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Women & Politics from the Perspective of Islamic Movements

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Women & Politics from the Perspective of Islamic Movements Women & Politics From the Perspective of Islamic Movements in Jordan Hassan Abu Hanieh Women and Politics: From the Perspective of Islamic Movements in Jordan Hasan Abu Hanieh August 2008 Published in 2008 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Amman Office/Michael Bröning P.O. Box 926238, Amman 11110 - Jordan www.fes-jordan.com, [email protected] © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2008 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publishers. Printing: Economic Printing Press, Amman, Jordan Translation and Editing: Mona Abu Rayyan, Beirut, Lebanon Design and layout: Maya Chami, Beirut, Lebanon اململكة الأردنية الها�شمية رقم الإيداع لدى دائرة املكتبة الوطنية (2008 /12 / 4259) 305.4 Abu Haniyeh, Hassan Women and Politics : From the perspective of Islamic Movements in Jordan \ Hassan M. Abu Haniyeh; translated by Mona Abu Rayyan .- Amman: Friedrich , 2008 ( 160 )p. Deposit No.:4259 /12/2008. Descriptors:\ Women//Politics//Islami ❖ اأعدت دائرة املكتبة الوطنية بيانات الفهر�شة والت�شنيف الأولية ❖ يتحمل املوؤلف كامل امل�شوؤولية القانونية عن حمتوى م�شنفه ول رّيعب هذا امل�شنف عن راأي دائرة املكتبة الوطنية اأو اأي جهة حكومية اأخرى Preface Gender Equality and Gender Mainstreaming are cherished concepts in the international donor community. This does not come as a surprise, given the fact that under-development and poverty are – amongst other causes – widely attributed to social norms that deprive women of equal opportunities. There is now consensus among observers in the globalized world economy that women’s skills and talents can no longer be under- utilized. The widespread exclusion of up to 50 percent of their respective populations from equal rights and opportunities is not only indicative of an ongoing moral dilemma for many countries but also poses a significant strain on social and economic development prospects. For economists, the equation is simple: No development without women’s participation. Obviously, this reasoning is nothing new – neither for international human rights advocates, nor for decision-makers in Arab states. The most recent Arab Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme identified gender inequality as one of the main obstacles to development in the Arab Region. Built on the “wealth of Arab knowledge and insight”, the report attempts to present “a vision of self-determined change based on a commitment to internal social reform and frank self-assessment”. As such, the report by scholars from around the Arab world calls on Arab governments to facilitate nothing short of a “Rise of Women”. Does it come as a surprise that these calls have not passed unchallenged? In the end, it is salient that the role of women in any society is not merely an economic question, but first and foremost a highly sensitive cultural paradigm based on centuries of historical tradition. Yet, when questions of women’ participation in the Arab world are discussed, it seems that progressive ideas and international norms concerning the participation of women are today not primarily obstructed anymore by open criticism and outright rejection – even though this kind of opposition is still fairly common. Rather, they are often countered with silent persistence and a stern but unarticulated refusal to change – a behaviour which is, of course, only too familiar to agents of change in the West as well. How is this to be explained? How do decision makers argue their case? How are Western concepts of gender equality perceived in the context of Islamic movements? These and other questions are discussed in the current volume of Islamic Politics which uses the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan as a case study relevant to the region at large. The analysis by Hasan Abu Hanieh attempts to look into Islamic movement(s) in Jordan and endeavours to explore positions of decision-makers and sympathisers on the wide field of “women rights” alike. However, the study does not only focus on positions but also analyses practice. Abu Hanieh examines not merely official statements and the internal Islamic discourse, but also focuses on the political reality on the ground. The present volume thus deals with political positions and programs of Islamic parties concerning women’s issues, studies the role of women in Islamic parties (in Parliament, municipalities and party institutions) and also looks into the role of women in social institutions and charitable organisations run by Islamic Movements in the Hashemite Kingdom. The present study constitutes the second volume of the series, Islamic Politics, published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES). We hope that the publication will provide a useful point of reference for the further study of Islamic movements in Jordan. FES, as a German political foundation based on the principles of social democracy and equality, encourages increased participation of women in Jordanian public life. However, the study demonstrates that this is unlikely to happen without external support and a thorough internal debate, both inside and outside the Islamic movement(s) in Jordan. Obviously, any such debate can only be constructive as long as discussions are based on a careful stock-taking of the status quo. To contribute to such an unbiased analysis is the objective of this book. Amman, 20 July 2008 Michael Bröning Content Introduction ........................................................ 11 Part I Islam, Woman and Politics Outside the Democratic Framework .................. 17 Introduction ........................................................ 19 Hizb ut-Tahrir (Islamic Party of Liberation) ................................ 22 Al-Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh (Traditional Salafists) .......................................... 35 Al-Salafiya al-Jihadiyeh (Jihadist Salafists) .............................................. 49 Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh wal Da’wa (Missionary, Advocacy and Calling or Invocation (to God) Group) ............................ 65 Part II Islam, Women and Politics in the Framework of Democracy ........................ 77 Introduction ........................................................ 79 The Muslim Brotherhood ................................... 83 Islamic Action Front ........................................... 93 The Muslim Center Party ................................. 118 The Dua’a Party ............................................... 128 Conclusion ...................................................... 134 Endnotes ......................................................... 140 Introduction Those monitoring the numerous issues that affect women in Jordan will perhaps notice a considerable change in the vision and the position of Islamic movements towards women’s rights and issues. Transformations that have affected the region, in general, and Jordan, in particular, have noticeably contributed to the reassessment of the nature of the role women play in society. By becoming increasingly involved in various Islamic movements, which for many years were the exclusive domain of men, the Muslim woman has begun to rid herself of the historic, cultural and societal chains that have, thus far, limited her activities, behavior and reactions. She began by establishing women’s councils and committees through which she demanded a greater role in the hierarchical structure within these movements, and through which she began to overcome her tokenized presence. She has, instead, taken on an active and real role in the decision-making process and has become a factor in defining the narrative of Islamic movements. However, despite Muslim women’s increased activities within Islamic movements in Jordan, they have not proven that they are able to create their own narrative independent of the Muslim male vision. Women’s issues and rights are still being negotiated and discussed under very strict and established structures in this narrative, such as the insistence on the unique status of the Muslim woman, and the differences between this status and those of prevailing Western women models. The objectives advocated by women Islamists have been, thus far, summarized in a call for developing women’s rights organizations based on Islamic values and references, which far exceed those upon which the Western model is centered. The effectiveness of the social and political activities of Islamic movements presents an alternative model to Orientalist and Western 11 interpretations of Islam, which see these (feminist Islamic) movements as being based on a fixed and strict religious doctrine, and which negate Islam’s potential for evolution, change and progress. Till this day, the common Western view of women in the Muslim world is grounded in the belief that women are lower in status and are defeated in Muslim and Arab societies: It considers Islamic movements as an extension of a tradition founded in oppressing and repressing women, without any consideration to the complex narrative and practices of these movements, be they traditional, activist or revolutionary. This is not to deny that certain Western women’s movements and others, which have focused on the ‘third’ world, have started to understand the special case of women in the Southern hemisphere and the Arab and Muslim worlds, and have started to work on changing the stereotypical and prevailing image bestowed upon these women. Women Islamists are indeed engaging in internal and external struggles, within the various strata of Islamic movements, geared towards improving the
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