DOCSLIB.ORG

Of American Conservatism Cas Mudde, Depauw University

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Of American Conservatism Cas Mudde, Depauw University University of Georgia From the SelectedWorks of Cas Mudde 2010 The Rise (and Fall?) of American Conservatism Cas Mudde, DePauw University Available at: https://works.bepress.com/cas_mudde/3/ REVIEW ESSAY The Rise (And Fall?) of American Conservatism1 The Conservative Ascendancy: How the GOP Right Made phenomenon (with the notable exception of the Political History. By Donald T. Critchlow. (Harvard Christian Right). Hence, a broad variety of interest- University Press, 2007.) ing questions remain unanswered. What is the con- America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the servative movement and who belongs to it? How did Neoconservative Legacy. By Francis Fukuyama. (Yale an ideology that was shunned by virtually all in- University Press, 2007.) tellectuals and politicians in the 1950s become practi- cally hegemonic within the public debate in the They Knew They Were Right. The Rise of The Neocons. By 1980s? And what effect does the recent rise (and Jacob Heilbrunn. (Anchor, 2009.) fall?) of neoconservatism mean for the future of Upstream: The Ascendancy of American Conservatism. By American conservatism? Alfred S. Regnery. (Threshold, 2008.) Interestingly, it is mostly conservatives who publish The Death of Conservatism. By Sam Tanenhaus. (Random on American conservatism. All five books reviewed here House, 2009.) are written by conservatives, although of somewhat different types. While some are clearly favorable toward their topic of study (Critchow and Regnery), others are modestly to very critical (from least to most critical: Introduction Fukuyama, Heilbrunn, Tanenhaus). This essay will discuss the rise and alleged fall of American conserva- tism, as presented in conservative writings, focusing At the beginning of the twenty-first century, ‘‘neo- particularly on conceptual and ideological issues, which conservatism’’ was the buzzword in debates on are often ignored or understudied in the literature. American politics. Both on the left and the right commentators debated the alleged power grab of this group of intellectuals, who were widely seen as the masterminds of President George W. Bush’s con- American Conservatism: troversial invasion of Iraq. However, despite their Definition(s) and Typology proclaimed influence, American academics largely ignored neoconservatism. As far as neoconservatism Although conservative thought has a long tradition in has been studied academically, it has been mostly in the United States, American conservatives have shied the subfield of international relations (e.g., Erman away from the label until well into the 1950s. Various 1995; Halper and Clarke 2004). authors (including Critchow and Regnery) credit Similarly, the ascendance of conservatism into Russell Kirk’s The Conservative Mind (1953) with the mainstream of American politics, through the making conservatism acceptable to the American elite capture of the Republican Party, has become a and (through them) public. However, the accept- received wisdom in and outside of academia, yet ability of the term also created problems: ‘‘The word few political scientists have actually studied the ‘conservative’ became a label, and it applied to 1I want to thank Dave Campbell, Valerie Hoekstra and Joe Lowndes for providing valuable feedback on earlier versions of this review essay. The Journal of Politics, Vol. 72, No. 2, April 2010, Pp. 588–594 doi:10.1017/S0022381609990995 Ó Southern Political Science Association, 2010 ISSN 0022-3816 588 review essay 589 virtually everybody who wasn’t a liberal’’ (Regnery, (Regnery, 35); ranging from Whittaker Chambers, xv). Not that surprisingly, none of the authors key witness before the House Committee on provides a definition of conservatism; in fact, Un-American Activities (which launched the careers throughout his book, Critchow uses the terms of both Joseph McCarthy and Richard Nixon), to ‘‘Right’’ and ‘‘conservative’’ interchangeably. Irving Kristol, the late godfather of neoconservatism. Although Regnery doesn’t define conservatism Most authors consider the combination of key explicitly, he does identify the key ideas behind the features of these three strands as the core of American conservative movement: ‘‘individual liberty, free mar- conservatism; although, at times, recognizing their kets, limited government, and a strong national internal contradictions. Critchow and, particularly, defense’’ (xvi). It is doubtful that all American con- Regnery credit William F. Buckley, Jr., and his highly servatives would subscribe to this list. Less controver- influential journal National Review, with bringing the sial is his distinction between three main strands of three groups together, both ideologically (through American conservatism, although some authors use review editor Frank Meyer’s ‘‘fusionism’’) and or- somewhat different terms and categorizations: libertar- ganizationally (by publishing authors from across the ians, traditionalist, and anticommunists. broad conservative specter). Because of his independ- The libertarian movement emerged largely as a ence, Buckley was also crucial in keeping the con- consequence of the influence of European emigrant- servative movement aligned with, but not fully intellectuals like Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, dependent upon, the Republican Party. and Ayn Rand in the 1950s. They substantiated the Unlike many other authors, Regnery (26) im- core values of free market and small government plicitly recognizes the neoconservatives, although within the broader conservative movement. However, with a slight (dis)qualification: ‘‘(a) fourth camp, in while their intellectual influence upon the broader a sense’’ (my italics). Although they also combine the movement has been significant, they have never been key features of the other three strands—in essence, able to mobilize beyond some think tanks (notably neoconservatism is a combination of economic lib- the Cato Institute). Moreover, they have often been eralism, social traditionalism, and democratic inter- at odds with the other two main groups, notably over ventionalism—neoconservatives have always been social issues (traditionalists) and foreign policy met with reservation (and even outright hostility) (anticommunists). by the larger conservative movement. In addition to The traditionalists are the most ideologically prejudices because of their Jewish and Trotskyist complex of the three types, sharing a devotion to roots and urban intellectualism, it is the first gen- religious piety, tradition, and Western civilization. eration’s support for a ‘‘conservative welfare state’’ While they support the free market, particularly in (Irving Kristol), even at the expensive of substantial the economic sphere, they have no problem with state budget deficits, and the second generation’s belief in involvement to protect and foster conservative insti- regime change that informs the suspicion towards tutions (notably the family and churches) and virtues these ‘‘big government conservatives’’ within the (e.g., honor, respect). The intellectual guru of broader movement (e.g., Regnery, 156–57). the traditionalists is Russell Kirk, whose book A fifth and final type, mentioned only in passing The Conservative Mind provided ‘‘a kind of historical in the five books, are the paleoconservatives. manifesto’’ to American conservatism (Regnery, 46). Although paleo derives from the Greek word for The traditionalists are the closest to the general ancient or old (palaeo), as they claim to subscribe ‘‘Burkean’’ understanding of conservatism, which is to an original form of (American) conservatism, predominant outside of the United States. the term has become widely used only after Pat The anticommunists, finally, might have had the Buchanan’s defection from the Republican Party least ideological sophistication, they were actually and his subsequent presidential bid for the Reform able to capture the masses. At least until the Christian Party in 2000. Unlike their nemesis, the neocons, the Right took over in the 1980s they constituted the paleocons have (so far) not been able to build an grassroots of the initial conservative movement. The important ideological or organization presence; jour- core idea was that ‘‘(a)ggressive policies on Commu- nals like The American Conservative and think tanks nism abroad should be complemented by aggressive like the Rockfort Institute are marginal within the policies against Communists at home’’ (Regnery, 37). conservative movement, let alone outside of it. Interestingly, at the elite level, ‘‘many of the most Although ideologically isolationalist, paleoconserva- effective anticommunists were former party mem- tives are the most internationally connected of all bers, fellow travelers, or undercover operatives’’ American conservatives. Their nativist struggle 590 review essay against (Latino) immigration and Islam leads to Interest), think tanks (e.g., American Enterprise Insti- connections with and support for European radical tute and Heritage Foundation), and funders (e.g., the right parties (e.g., Vlaams Belang) and thinkers (e.g., Bradley and John M. Olin Foundations), while at the Alain DeBenoist). same time stressing their relative modest means compared to ‘‘liberal’’ counterparts (see, in partic- ular, Regnery, Chapter 8). Similarly, they describe the crucial role of the Christian Right, and its many The Rise of American Conservatism organizations (e.g., Religious Roundtable, Moral Majority) and personalities (e.g., Jerry Falwell, Pat Donald T. Critchow is Professor of History at Saint Robertson), who, enraged
Load more

Recommended publications
  • AN ANALYSIS of POST-COLD WAR CONCEPTS in AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE? by Ana Maria Venegas a Thesis Submitted
    AN ANALYSIS OF POST-COLD WAR CONCEPTS IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE? by Ana Maria Venegas A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland December 2014 © 2014 Ana Maria Venegas All Rights Reserved Abstract This thesis investigates post-Cold War concepts in US foreign policy. At the end of the Cold War, prominent political scientists and commentators argued, for various reasons, that the strategic environment was so dramatically different that the United States would no longer be able to engage the world as it had in the past. In an attempt to understand the ramifications of the evolution of the strategic environment, this thesis asked the question: Have the three post-Cold War presidents, William J. Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack H. Obama, continued to engage the world in ways consistent with previous administrations or have the broken from traditional concepts in American foreign policy? To answer this question, declaratory foreign policy as articulated in national security strategy documents and key foreign policy engagements were analyzed and compared to nine traditional concepts in American foreign policy identified by prominent historians and political scientists. The post-Cold War administrations continued to develop foreign policy consistent with the concepts identified by historians and political scientists suggesting a measure of consistency in the way the United States engages the world. Additionally, each president developed foreign policy that exhibited unique characteristics inconsistent with the traditional concepts. These policies were characterized by the importance placed on multilateral consensus; an emphasis on multilateral agreements and alliances to foster a stable international order; and the reliance on international organizations to address regional and global issues.
    [Show full text]
  • The Brookings Institution
    1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION Brookings Briefing PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY: WHY MORALITY MATTERS IN POLITICS Tuesday, January 24, 2006 MICHAEL SANDEL WILLIAM GALSTON CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER E.J. DIONNE, JR., Moderator [TRANSCRIPT PRODUCED FROM A TAPE RECORDING] MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. DIONNE: [In progress] —become important to their time not by seeking in a contrived and silly way something called relevance, they become important to their time by thinking clearly systematically and insightfully about public issues and public problems. And by that measure, Mike Sandel is truly one of our moment's most important political and public philosophers. So I loved it when Mike finally put out this collection called "Public Philosophy," of which we in general and, I personally believe, liberals in particular are very much in search of. I just want to read one brief passage from the beginning of Mike's book, which gives you a sense of how relevant his discussion is to our moment. He notes that the Democrats have been struggling for awhile over what some call the "moral values thing." "When Democrats in recent times have reached for moral and religious resonance," he writes, "their efforts have taken two forms, neither wholly convincing. Some, following the example of George W. Bush, have sprinkled their speeches with religious rhetoric and biblical references. So intense was the competition for divine favor in the 2000 and 2004 campaigns that a Web site, beliefnet.com, established a God-o- meter to track the candidates' references to God.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
    Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths.
    [Show full text]
  • Periodicalspov.Pdf
    “Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious.
    [Show full text]
  • MAP Act Coalition Letter Freedomworks
    April 13, 2021 Dear Members of Congress, We, the undersigned organizations representing millions of Americans nationwide highly concerned by our country’s unsustainable fiscal trajectory, write in support of the Maximizing America’s Prosperity (MAP) Act, to be introduced by Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Texas) and Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.). As we stare down a mounting national debt of over $28 trillion, the MAP Act presents a long-term solution to our ever-worsening spending patterns by implementing a Swiss-style debt brake that would prevent large budget deficits and increased national debt. Since the introduction of the MAP Act in the 116th Congress, our national debt has increased by more than 25 percent, totaling six trillion dollars higher than the $22 trillion we faced less than two years ago in July of 2019. Similarly, nearly 25 percent of all U.S. debt accumulated since the inception of our country has come since the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Now more than ever, it is critical that legislators take a serious look at the fiscal situation we find ourselves in, with a budget deficit for Fiscal Year 2020 of $3.132 trillion and a projected share of the national debt held by the public of 102.3 percent of GDP. While markets continue to finance our debt in the current moment, the simple and unavoidable fact remains that our country is not immune from the basic economics of massive debt, that history tells us leads to inevitable crisis. Increased levels of debt even before a resulting crisis slows economic activity -- a phenomenon referred to as “debt drag” -- which especially as we seek recovery from COVID-19 lockdowns, our nation cannot afford.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
    The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
    THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion.
    [Show full text]
  • Charlie Sykes
    CHARLIE SYKES EDITOR-AT-LARGE, THE BULWARK Quick Summary Life in Brief Former conservative radio host and Wisconsin Hometown: Seattle, WA Republican kingmaker who gained national prominence as a leading voice in the Never Trump Current Residence: Mequon, WI movement and created the Bulwark website as a messaging arm for like-minded conservatives Education: • BA, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, • Love for journalism and politics heavily influenced 1975 by his father • Self-described “recovering liberal” who criticizes Family: both political parties for inflexibility and for • Married to Janet Riordan alienating those who reject status quo • Three children, two grandchildren • As conservative radio host, cultivated significant influence in Wisconsin GOP politics – quickly Work History: becoming a go-to stop for Republican candidates; • Editor-at-Large, The Bulwark, 2019- drew significant attention to issues like school Present choice • Host, The Daily Standard, 2018 • Became national figure after refusing to support • Contributing editor, The Weekly Donald Trump Standard • Co-founded the Bulwark with Bill Kristol, which • Contributor, NBC/MSNBC, 2016-present has become a leading mouthpiece of the Never • Host, Indivisible WNYC, 2017 Trump conservative movement • Editor-in-Chief, Right Wisconsin • Considers himself a “political orphan” in the era of • Radio show host, WTMJ, 1999-2016 Trump after exile from conservative movement • Radio host, WISN, 1989-93 whose political identity has changed many times • PR for Dave Schulz, Milwaukee
    [Show full text]
  • The Unipolar Moment Author(S): Charles Krauthammer Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol
    The Unipolar Moment Author(s): Charles Krauthammer Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 70, No. 1, America and the World 1990/91 (1990/1991), pp. 23-33 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20044692 Accessed: 18/01/2009 12:25 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cfr. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign Affairs. http://www.jstor.org Charles Krauthammer THE UNIPOLARMOMENT m -* E ver since it became clear that an exhausted Soviet Union was calling off the Cold War, the quest has been on for a new American role in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Charles Murray, Scholar, American Enterprise Institute
    Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Charles Murray, scholar, American Enterprise Institute Table of Contents I: 0:00 – 5:55 II: I: (0:15 –) KRISTOL: Hi, I’m Bill Kristol. Welcome back to CONVERSATIONS. I’m very pleased to be joined today again by Charles Murray, scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, author of many important books: Losing Ground – when was that? 1984? – The Bell Curve in the mid-90s, and Coming Apart, about four years ago. I would say, I’m not sure there’s a social commentator who’s written as many important books over the last few decades as Charles so it is a great pleasure and honor to have you here. And you’re going to explain the current moment, right? MURRAY: With that kind of introduction I suppose I’m obligated to. KRISTOL: Exactly right. So what – this is the very beginning of August of 2016. People are – someone wrote something in the New York Times yesterday giving you credit for presciently seeing that Trump or Trumpism, I guess, was going to happen. Did you see it, and what do you make of it? MURRAY: I knew that we were going to have a problem with the white working class, and actually, I guess I’ll blow my own horn and say in 1993 for The Wall Street Journal, I had a long article called “The Coming White Underclass.” If you go back and read that – but this is not rocket science, it simply was the trend lines for out-of-wedlock births among working-class whites at that point had been spiking upward.
    [Show full text]
  • August Sunday Talk Shows Data
    August Sunday Talk Shows Data August 1, 2010 21 men and 6 women NBC's Meet the Press with David Gregory: 5 men and 1 woman Admiral Michael Mullen (M) Mayor Michael Bloomberg (M) Alan Greenspan (M) Gov. Ed Rendell (M) Doris Kearns Goodwin (F) Mark Halperin (M) CBS's Face the Nation with Bob Schieffer: 4 men and 0 women Admiral Michael Mullen (M) Sen. Jon Kyl (M) Richard Haass (M) Thomas Saenz (M) ABC's This Week with Jake Tapper: 4 men and 2 women Sen. Nancy Pelosi (F) Robert Gates (M) George Will (M) Paul Krugman (M) Donna Brazile (F) Ahmed Rashid (M) CNN's State of the Union with Candy Crowley: 4 men and 0 women Sen. Carl Levin (M) Sen. Lindsey Graham (M) Dan Balz (M) Peter Baker (M) Fox News' Fox News Sunday with Chris Wallace: 4 men and 3 women Sarah Palin (F) Sen. Mitch McConnell (M) Rep. John Boehner (M) Bill Kristol (M) Ceci Connolly (F) Liz Cheney (F) Juan Williams (M) August 8, 2010 20 men and 7 women NBC's Meet the Press with David Gregory: 4 men and 2 women Carol Browner (F) Rep. John Boehner (M) Rep. Mike Pence (M) former Rep. Harold Ford (M) Andrea Mitchell (F) Todd S. Purdum (M) CBS's Face the Nation with Bob Schieffer: 4 men and 1 woman Admiral Thad Allen (M) David Boies (M) Tony Perkins (M) Dan Balz (M) Jan Crawford (F) ABC's This Week with Jake Tapper: 5 men and 1 woman General Ray Odierno (M) Gen.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Right
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1984 The New Right Elizabeth Julia Reiley College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Reiley, Elizabeth Julia, "The New Right" (1984). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625286. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-mnnb-at94 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEW RIGHT 'f A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Sociology The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Elizabeth Reiley 1984 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Elizabeth Approved, May 1984 Edwin H . Rhyn< Satoshi Ito Dedicated to Pat Thanks, brother, for sharing your love, your life, and for making us laugh. We feel you with us still. Presente! iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................... v ABSTRACT.................................... vi INTRODUCTION ................................ s 1 CHAPTER I. THE NEW RIGHT . '............ 6 CHAPTER II. THE 1980 ELECTIONS . 52 CHAPTER III. THE PRO-FAMILY COALITION . 69 CHAPTER IV. THE NEW RIGHT: BEYOND 1980 95 CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION ............... 114 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................. 130 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express her appreciation to all the members of her committee for the time they gave to the reading and criticism of the manuscript, especially Dr.
    [Show full text]