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Classical Indo-Roman Trade a Misnomer in Political Economy

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Classical Indo-Roman Trade a Misnomer in Political Economy SPECIAL ARTICLE Classical Indo-Roman Trade A Misnomer in Political Economy Rajan Gurukkal An independent evaluation of the latest archaeological he paper attempts a critical reappraisal of the oft- data unearthed at ancient port-sites of the Egyptian celebrated ancient Indo-Roman overseas trade in the light of the recent archaeological studies in India and desert and Indian west coast confirms that the classical T abroad as well as against the studies in contemporary political overseas trade, celebrated in ancient Indian economy of the Tamil macro region that included Kerala. The historiography as the ”Indo-Roman trade”, was an archaeological studies include the excavations at the Egyptian, exchange of serious imbalance, because of its being Mediterranean sites like Myos Hormos (Quseir al-Qadim) and the Berenike as well as Pattanam, a land-locked site in Kerala between an empire and a region of uneven chiefdoms. on the southern west coast of India, during the last few years. The Tamil south was a region characterised by the An independent evaluation of the archaeological data from interactive coexistence of several unevenly evolved and these sites in the light of contemporary political economy of kinship-based redistributive economies structured by the Tamil South that included Kerala, as to see whether they contain any fresh clues which necessitate a revision of the ex- the dominance of agro-pastoral means of subsistence tant presumptions about the features, processes and dynamic and predatory politics. It was distinct for its semi-tribal of the early historic (second century BC-third century AD) so- political economy that precluded any demand for cial formation of the Tamil macro region. As a related ques- Mediterranean luxury goods. Even the presumption that tion, the political economy of classical Egyptian and Roman maritime trading networks and of ancient India in general has the chieftain had shipped his goods only up to the Red to be reviewed. Integration of the multiple sources and pursu- Sea coast, and had depended on intermediaries for the ance of a holistic perspective on the socio-economic aggregate remaining jobs, is difficult to accept. of unevenly developed communities are essential for an ade- quate assessment of the nature of the early Mediterranean exchange relations with India (Thapar 2005: 11-40). Archaeo- logy should go beyond typology, stratigraphy and dates of artefacts to reach out people’s practices, human relations and social process. Numismatics should inform history through economic insights into the anthropology of ancient exchange systems. Likewise, the literary source should render access to its embedded life-world plausible through textual analysis. The Old Thesis The history of India’s maritime contact with Rome, generally de- scribed as Indo-Roman trade, has been a prominent theme of discussion in her historiography, exciting several historians with the imaginary notion of a maritime civilisation, as any book on ancient India would show. This is based on the Graeco-Roman texts of the mid-fi rst century AD such as Strabo’s Geography, an anonymous merchant’s experiential account called Periplus Maris Erythraei (PME), Pliny the Elder’s Natural History (NH) and Ptolemy’s Geography, which give brief accounts on ports such as Muziris, Tyndis, Nelcynda and Bacare on the west coast of India, none of which has been indisputably identifi ed as yet (McCrindle 1987; Majumdar 1960; Sastri 1939; Warmington Rajan Gurukkal ([email protected]) is with the Centre for 1974; Charlesworth 1951; Adhya 1966; Miller 1969).1 In addi- Contemporary Studies, Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore. tion to these, a few allusions in ancient Tamil poems, popularly Economic & Political Weekly EPW june 29, 2013 vol xlviii nos 26 & 27 67 SPECIAL ARTICLE called the Cankam (Sangam) literature (Purananuru (PN), Nile (Sidebotham and Wendrich 1999, 2000, 2002: 28-31; Akananuru (AN) and Patirrupattu (Prp) and the several hoards Sidebotham et al 2008, 2011: 75-76).5 The archaeological of Roman coins discovered in different parts of the Tamil South remains unearthed from the Red Sea coast have added on to the provide evidence par excellence for historians to imagine a glo- revived enthusiasm of maritime historians in visualising the rious epoch of India’s heavy overseas transactions (Elliot 1886; Tamil merchants’ role decisive. Recent archaeological discov- Sewell 1904: 200-03; Aiyer 1917: 86-87; Gupta 1965; Suresh eries at several Egyptian, Mediterranean sites have provided 2004: 18-20).2 Since the motor of trade being the Roman de- new evidence for the transport of Indian goods through the mand for pepper, beryl, pearls and textile from the Tamil Red Sea ports of Myos Hormos (Quseir al-Qadim) and South and Sri Lanka, the lead role and economic advantages Berenike. Excavations at Berenike, the transit port between of India have always been taken for granted. At Soqotra is- ancient Egypt and Rome for merchants and merchandises lands, the presence of Indians is attested by the Periplus which making their way to the Indian coast, have yielded along with refers to “those sailing out of ‘Limrike’ to Soqotra with rice, various other items, 7.55 kg of black pepper (piper nigrum) in a cloth, slaves, etc (Casson 1989).3 The discovery of shards of ceramic container made of Nile silt. Shards of common Indian early Roman terra sigillata and amphorae at Arikamedu (Pon- pottery in good quantity, a few shards of Indian Rouletted Ware dicherry) on the Coromandel added to the evidence of ship- (IRW), a couple of which having Tamil-Brāhmi characters, brail- ping of goods to the Mediterranean. Navigation between the ing rings, remains of teakwood and cotton sails of Indian weave east African coast and the Indian west coast was, indeed, a (?) are other items (Sidebotham and Wendrich 2000; Side- common feature of the period. Generalisations about the mari- botham 1989: 75-76). time trade contacts have been made often indiscriminately using The status of Berenike as the starting point of sailors bound these varied sources in piecemeal as it favoured the national/ to the east, coupled with the presence of the teakwood among regional pride. the fi nds there, probably suggests the possibility of an Indian The story of Hippalus Wind apart, the awareness about lati- boat-building centre on the Red Sea coast, the presence of tudinal parallels and corresponding destinations had formed Indian merchants and their ships in the Red Sea. At Myos Hor- part of the working knowledge of contemporary overseas navi- mos (Quseir al-Qadim) and Berenike, a few pot-shards with gators. Traders sailing from the horn of Africa across the Ara- Tamil-Brāhmi characters, dating back to as early as the fi rst or bian Sea knew that by navigating the 120 latitude east would second century AD, have been discovered (Salomon 1991: 731- take them to the southern west coast of India (Casson 1989: 36).6 One such writing mentions two Tamil names Cātan and 83-85; Tchemia 2005: 250-76). Seasonal overseas traffi c of Kannan. Another label inscription reportedly mentions Korran goods from the coast of peninsular India to Egypt was quite ac- (Korran Puman Korran) meaning chieftain. Excavations at tive under Ptolemies themselves, although the number of ships Berenike have yielded archaeological remains, especially shards that had set out on sail was small and the order of preference of of domestic wares of ancient Tamils suggesting their extended merchandises different. Teakwood and elephants were the pre- stay in the place. Occurrence of Indian pottery shards at a few ferred items of Ptolomies, while the Romans preferred spices. It sites in the Berenike-Koptos route points to the sojourn of was Augustus who provided for making the monsoon sailing Indian traders travelling to Alexandria with merchandises. A phenomenal in terms of voyages to the east by ships huge in size collection of terracotta tokens (ostraca), seemingly customs and large in number. His conquest of Egypt at the end of fi rst duty clearance given at Koptos for cargoes to be sent across the century BC, in fact, was motivated by the revenue potential of desert to the Red Sea ports, constitutes a signifi cant discovery trade networks and caravan circuits from the horn of Africa at Berenike, providing important details about the legalisation across the desert to the Nile and beyond as well as the state obli- procedures of goods on board (Bagnall et al 2000).7 However, gation to respond to the pressure of social demand for eastern it is too small a collection to give any idea about the volume and goods (Whittaker 2004: 52-61). With the Augustan conquest of variety of cargoes (McLaughlin 2010: 15). Another set of ostraka Egypt, the Indo-Roman trade became signifi cantly different known as the Nicanor Archive, consisting of caravan transport from what it used to be in the previous ages, especially at the receipts, was excavated from Koptos (Fuks 1951: 207-16; Side- organisational level, where it showed features of scheduled botham 1989: 83-92; Young 2001: 64-65).8 Nicanor was an commerce under imperial patronage. The pressure of the social Egyptian caravan owner at Koptos, from whom merchants had demand for oriental goods is best expressed in Pliny’s reference hired camels for transporting goods across the desert to to the growing anxiety of the Roman senate about the drain of Berenike. It appears that at the delivery point an ostraca was gold due to the regular import of pepper and other spices from issued by the merchants acknowledging the safe receipt of the east is famous and widely cited as proof of the infl ux of gold goods from the camel men, who on return must have given the in bullion and as coins to the Indian west coast (NH 6.21).4 receipts to Nicanor.
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