Censorship and Surveillance on Social Video Platforms in China
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Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest
Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest Patricia Moloney Figliola Specialist in Internet and Telecommunications Policy May 18, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45200 Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government and Private Sector Activity Summary By the end of 2017, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had the world’s largest number of internet users, estimated at over 750 million people. At the same time, the country has one of the most sophisticated and aggressive internet censorship and control regimes in the world. PRC officials have argued that internet controls are necessary for social stability, and intended to protect and strengthen Chinese culture. However, in its 2017 Annual Report, Reporters Without Borders (Reporters Sans Frontières, RSF) called China the “world’s biggest prison for journalists” and warned that the country “continues to improve its arsenal of measures for persecuting journalists and bloggers.” China ranks 176th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2017 World Press Freedom Index, surpassed only by Turkmenistan, Eritrea, and North Korea in the lack of press freedom. At the end of 2017, RSF asserted that China was holding 52 journalists and bloggers in prison. The PRC government employs a variety of methods to control online content and expression, including website blocking and keyword filtering; regulating and monitoring internet service providers; censoring social media; and arresting “cyber dissidents” and bloggers who broach sensitive social or political issues. The government also monitors the popular mobile app WeChat. WeChat began as a secure messaging app, similar to WhatsApp, but it is now used for much more than just messaging and calling, such as mobile payments, and all the data shared through the app is also shared with the Chinese government. -
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China Blake Miller∗ September 27, 2018 Abstract Despite massive investment in China's censorship program, internet platforms in China are rife with criticisms of the government and content that seeks to organize opposition to the ruling Communist Party. Past works have attributed this \open- ness" to deliberate government strategy or lack of capacity. Most, however, do not consider the role of private social media companies, to whom the state delegates information controls. I suggest that the apparent incompleteness of censorship is largely a result of principal-agent problems that arise due to misaligned incentives of government principals and private media company agents. Using a custom dataset of annotated leaked documents from a social media company, Sina Weibo, I find that 16% of directives from the government are disobeyed by Sina Weibo and that disobedience is driven by Sina's concerns about censoring more strictly than com- petitor Tencent. I also find that the fragmentation inherent in the Chinese political system exacerbates this principal agent problem. I demonstrate this by retrieving actual censored content from large databases of hundreds of millions of Sina Weibo posts and measuring the performance of Sina Weibo's censorship employees across a range of events. This paper contributes to our understanding of media control in China by uncovering how market competition can lead media companies to push back against state directives and increase space for counterhegemonic discourse. ∗Postdoctoral Fellow, Program in Quantitative Social Science, Dartmouth College, Silsby Hall, Hanover, NH 03755 (E-mail: [email protected]). 1 Introduction Why do scathing criticisms, allegations of government corruption, and content about collective action make it past the censors in China? Past works have theorized that regime strategies or state-society conflicts are the reason for incomplete censorship. -
Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 2010 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Michelle (Qian) Yang University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Yang, Michelle (Qian), "Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China" 01 January 2010. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Keywords censorship, china, incentives, Social Sciences, Political Science, Devesh Kapur, Kapur, Devesh Disciplines Political Science This article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China Michelle Yang April 09, 2010 Acknowledgments My initial interest in this thesis topic was generated during the summer of 2009 when I was interning in Beijing. There, I had found myself unable to access a large portion of the websites I’ve grown so accustomed to in my everyday life. I knew from then that I wanted to write about censorship in China. Since that summer, the scope of the topic has changed greatly under the careful guidance of Professor Devesh Kapur. I am incredibly grateful for all the support he has given me during this entire process. This final thesis wouldn’t be what it is today without his guidance. Professor Kapur, thank you for believing in me and for pushing me to complete this thesis! I would also like to extend my gratitude to both Professor Doherty-Sil and Professor Goldstein for taking time out of their busy schedules to meet with me and for providing me with indispensible advice. -
Threat Modeling and Circumvention of Internet Censorship by David Fifield
Threat modeling and circumvention of Internet censorship By David Fifield A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Computer Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor J.D. Tygar, Chair Professor Deirdre Mulligan Professor Vern Paxson Fall 2017 1 Abstract Threat modeling and circumvention of Internet censorship by David Fifield Doctor of Philosophy in Computer Science University of California, Berkeley Professor J.D. Tygar, Chair Research on Internet censorship is hampered by poor models of censor behavior. Censor models guide the development of circumvention systems, so it is important to get them right. A censor model should be understood not just as a set of capabilities|such as the ability to monitor network traffic—but as a set of priorities constrained by resource limitations. My research addresses the twin themes of modeling and circumvention. With a grounding in empirical research, I build up an abstract model of the circumvention problem and examine how to adapt it to concrete censorship challenges. I describe the results of experiments on censors that probe their strengths and weaknesses; specifically, on the subject of active probing to discover proxy servers, and on delays in their reaction to changes in circumvention. I present two circumvention designs: domain fronting, which derives its resistance to blocking from the censor's reluctance to block other useful services; and Snowflake, based on quickly changing peer-to-peer proxy servers. I hope to change the perception that the circumvention problem is a cat-and-mouse game that affords only incremental and temporary advancements. -
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’S Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’s Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World A Report to the Center for International Media Assistance By Sarah Cook October 22, 2013 The Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA), at the National Endowment for Democracy, works to strengthen the support, raise the visibility, and improve the effectiveness of independent media development throughout the world. The Center provides information, builds networks, conducts research, and highlights the indispensable role independent media play in the creation and development of sustainable democracies. An important aspect of CIMA’s work is to research ways to attract additional U.S. private sector interest in and support for international media development. CIMA convenes working groups, discussions, and panels on a variety of topics in the field of media development and assistance. The center also issues reports and recommendations based on working group discussions and other investigations. These reports aim to provide policymakers, as well as donors and practitioners, with ideas for bolstering the effectiveness of media assistance. Don Podesta Interim Senior Director Center for International Media Assistance National Endowment for Democracy 1025 F Street, N.W., 8th Floor Washington, DC 20004 Phone: (202) 378-9700 Fax: (202) 378-9407 Email: [email protected] URL: http://cima.ned.org Design and Layout by Valerie Popper About the Author Sarah Cook Sarah Cook is a senior research analyst for East Asia at Freedom House. She manages the editorial team producing the China Media Bulletin, a biweekly news digest of media freedom developments related to the People’s Republic of China. -
Freedom on the Net 2016
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2016 China 2015 2016 Population: 1.371 billion Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2015 (ITU): 50 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 18 18 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 30 30 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 40 40 TOTAL* (0-100) 88 88 Press Freedom 2016 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2015 – May 2016 • A draft cybersecurity law could step up requirements for internet companies to store data in China, censor information, and shut down services for security reasons, under the aus- pices of the Cyberspace Administration of China (see Legal Environment). • An antiterrorism law passed in December 2015 requires technology companies to cooperate with authorities to decrypt data, and introduced content restrictions that could suppress legitimate speech (see Content Removal and Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • A criminal law amendment effective since November 2015 introduced penalties of up to seven years in prison for posting misinformation on social media (see Legal Environment). • Real-name registration requirements were tightened for internet users, with unregistered mobile phone accounts closed in September 2015, and app providers instructed to regis- ter and store user data in 2016 (see Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • Websites operated by the South China Morning Post, The Economist and Time magazine were among those newly blocked for reporting perceived as critical of President Xi Jin- ping (see Blocking and Filtering). www.freedomonthenet.org FREEDOM CHINA ON THE NET 2016 Introduction China was the world’s worst abuser of internet freedom in the 2016 Freedom on the Net survey for the second consecutive year. -
Forbidden Feeds: Government Controls on Social Media in China
FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China 1 FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China March 13, 2018 © 2018 PEN America. All rights reserved. PEN America stands at the intersection of literature and hu- man rights to protect open expression in the United States and worldwide. We champion the freedom to write, recognizing the power of the word to transform the world. Our mission is to unite writers and their allies to celebrate creative expression and defend the liberties that make it possible. Founded in 1922, PEN America is the largest of more than 100 centers of PEN International. Our strength is in our membership—a nationwide community of more than 7,000 novelists, journalists, poets, es- sayists, playwrights, editors, publishers, translators, agents, and other writing professionals. For more information, visit pen.org. Cover Illustration: Badiucao CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 INTRODUCTION : AN UNFULFILLED PROMISE 7 OUTLINE AND METHODOLOGY 10 KEY FINDINGS 11 SECTION I : AN OVERVIEW OF THE SYSTEM OF SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP 12 The Prevalence of Social Media Usage in China 12 Digital Rights—Including the Right to Free Expression—Under International Law 14 China’s Control of Online Expression: A Historical Perspective 15 State Control over Social Media: Policy 17 State Control over Social Media: Recent Laws and Regulations 18 SECTION II: SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP IN PRACTICE 24 A Typology of Censored Topics 24 The Corporate Responsibility to Censor its Users 29 The Mechanics of Censorship 32 Tibet and -
The Impact of Media Censorship: Evidence from a Field Experiment in China
The Impact of Media Censorship: Evidence from a Field Experiment in China Yuyu Chen David Y. Yang* January 4, 2018 — JOB MARKET PAPER — — CLICK HERE FOR LATEST VERSION — Abstract Media censorship is a hallmark of authoritarian regimes. We conduct a field experiment in China to measure the effects of providing citizens with access to an uncensored Internet. We track subjects’ me- dia consumption, beliefs regarding the media, economic beliefs, political attitudes, and behaviors over 18 months. We find four main results: (i) free access alone does not induce subjects to acquire politically sen- sitive information; (ii) temporary encouragement leads to a persistent increase in acquisition, indicating that demand is not permanently low; (iii) acquisition brings broad, substantial, and persistent changes to knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and intended behaviors; and (iv) social transmission of information is statis- tically significant but small in magnitude. We calibrate a simple model to show that the combination of low demand for uncensored information and the moderate social transmission means China’s censorship apparatus may remain robust to a large number of citizens receiving access to an uncensored Internet. Keywords: censorship, information, media, belief JEL classification: D80, D83, L86, P26 *Chen: Guanghua School of Management, Peking University. Email: [email protected]. Yang: Department of Economics, Stanford University. Email: [email protected]. Yang is deeply grateful to Ran Abramitzky, Matthew Gentzkow, and Muriel Niederle -
UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Liberalization, Economic Dependence, and the Paradox of Taiwan’s Press Freedom Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3j53d4r1 Author Huang, Jaw-Nian Publication Date 2016 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Liberalization, Economic Dependence, and the Paradox of Taiwan’s Press Freedom A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jaw-Nian Huang December 2016 Dissertation Committee: Dr. John W. Cioffi, Chairperson Dr. John Christian Laursen Dr. Bronwyn Anne Leebaw Dr. Perry Link Copyright by Jaw-Nian Huang 2016 The Dissertation of Jaw-Nian Huang is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my committee chair, Dr. John W. Cioffi, who encouraged me and supported me at every point during my doctoral study. Without his guidance, this dissertation would not have been possible. I also wish to show my sincere gratitude to my committee members, Dr. John Christian Laursen, Dr. Bronwyn Anne Leebaw, and Dr. Perry Link, who provided expertise and insight that greatly ameliorated the research. I am moreover grateful to Dr. Rwei-ren Wu and Dr. Jieh-min Wu for their comments on an earlier version of the manuscript. Certainly, any errors are my own and should not tarnish the reputations of these esteemed persons. Also, I thank every interviewee of this dissertation who shared his or her inside stories that enhanced the credibility and readability of the research. -
Undermining Freedom of Expression in China the Role of Yahoo!, Microsoft and Google
UNDERMINING FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN CHINA The role of Yahoo!, Microsoft and Google Amnesty International ‘And of course, the information society’s very life blood is freedom. It is freedom that enables citizens everywhere to benefit from knowledge, journalists to do their essential work, and citizens to hold government accountable. Without openness, without the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers, the information revolution will stall, and the information society we hope to build will be stillborn.’ KofiA nnan, UN Secretary General Published in July 2006 by Amnesty International UK The Human Rights Action Centre 17-25 New Inn Yard London EC2A 3EA United Kingdom www.amnesty.org.uk ISBN: 187332866 4 ISBN: 978-1-873328-66-8 AI Index: POL 30/026/2006 £5.99 CONTENTS Executive summary 4 1. Freedom of expression 8 1.1 A fundamental human right 8 1.2 Internet governance and human rights 8 2. Human rights responsibilities of companies 10 2.1 Responsibilities of Internet hardware and software companies 11 3. The human rights situation in China: an overview 13 3.1 The crackdown on human rights defenders 13 3.2 Curtailment of freedom of expression 14 3.3 Internet censorship in China 16 4. The role of Yahoo!, Microsoft and Google 17 4.1 Mismatch between values and actions 17 4.2 Contravening their principle that users come first 23 4.3 Uncovering their defences 23 4.4 From denial to acknowledgement 26 5. Recommendations for action 28 EXEcutIVE SuMMARY Amnesty International has produced many reports documenting the Chinese government’s violations of human rights.1 The expansion of investment in China by foreign companies in the field of information and communications technology puts them at risk of contributing to certain types of violation, particularly those relating to freedom of expression and the suppression of dissent. -
How China's Government, Businesses, and Populace
Behind the Great Firewall: How China’s Government, Businesses, and Populace Compete to Shape the Chinese Internet An STS Research Paper presented to the faculty of the School of Engineering and Applied Science University of Virginia by James Houghton May 5, 2020 On my honor as a University student, I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment as defined by the Honor Guidelines for Thesis-Related Assignments. Signed: _________________________________________________ Approved: ____________________________________________ Date _______________________ Peter Norton, Department of Engineering and Society 1 Behind the Great Firewall: How China’s Government, Businesses, and Populace Compete to Shape the Chinese Internet Introduction Chinese citizens are subject to some of the strictest censorship in the world. The Chinese government blocks nearly all of Google’s services, Facebook, Twitter, and even some academic journals. Even today, political expression is limited, and whistleblowers are silenced (Griffiths, 2020). Although many in China remain complacent due to highly integrated applications like WeChat, a small minority is vocal about combating censorship. The relationship between Chinese authorities and web users is complex and requires investigation. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has built what is now called the Great Firewall of China (GFW), a web traffic monitoring and censorship system. The CPC routinely uses it to scan for and block content it deems sensitive or inappropriate (Zheng, 2017). Although some people working in academia and business may have methods, by exemption or otherwise, of bypassing some of the GFW restrictions, the CPC has plugged many of its holes in recent years, impeding research and business opportunities. However, nearly all Chinese web users including students do not seek to access the uncensored web, and many businesses thrive with the lack of much foreign intervention. -
Section 3: China's Domestic Stability
SECTION 3: CHINA’S DOMESTIC STABILITY Introduction Twenty-five years after the Tiananmen Square massacre, many of the same underlying causes of unrest persist today. Land sei- zures, labor disputes, wide-scale corruption, cultural and religious repression, and environmental degradation have led to hundreds of thousands of localized protests annually throughout China since 2010. The Chinese leadership has consistently responded to in- creased unrest with repression, censorship, and, occasionally, lim- ited accommodation. Over the past year, ethnic unrest escalated in response to excessive force by China’s internal security forces and the growing radicalization of disenfranchised Uyghurs in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Militant Uyghur separatists also shifted their tactics from attacking Chinese authorities to tar- geting civilians and public spaces. President Xi Jinping, like his predecessors, has made the preser- vation of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rule and domestic sta- bility his top priorities. He has issued a series of policy directives and institutional changes to centralize the domestic stability main- tenance apparatus under his personal oversight and to expand its scope and capabilities. The growth of Internet connectivity and social media in China has provided Chinese citizens with new tools to express grievances and organize larger, more numerous, and better coordinated pro- tests. To contain this rising threat to authority, President Xi has instituted new constraints on Internet criticism of the CCP, launched high-profile judicial cases against popular online com- mentators and advocates, and further tightened news media and Internet controls. This section—based on a Commission hearing in May 2014 on China’s domestic stability and briefings by U.S.