta 2. Ghulam Ghaus Fateh Muhammad Khan 3. Hakeem Muhammad Ashraf Khan Ch. Muhammad Yousaf 4. Ghulam Muhammad Khair Din 5. Khushi Muhammad Din Muhammad 6. Jannat Begum Haji Imad ud Din 7. M. Abdul Aziz Baig Mian Nabi Bakhsh 8. Sher Muhammad Khan Faiz Muhammad Khan 9. Abdul Ghani Ghulam Qadir 10. Sardar Khan Ameer Khan 11. Sher Muhammad Ahmad Bakhsh 12. Afeefa Khan 13. Muhammad Ismaeel Fazal Elahi 14. Mairaj Din Fazal Din 15. Major Muhammad Yaqub Khan Fateh Muhammad Khan 16. Karamat Ullah alias Nathay Khan M. Nawazish Ali 17. Abdul Ghani Ch. Chatha 18. Miss Rahmon 19. Ateeqa Ismaeel and Javeria Ismaeel Muhammad Ismaeel 20. Mrs Shakoori W/o Aziz Din 21. Shaukat Ali Faiz Muhammad 22. Nabi Bakhsh Umar Din 23. Rahim Bakhsh Nathu 24. Rahmat Ali Sanda 25. Muhammad Ibrahim Muahmmad Ramzan 26. Hashmat Ullah and Muhammad Sawan Siddique 27. Abdul Jabbar Khan Abdul Majeed Khan

295

28. Bashir Ahmad Badar Din 29. Muhammad Siddique Khair Din 30. Karim Bibi w/o Nizam Din 31. Maula Bakhsh Elahi Bakhsh 32. Ghulam Muhammad Imam Din 33. Sher Muhammad Khan Khudadad Khan 34. Muhammad Ishaq Muhammad Abdullah 35. Ismaeel Nabi Bakhsh 36. Abdul Aziz Khan Jalal ud Din Khan 37. Aziz Ullah Chiragh Din 38. Din Muhammad Nizam Din 39. Abdul Majeed Karim Bakhsh 40. Shah Muhammad Fateh Muhammad 41. Muhammad Nawaz Khan Ch. Chiragh Din 42. Barkat Arain Keeman 43. Bashir Ahmed Muhammad Sharif 44. Khanum Bibi Piran Ditta 45. Ghulam Hussain Haji Rahmat Ali 46. Zainab Bibi w/o Muhammad Yousaf 47. Raheem Din Ghulam Muhammad 48. Ameer Din Jhanda 49. Meher Din Mian Hakim Din 50. Ilahi Bakhsh Hakim Ali 51. Ghulam Nabi Chohr Muhammad 52. Faiz Muhammad Mehtab Din 53. Rehmat Bibi w/o Muhammad Ibrahim 54. Abdul Hameed Khan Sondhi Khan 55. Syed Fazal Shah Syed Ameer Shah 56. Abdul Haq Hakeem Chiragh Din 57. Sardar Bibi Karim Bakhsh 58. Jannat Bibi w/o Ch. Tufail Muhammad 59. Ghulam Qadir Ghulam Ghaus 60. Fateh Muhammad Mehboob Ali

296

61. Taj Din Kher Din 62. Muhammad Hussain Wali Muhammad 63. Allah Rakha Sharif Din 64. Ghulam Ahmed Ghulam Ghaus 65. Muhammad Tufail Sher Muhammad 66. Master Meher Ali Sher Muhammad 67. Allah Bakhsh Nazim Din 68. Gulzar Muhammad Roshan Din 69. Faqeer Muhammad Jan Muhammad 70. Muhammad Ibrahim Noor Din 71. Ali Gohar Mahi 72. Sardar Imam Din 73. Fazal Hussain Abdul Majeed 74. Sardar Ali Umer Din 75. Bashir Ahmed Khan Zaman Khan 76. Amir Khan Nikkay Khan 77. Mukhtar Ahmed Allah bakhsh 78. Shadi Meeda 79. Syed Abdul Jabbar Shah Ghulam Chishti Shah 80. Zulfiqar Khan Alambardar Khan 81. Dr Azhar Ali Khan Asghar Ali Khan 82. Ghulam Fatima w/o Ahmad Din 83. Allah Ditta Din Muhammad 84. Kaka Ali Bakhsh 85. Mira Bakhsh Imam Din 86. Muhammad Rashid Hakim Ali 87. Rehmat Ali Umer Bakhsh 88. Fazal Bibi w/o Kaka 89. Barkat Ali Mehnga 90. Sardaran Begum w/o Ghulam Muhammad

297

Appendix 7:

List of Industries in Lyallpur 1947-60 SR. NAME AND ADDRESS OF PHONE INDUSTRY YEAR INVEST- EMP PRODUCT INSTALL NO. UNIT NO./WE OF MENT ANNUAL ED BSITE ESTB (000 RS) CAPACIT Y RAVI ENGIREING WORKS DIESEL DIESEL 1. LAKAR MANDI MAMAKANJIN 1947 470 7 50 NOS. ENGINES ENGINES SAMUNDRI HELICON SHAHANI & DRUGS & 6000 TH COMPANY SHAHANI PHARMACEUTI TABLETS , NOS. , 500 2. MENSION MODEL TOWN-C 2619183 1947 1750 38 CALS SYRUP TH. . LITRES

AGRIC SETH MUHAMMAD AGRICUL ULTUR TUFAIL AND BROTHERS TURAL 3. 2642575 1948 1525 16 AL 3094 NOS. GANISH MILLS ROAD IMPLEME IMPLE FACTORY AREA NTS MENTS NATIONAL HOSIERY 8763155, HOSIERY HOSIERY 1000 TH. 4. FACTORY (PVT) LTD. 1948 4000 39 8780903 PRODUCTS PRODUCTS RS. SHEIKHUPURA ROAD BADR-E-MUNIR CHEMICALS 3431311, SOAP & WASHING 8000 5. WORKS LTD. MANDI MAMU 1948 13700 26 3431312 DETERGENT SOAP M.TONS KANJIN TEHSIL SAMMUNDRI

NEW SAEED IHSAN TANNERY 18000 SQ. 6. TANNERY 1948 1350 14 LEATHER MILLAT ROAD, FT. FOUN SHAFIQUE FOUNDRY DATA DRY 54 FOUNDRY 350 7. GUNJ BOX ST.MAQBOOL 8719510 1971 8 PROD 0 PRODUCTS M.TONS ROAD, UCTS FOUN SIDDQUE BROTHERS 8750594, DRY FOUNDRY 2600 8. ENGINEERING WORKS, 1951 1750 26 8750994 PROD PRODUCTS M.TONS SHEIKHUPURA ROAD UCTS 117472 SPINDLES , 8786401- 288 MGS 8, CRESCENT TEXTILE MILLS TEXTILE 462 YARN, CLOTH, SPINDLES 9. www.cre 1951 302505 LTD., SARGODHA ROAD COMPOSITE 5 TOWEL , scenttexti 1000 le.com ROTORS, 199 LOOMS TEXTIL CHAND CALENDERING & E 8500 TH. 10. FINISHING MILL SAMUNDRI 1951 18670 36 DYED CLOTH PROCES METERS ROAD SING

NAZIR AHMAD ENGG. 20 10000 11. AUTO PARTS 1952 4 AUTO PARTS RAILWAY ROAD 0 NOS. 20600 DOZEN, 1050 ROYAL HOSIERY FACTORY HOSIERY 0 12. 2650836 1952 2500 22 VESTS, SOCKS DIJKOT ROAD PRODUCTS DOZ EN PAI RS 8754 809- 182568 YARN, 16, SPINDLES NISHAT MILLS LTD. TEXTILE 714748 1310 CLOTH, 13. www 1952 , NISHATABAD COMPOSITE 3 8 TEXTILE .nisha 586 MADEUPS tmills LOOMS .com AGRIC AGRICUL NEW BATALA FOUNDRY ULTUR TURAL 14. (PVT) LTD. SAMMUNDRI 8544263 1952 3242 14 AL 3000 NOS. IMPLEME ROAD IMPLE NTS MENTS

298

270 TH. REDEX PHARMACATICAL DRUGS & SYRUPS, LITRES, 15. INDUSTRIES (PVT) LTD. 4111976 PHARMACEU 1953 10000 50 TABLETS 500 12.8 KM., SATIANA ROAD TICALS TH. NOS.

CPC RAFHAN LTD RAKH 8540121, FOOD FOOD 156400 16. 1953 664726 795 CANAL EAST ROAD 8540123 PRODUCTS PRODUCTS M.TONS ABDUL RADHID FOUN FOUNDRY WORKS DRY 20 FOUNDRY 100 17. 2647311 1953 6 IKHLAS ROAD NEAR PROD 0 PRODUCTS M.TONS GULISTAN MARKET UCTS FOUN NEW CROWN INDUSTRIES 8542824, DRY FOUNDRY 400 18. NR.KHAN ST.SAMUNDRI 1953 1000 15 8718824 PROD PRODUCTS M.TONS ROAD UCTS

REX HOSIERY, 583- JINNAH HOSIERY HOSIERY 455 TH. 19. 1953 1000 8 COLONY, PRODUCTS PRODUCTS RS. 854012 RAFHAN MAIZE PRODUCTS 1-3, STARCH COMPANY LTD. RAKH www.r 209486 108 MAIZE 765 20. AND ITS 1953 CANAL EAST ROAD, P.O.BOX afhanm 0 8 GRIDNING M.TONS PRODUCTS 62 aize.co m

REHMANIA TEXTILE MILLS TEXTILE 24400 21. 2652072 1953 5500 C YARN (PVT) LTD. JHANG ROAD SPINNING SPINDLES

WATCHE CHAMPION CLOCK COMPANY 100 TH. 22. 8750807 S AND 1954 6842 37 WALL CLOCKS SHEIKHUPURA ROAD NOS. CLOCKS AGRIC AGRICUL ULTUR ZARAITI INDUSTRIES TURAL 23. 8543870 1954 1200 12 AL 3000 NOS. SAMMUNDRI ROAD IMPLEME IMPLE NTS MENTS LYALLPUR COLD STORAGE COLD VEGETABLE/ 15000 24. SUSAN ROAD JARANWALA 8541879 1954 11500 14 STORAGE FRUITS BAGS ROAD WATCHE CHAMPION CLOCK COMPANY 100 TH. 25. 8750807 S AND 1954 6842 37 WALL CLOCKS SHEIKHUPURA ROAD NOS. CLOCKS

ASHIQ HOSIERY FACTORY HOSIERY 61 HOSIERY 1000 TH. 26. 2643721 1956 10 ST.NO. 2 DEUGHLAS PURA PRODUCTS 0 PRODUCTS RS. NEW LIGHT HOSIERY FACTORY (PVT) LTD., 9-212 HOSIERY 3550 TH. 27. 2624222 1956 49470 183 SOCKS STREET NO. 5 PRODUCTS PAIRS AFGHANABAD NO. 2 CHAUDHARY SOAP FACTORY SOAP & WASHING 60000 28. (PVT) LTD 18 KM., 4361675 1956 4277 15 DETERGENT SOAP M.TONS SHEIKHUPURA ROAD AGRIC AGRICUL ULTUR GHULAM RASUL MAIN ROAD TURAL 29. 1956 1000 8 AL 900 NOS. DIJKOT IMPLEME IMPLE NTS MENTS RANA HOSIERY AND TEXTILE 8717310, HOSIERY HOSIERY 60000 TH. 30. MILLS (PVT) LTD., RAFHAN 1957 9162 73 8717419 PRODUCTS PRODUCTS RS. MILLS ROAD RANA HOSIERY AND TEXTILE 8711141- VELVET VELVET 2500 TH. 31. MILLS LTD RAFHAN MILLS 1957 9162 73 44 CLOTH CLOTH METERS ROAD 125000 COTTO NISHAT TEXTILE MILLS (PVT) TEXTILE 266251 265 SPINDLES 32. 1959 N YARN LTD. SHEIKHUPURA ROAD COMPOSITE 0 0 , , CLOTH 80 LOOMS COTTON 4 AHMAD COTTON FACTORY GINNING COTTON LINT/ SAWGINS 33. 1975 1960 34 EIDGAH ROAD CHAK JHUMRA AND SEED , PRESSING 1 PRESS ITTEFAQ FLOUR MILLS 160 8756012- 34. PARTAB NAGAR, JHANG FLOUR MILLS 1960 76150 19 FLOUR M.TONS/ 14 ROAD DAY

299

FOUN CH. MUHAMMAD TUFAIL & DRY 47 FOUNDRY 600 35. 8546170 1960 11 SONS SAMUNDRI ROAD PROD 0 PRODUCTS M.TONS UCTS

JHALLANDAR HOSIRY, HOSIERY HOSIERY 2500 TH. 36. 2618326 1960 1378 41 DIJKOT ROAD PRODUCTS PRODUCTS RS.

YOUSAF HOSIERY IND. HOSIERY 29 HOSIERY 900 TH. 37. 2660921 1960 9 SERENA COLONY PRODUCTS 0 PRODUCTS RS. INDUS YOUSAF ENGG AMAR STREET TRIAL 38. 8730504 1960 2620 5 OIL EXPELLER 15 NOS. MAQBOOL ROAD MACHI NERY HAIDRIA MECHANICAL ENGINEERING WORKS, LIGHT 63 STEEL 25 LAC 39. TANKI ROAD (9-A) 2613364 1960 9 ENGINEERING 0 FRUNITURE RS. GULBERG NO.2 TARIQ ROAD TEXTIL AL-JANAT DYEING 120000 E 40. INDUSTRIES ODEON STREET 8731525 1960 14000 C DYED CLOTH TH. PROCES SAMUNDRI ROAD METERS SING TEXTIL ITTEHAD TEXTILE 111-102- E PRINTED 18000 TH. 41. INDUSTRIES (PVT) LTD. DOST 1960 84444 283 202 PROCES CLOTH METRES ST. SAMUNDRI ROAD SING AGRIC AGRICUL ULTUR ITTEFAQUE INDUSTRIES 8541960- TURAL 42. 1960 4600 18 AL 3000 NOS. REGD. SAMUNDRI ROAD 61 IMPLEME IMPLE NTS MENTS AGRIC AGRICUL ULTUR NAEEM AND COMPANY TURAL 43. 8545771 1960 4210 14 AL 2050 NOS. SAMMUNDRI ROAD IMPLEME IMPLE NTS MENTS

300

Glossary

Words Meanings Aabiana A tax imposed on farmers in return of facility of canal irrigation Abadkar The natives who already resided Chenab colony Adna Malik The migrant who paid rent of land and cultivated it Ala Malik The migrant who was allotted more land Arain It is a caste in Punjab. these people are known for maximum output in small piece of land Banya A local word usually used for Hindu money lenders Bar The area between two rivers or canals Barchi A sort of spear with multiple knives on its head Bari Doad Land Tract between river Beas and Ravi Chak The planned villages of canal colonies Crown Waste Land of canal colonies was declared crown waste before it was rehabilitated Daakhny Nomads Doab Land tract between two rivers Fard A document used to prove land ownership Gadda An old local conveyance similar to cart Gormukhi Writing menu of Punjabi adopted by Sikh community Gujjar A local caste famous in rearing animals Guru Guru is term for Sikh religious pioneers. Sikh community has 10 Gurus starting from Baba Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh their last Guru. Guru Garanth Religious book of Sikhs Jangli Before canal colonization, the natives of Sandal Bar were called Janglis that allude their lack of civilization Jatha A group of people organized to attack people. Can be termed as gangs. Jutt A local caste famous for their gallantry and agricultural expertise. Kashtkar Local word used for cultivators. Khaddi An old wooden made and house based machine to weave the cloth. Kirpan A sword that Sikhs carry with them as religious symbol. Maalia A land tax Majha: Land tract comprising Amritsar and Lahore

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Mandi town Urban centres of canal colonies used as market points of rural agricultural commodities Muhajir A local term used for migrants Nazrana Its literal meanings are gift. Normally, it is used to describe price of an item if item is priceless and it is sold on low rates. The lowered prices are referred to be Nazrana. Parcha bafi The Wavers Pattis Blocks of villages Patwari An officer of land record department Pirs Religious guide or seers who have group of adherents. Rachna Doab Land tract between Ravi and Chenab Raees Agricultural capitalist class Rajput A local caste having gallant background Satguru A religious term of Sikhs referring that Sikh Guru is righteous. Sufaidposh Village or Tribal chiefs Tarkhan Local term used for carpenters Yeomin The natives of canal colonies

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