How a Kremlin-Linked Influence Operation Is Systematically Manipulating Western Media to Construct & Communicate Disinformation
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
De.Sputniknews.Com
de.sputniknews.com The German-language site of Sputnik News, a Russian state-owned news agency that publishes propaganda and disinformation to serve Proceed with caution: This website severely violates basic the Kremlin’s interests. standards of credibility and transparency. Score: 12.5/100 Ownership and Sputnik Deutschland is a subsidiary of Rossiya Financing Segodnya, a Russian government-owned international Does not repeatedly publish news agency. Rossiya Segodnya was established in false content (22points) December 2013 by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Gathers and presents The international broadcasting service, Voice of Russia, information responsibly (18) and the state-run news agency, RIA Novosti, were Regularly corrects or clarifies dissolved and merged into Rossiya Segodnya. errors (12.5) Rossiya Segodnya launched Sputnik in November Handles the difference between news and opinion responsibly 2014. Sputnik Deutschland also runs the radio station (12.5) SNA-Radio, which broadcasts in collaboration with the Avoids deceptive headlines (10) Bavarian radio station Mega Radio. Website discloses ownership The site runs advertisements. and financing (7.5) Clearly labels advertising (7.5) Content Sputnik Deutschland covers international politics, Reveals who's in charge, business, science, technology, culture, and celebrities. including any possible conflicts It has a separate section for German news, which of interest (5) primarily covers politics and major crime stories. The site provides names of content creators, along with The site states on its About Us (Über Uns) page that it either contact or biographical “reports on global politics and business only for information (5) audiences abroad.” Sputnik is headquartered in Moscow, has bureaus in 34 countries, and produces Criteria are listed in order of content in 30 languages. -
1.Russian Information Weapons; 2.Baltic Department of Defense, Or the US Defenses (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) Against Government
Sponsor: USEUCOM Contract No.: W56KGU-17-C-0010 Project No.: 0719S120 The views expressed in this document are those of the author Three Discussions of Russian Concepts: and do not reflect the official policy or position of MITRE, the 1.Russian Information Weapons; 2.Baltic Department of Defense, or the US Defenses (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) against government. Russian Propaganda; and 3.Russia’s Development of Non-Lethal Weapons Author: Timothy Thomas March 2020 Approved for Public Release: Distribution Unlimited. Case Numbers 20-0235; 20-0050; 20-0051; 19-3194; and 20-0145. ©2020 The MITRE Corporation. All rights reserved. McClean, VA 1 FOREWORD Russia has long been captivated by the power of information as a weapon, most notably in a historical sense using propaganda to influence and persuade audiences. With the onset of the information age, the concept’s development and application increased dramatically. The power of information-technologies when applied to weaponry increased the latter’s capabilities due to increased reconnaissance and precision applications. The power of social media was used to influence populations both at home and abroad. Both developments fit perfectly into Russia’s information warfare concept, whose two aspects are information-technical and information-psychological capabilities. Information’s universality, covertness, variety of software and hardware forms and implementation, efficiency of use when choosing a time and place of employment, and, finally, cost effectiveness make it a formidable commodity when assessed as weaponry. Russian efforts to define and use IWes are well documented. In the 1990s there were efforts to define information weapons (IWes) at the United Nations, efforts that failed. -
Sanctions and Russia Order in Ukraine, by Resuming Fighting and Taking Over New Towns and Villages, and Russia the West Will Have to Scale-Up Sanctions Significantly
Sanctions have so far been the most effective instrument of Western influ- ence on Russia’s policy towards Ukraine, stopping the Kremlin from making a greater military incursion in the country. Restrictions were imposed against more than one hundred members of the Russian political and business elite, as sanctions well as dozens of Russian enterprises and banks. The annexation of Crimea and war in eastern Ukraine transformed assumptions about Russia, from a strategic partner, especially in energy, into a strategic challenge, mainly for regional secu- rity. Should Russia persist in challenging the principles of European cooperative sanctions And Russia order in Ukraine, by resuming fighting and taking over new towns and villages, And Russia the West will have to scale-up sanctions significantly. At the same time, the West should elaborate precise benchmarks against which to measure any potential Russian cooperative behaviour in Ukraine, before deciding to suspend or cancel sanctions. The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) is a leading Central Europe- an think tank that positions itself between the world of politics and independent analysis. PISM provides analytical support to decision-makers, initiates public debate and disseminates expert knowledge about contemporary international relations. The work of PISM is guided by the conviction that the decision-mak- Edited by ing process in international relations should be based on knowledge that comes from reliable and valid research. The Institute carries out its own research, -
Should Russia's RT Register As a Foreign Agent?
AtlanticAtlantic Council Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER Should Russia’s RT Register as a Foreign Agent? AGENT OF INFLUENCE Should Russia’s RT Register as a Foreign Agent? By ElenaBy Elena Postnikova Postnikova Foreword by Alina Polyakova AGENT OF INFLUENCE By Elena Postnikova The author would like to thank Judge James Baker, a visiting professor of National Security at Georgetown University Law Center and former Chief Judge of the US Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, and Thomas Firestone of Baker McKenzie for their thoughtful comments and guidance in preparing this project. ISBN: 978-1-61977-408-7 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The author is solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. August 2017 Table of Contents Table of Contents .............................................................................................................................1 Foreword ............................................................................................................................................2 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................3 Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 ............................................................................. -
Contemporary Media Use in Russia 30.4% of Those Aged 45 and Older
about three in four of those aged 25 to 44 (75.6%) and Contemporary Media Use in Russia 30.4% of those aged 45 and older. Young Russians are also far more likely than their older counterparts to say Overview they get news from social networking services (62.3%), SMS/text messages (52.0%), and from mobile apps The media environment in Russia is not only becoming (34.4%) that frequently. They are less likely to get their more hostile for international broadcasters but also for news from traditional media such as newspapers and independent domestic broadcasters that are not owned magazines (36.0%) than other age groups. or controlled by the Kremlin. In late November 2013, state-controlled energy giant Gazprom bought Traditional Media: Television and Radio Profmedia – extending its grip over radio and television. But even those owned by the Kremlin were not spared Virtually all Russians (98.4%) have a television in their in 2013 – with President Vladimir Putin dissolving main household, and almost as many (96.7%) say they have state news agency Ria Novosti in early December and watched television in the past week. About half of TV merging it with radio service Voice of Russia to create a owners (51.3%) get their signal via a terrestrial antenna, new media agency, Rossiya Segodnya. Ria Novosti itself while most of the remainder (34.6%) has cable TV. called the move “the latest in a series of shifts in Satellite television remains limited; 19.8% of TV owners Russia’s news landscape which appear to point toward a have an individual satellite dish, while 3.0% say they tightening of state control in the already heavily have a shared dish. -
Countering Russian Propaganda Abroad Daniel Kochis
ISSUE BRIEF No. 4286 | OCTOBER 21, 2014 Countering Russian Propaganda Abroad Daniel Kochis ussia’s invasion of Ukraine has highlighted a In September, the Russian Duma passed a law3 RRussian foreign policy approach that integrates restricting foreign ownership of media companies raw military strength with a myriad of soft power to 20 percent. The law effectively forces foreign tools to pressure adversaries. A key element of Rus- owners to relinquish control over independent out- sian soft power is the use of state-sponsored media lets, further consolidating the government’s con- to influence foreign audiences. Russian propaganda, trol over the media. While most Russians rely on often masquerading as legitimate news, is dissemi- television for their news,4 younger Russians rely nated through state-controlled media to confuse, more on the Internet.5 In response, Russia enact- obscure, and shift the debate about Putin and to ed a “bloggers law,” which forces most bloggers to legitimize Russian aggression abroad. register with the government and imposes oner- Russia has used propaganda to shape the battle- ous requirements on social media sites and search field and public opinion in Western democracies. engines.6 American policymakers and the public should be aware of the pernicious effects of Russian propagan- Russian Media Abroad da and take steps to counter its impact. Insulated from criticism in the Russian press, Putin has faced condemnation abroad, especially Press Freedom Under Attack over the invasions of Georgia and Ukraine. There- In 2014, Freedom House’s Press Freedom Survey fore, Putin has sought to export favorable cover- ranked Russia “Not Free,” saying the media environ- age, obscure objective truths, and sap the resolve of ment “is characterized by the use of a pliant judiciary Western publics to counter Russian aggression. -
How Kremlin Controls Major Russian Media
Kremlin Watch Report 01.04.2017 How Kremlin controls major Russian media Ilyas Sharibzhanov Analyst of the Kremlin Watch Programme The European Values Think-Tank is a non- governmental policy institute defending liberal democracy. Kremlin Watch Report 01.04.2017 How Kremlin controls major Russian media Mass media in Russia have changed significantly since the days of President Yeltsin and the contrast with the free and independent media in Russia of just 20 years ago has been ever so evident for the past three years, with Russia’s media turning from a market into a state-organized system of propaganda machine. When did it all start? The demise of Russia’s independent media market did not occur recently or suddenly. Indeed, the first ominous signs emerged as far back as President Putin’s first term in the early 2000s and the early signs of a huge propaganda machine to come were seen during such turbulent events as, for example, the Estonian Bronze Soldier controversy1 in 2007 and the Russo-Georgian war of 2008. In the light of the events surrounding the 2016 U.S. elections, it is worthwhile to note that in 2007-2008, it was the first time that Estonian and Georgian government websites were hacked, along with the ongoing media propaganda campaign against these two countries and the events on the ground. Putin’s return to presidency in 2012 was to become fateful for the Russian media leviathan, as illustrated by his 2013 decision to abolish RIA Novosti and to make Rossiya Segodnya (“Russia Today”) the official state media giant, right in the middle of revolutionary events breaking out in Ukraine at the time [1]. -
Russia | Freedom House
Russia | Freedom House http://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/russia-0 About Us DONATE Blog Mobile App Contact Us Mexico Website (in Spanish) REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Subscribe Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD - View another year - ShareShareShareShareShareMore 49 Russia Russia Freedom in the World 2014 TREND ARROW: 2014 SCORES Russia received a downward trend arrow due to increased repression of two vulnerable minority groups in STATUS 2013: the LGBT community, through a law prohibiting “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations,” and Not Free migrant laborers, through arbitrary detentions targeting FREEDOM RATING those from the Caucasus, Central Asia, and East Asia. (1 = BEST, 7 = WORST) Both efforts fed public hostility against these groups. 5.5 OVERVIEW: CIVIL LIBERTIES (1 = BEST, 7 = WORST) President Vladimir Putin devoted 2013 to strengthening 5 his grip on power and eliminating any potential opposition. The government enforced a series of harsh POLITICAL RIGHTS (1 = BEST, 7 = WORST) laws passed the previous year in response to massive opposition protests in December 2011 and May 2012. Among other restrictions, the laws increased controls on 6 the internet, dramatically hiked fines for participating in unsanctioned street protests, expanded the definition of treason, and branded nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that accepted foreign grants and engaged in vaguely defined “political activities” as “foreign agents.” Although the authorities applied these measures with varying degrees of zeal, and even suffered some setbacks in the Constitutional Court, they repeatedly made it clear that they had the discretion to interpret the laws, and that members of civil society were always vulnerable. In the face of this repression, opposition leader Aleksey Navalny demonstrated that it was possible to inspire an army of volunteers, raise money online for an opposition movement, and win more than a quarter of the votes in the Moscow mayoral election in September. -
Russian Media in Germany No
ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security Issue Russian Media in Germany No. 766 How Russian information warfare and disinformation have affected Germany June 2021 Dr Susanne Spahn Russian Media in Germany How Russian information warfare and disinformation have affected Germany Dr. Susanne Spahn June 2021 Abstract Germany is the main focus of Russian disinformation campaigns in the EU. As intern documents of the Russian president’s former adviser, Vladislav Surkov show the hybrid warfare is being organized by the Russian leadership as well as the control of the main media outlets including the foreign broadcaster RT. The Russian state media based in Berlin not only try to spread Russian narratives on controversial issues such as the Ukraine conflict but also influence elections on a regional, federal and European level. As documented below RT Deutsch und Sputnik continuously supported the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany and The Left. Members of Parliament of these party back Russian policy by travelling to hot spots of Russian interference in Syria and Ukraine. These travels are being covered by Russian state media extensively. This sort of media alliance helps to legitimate Russian foreign policy, whereas MPs try to increase their popularity among the German audience. About ISPSW The Institute for Strategic, Political, Security and Economic Consultancy (ISPSW) is a private institute for research and consultancy. The ISPSW is an objective, task-oriented and politically non-partisan institute. In the increasingly complex international environment of globalized economic processes and worldwide political, ecological, social and cultural change, which presents both major opportunities and risks, decision- makers in the economic and political arena depend more than ever before on the advice of highly qualified experts. -
Assessing the Form and Impact of Russian Strategic Communications in Latin America and the Caribbean
Assessing the Form and Impact of Russian Strategic Communications in Latin America and the Caribbean Daniel Kochis Research Associate The Heritage Foundation Delivered as part of the LACC/ARC/U.S. Southern Command Policy Roundtable Series April 21, 2015 Miami, Florida Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Latin American and Caribbean Center or Florida International University. < Around two months after Russia’s invasion of Crimea, Putin awarded the Order of Service to the Fatherland to around 300 journalists.i Their service to the fatherland included friendly coverage of the Russian invasion; media was a key piece of the hybrid attack plan against Ukraine. The Russian 2013 foreign policy concept clearly outlines the important role that Russia’s leadership expects strategic communications to play in foreign affairs; it states: “Russia will seek to ensure its objective perception in the world, develop its own effective means of information influence on public opinion abroad, strengthen the role of Russian mass media in the international information environment providing them with essential state support, as well as actively participate in international information cooperation, and take necessary measures to counteract information threats to its sovereignty and security.”ii The aims of Russian strategic communications are first and foremost to preserve the regime in Moscow. The primary audiences for Russian strategic communications are Russians living inside Russia. The media narrative intends to portray Putin as a strong leader standing up to the west and helping the country and the Russian people regain lost territory and global stature. -
Download the Full Report
H U M A N R I G H T S ONLINE AND ON ALL FRONTS Russia’s Assault on Freedom of Expression WATCH Online and On All Fronts Russia’s Assault on Freedom of Expression Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35010 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JULY 2017 ISBN: 978-1-6231-35010 Online and On All Fronts Russia’s Assault on Freedom of Expression Glossary/Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... I Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .............................................................................................................. 6 To the Government -
The Russia Conference Papers 2021 2
The Conference on Russia Papers 2021 1 The Russia Conference Papers 2021 2 You will not grasp her with your mind or cover with a common label, for Russia is one of a kind – believe in her, if you are able… Fyodor Tyutchev Th e United States Congress’ sanctions are squeezing Russia out from Europe. Vladimir Putin, Valdai Discussion Club, 2017 In Europe we were Tatars, while in Asia we can be Europeans. Fyodor Dostoevsky To stand up for truth is nothing. For truth, you must sit in jail. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Candle in the Wind 3 THE RUSSIA CONFERENCE PAPERS 2021 Chief Editor, Dr. Sandis ŠRĀDERS, Baltic Defence College Editor, Dr. Viljar VEEBEL, Baltic Defence College 4 Th e Baltic Defence College Chief Editor: Dr. Sandis Šrāders Editor: Dr. Viljar Veebel Reviewers: – Dr. Illimar Ploom, Assistant Professor, Estonian Military Academy – Dr. Vladimir Sazonov, Researcher, Estonian Academy of Security Studies and University of Tartu – Dr. Christopher P. Murray, Lecturer, Baltic Defence College – George Spencer Terry, University of Tartu – Michael G. Dvorak (LTC), Baltic Defence College – Danny Looney (LTC), Baltic Defence College Cover page: Raido Saar ISBN 978-9949-03-568-7 (print) ISBN 978-9949-03-569-4 (PDF) Copyright: authors and Baltic Defence College, 2021 University of Tartu Press www.tyk.ee Foreword 5 Foreword Brigadier General Ilmar Tamm, Commandant of the Baltic Defence College Th e security of a state is the key to its wealth, stability, and welfare. As per the words of former Estonian President Lennart Meri during the College’s inaugural ceremony on 25th of February 1999, “Security is precious, and there is never too much of it.