Vozrozhdenie Bank Annual Report 2011
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Russia's “Pivot to Asia”
Russia’s “Pivot to Asia”: The Multilateral Dimension Stephen Blank STEPHEN BLANK is a Senior Fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council. He can be reached at <[email protected]>. NOTE: Sections of this working paper draw on Stephen Blank, “Russian Writers on the Decline of Russia in the Far East and the Rise of China,” Jamestown Foundation, Russia in Decline Project, September 13, 2016. Working Paper, June 28, 2017 – Stephen Blank EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper explores the opportunities and challenges that Russia has faced in its economic pivot to Asia and examines the potential roadblocks to its future integration with the region with special regard to multilateral Asian institutions. Main Argument Despite the challenges Russia faces, many Russian writers and officials continue to insist that the country is making visible strides forward in its so-called pivot to Asia. Russia’s ability to influence the many multilateral projects that pervade Asia from the Arctic to Southeast Asia and increase its role in them represents an “acid test” of whether or not proclamations of the correctness of Russian policy can stand up to scrutiny. Such scrutiny shows that Russia is failing to benefit from or participate in these projects. The one exception, the Eurasian Union, has become an economic disappointment to both Russia and its other members. Russia is actually steadily losing ground to China in the Arctic, Central Asia, and North Korea. Likewise, in Southeast Asia Moscow has promoted and signed many agreements with members of ASEAN, only to fail to implement them practically. Since Asia, as Moscow well knows, is the most dynamic sector of the global economy, this failure to reform at home and implement the developmental steps needed to compete in Asia can only presage negative geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences for Russia as it steadily becomes increasingly marginalized in the region despite its rhetoric and diplomatic activity. -
RUSSIA the Russian Federation Has a Centralized Political System, With
RUSSIA The Russian Federation has a centralized political system, with power concentrated in a president and a prime minister, a weak multiparty political system dominated by the ruling United Russia party, and a bicameral legislature (Federal Assembly). The Federal Assembly consists of a lower house (State Duma) and an upper house (Federation Council). The country has an estimated population of 142 million. Security forces generally reported to civilian authorities; however, in some areas of the Northern Caucasus, there were serious problems with civilian control of security forces. There were numerous reports of governmental and societal human rights problems and abuses during the year. The restrictions on political competition and interference in local and regional elections in ways that restricted citizens' right to change their government continued. There were reports of: attacks on and killings of journalists by unidentified persons for reasons apparently related to their activities; physical abuse by law enforcement officers, particularly in the North Caucasus region; and harsh and often life-threatening prison conditions. Arbitrary detention and politically motivated imprisonments were problems. The government controlled many media outlets and infringed on freedoms of speech and expression, pressured major independent media outlets to abstain from critical coverage, and harassed and intimidated some journalists into practicing self- censorship. The Internet remained by and large free and provided citizens access to an increased amount of information that was not available on state-controlled media. The government limited freedom of assembly, and police at times used violence to prevent groups from engaging in peaceful protest. Rule of law and due process violations remained a problem. -
Democracy Derailed: Are Russian Intellectuals Responsible for the Ideological Rationale of Putinism?1
Democracy Derailed: Are Russian Intellectuals Responsible for the Ideological Rationale of Putinism?1 By Olga Khvostunova, Ph.D. Published at imrussia.org, an online publication of the Institute of Modern Russia, on December 30, 2014. 1 This research paper was originally presented at 46th ASEEES Annual Convention on November 22, 2014 at the panel titled “The World Divided: Russia’s Alternative to the Ideology of Liberal Democracy.” Democracy Derailed: Are Russian Intellectuals Responsible for Ideological Rationale of Putinism? Olga Khvostunova, Ph.D. Institute of Modern Russia Abstract Since the earliest forms of democracy, public intellectuals have been playing a crucial role in the state political life: constructing ideologies, advising politicians, influencing public opinion. As noted specialists in a particular field of knowledge, well-known members of academia or think tanks, the role of public intellectuals is to provide wider public with knowledge to make informed decisions on governance and to keep the authorities accountable for their activities. However, with Vladimir Putin rise in power in today’s Russia, a number of prominent Russian intellectuals have become subservient to the Kremlin, providing ideological rationale for the country’s rising authoritarianism; only few intellectuals voiced their criticisms and warned of the dangers of an undemocratic path. This paper will explore a diverse group of Russian public intellectuals (focusing on think tanks and popular political commentators—from conservatives to liberals), the ideas that they put forward and their role in the country’s democratic rollback. 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………….3 1. Who are intellectuals?.............................................................................4 1.1. Public intellectuals………………………………………………..6 1.2. Intellectuals in politics……………………………………………7 1.3. -
Constructing a New Political Process: the Hegemonic Presidency and the Legislature, 28 J
UIC Law Review Volume 28 Issue 4 Article 3 Summer 1995 Constructing a New Political Process: The Hegemonic Presidency and the Legislature, 28 J. Marshall L. Rev. 787 (1995) John P. Willerton Alexsei A. Shulus Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Courts Commons, Legal History Commons, Legislation Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation John P. Willerton & Alexsei A. Shulus, Constructing a New Political Process: The Hegemonic Presidency and the Legislature, 28 J. Marshall L. Rev. 787 (1995) https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview/vol28/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Review by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONSTRUCTING A NEW POLITICAL PROCESS: THE HEGEMONIC PRESIDENCY AND THE LEGISLATURE JOHN P. WILLERTON* AND ALEKSEI A. SHULUS** INTRODUCTION Even a cursory examination of contemporary Russian politics would suggest to the observer continued institution building but confused governance at all levels of authority. Since the late 198- Os, the Russian political system, reflective of the broader society and economy, has been in a state of dynamic transition. Democra- tization and privatization have brought significant institutional and policy changes. Yet, important questions still linger as to the strength and durability of the current political arrangements. In the political realm, the most important struggles have revolved around new divisions of power and authority, as well as the delineation of new formal and informal rules which govern the behavior of decisionmakers.' Both Moscow and the locales have experienced these struggles. -
Russia Serbia Relations at the Beginning of XXI Century
Russia Serbia Relations at the beginning of XXI Century RUSSIA SERBIA RELATIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF XXI CENTURY 1 Russia Serbia Relations at the beginning of XXI Century - ESSAY COMPENDIUM – © ISAC Fund EDITOR Žarko N. Petrović PUBLISHER ISAC Fund International and Security Affairs Centre Kapetan Mišina 5 11000 Belgrade www.isac-fund.org THIS PUBLICATION WAS MADE POSSIBLE BY THE KIND DONATION OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY EXECUTIVE PUBLISHER Nikola Petrović DESIGN Nenad Baćanović PRINT Colorgrafx Beograd, 2010 All ISAC Fund’s outputs are generously supported by the OPEN SOCIETY INSTITUTE 2 RUSSIA SERBIA RELATIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF XXI CENTURY Content Žarko N. Petrović Russia-Serbia Relations: Three years’ result .................................................................................................................................5 HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF RUSSIA - SERBIA RELATIONS ........................................................9 Dr. Miroslav Jovanović Two Russias: On the Two Dominant Discourses of Russia in the Serbian Public ..................................................................................11 Aleksey Timofeev Myths about Russia and Dynamics of the Development of Russian Foreign Policy Interests in the West Balkans ................................19 Žarko N. Petrović Russian – Serbian Strategic Partnership: Scope and Content ............................................................................................................25 OBSERVATIONS ON CONTEMPORARY -
Russian Series Medvedev and the Modernisation Dilemma Dr Mark a Smith
The Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Russian Series Medvedev and the Modernisation Dilemma Dr Mark A Smith 10/15 Medvedev and the Modernisation Dilemma Dr Mark A Smith Key Findings Dmitry Medvedev came to power in 2008 to continue the policy direction of the Putin presidency. Real power in the tandem lies with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and not President Medvedev. The Russian leadership is still dominated by Putin appointees, who mainly come from the power structures – the siloviki. By February 2008 siloviki comprised 42 per cent of senior state positions. There are very few Medvedev appointees at senior levels. Medvedev has no real control over the levers of power. Both men probably share the same broad vision. Differences between them may exist, although it is unlikely this would be openly admitted. Medvedev has admitted in April 2010 that there may be differences between him and Putin over nuances of political development. Since 2009 he has spoken of the need for “substantial changes” to the political system. He is quite outspoken about the need to develop an innovation economy and to move away from an economy dependent on raw material production. His criticisms of economic management since 1999 may be an implied criticism of Putin. He warns that Russia is doomed if it does not change its economic system. The modernisation project is an attempt to develop a high-tech economy. There is however significant resistance to modernisation which may have come from Putin appointees. Failure to modernise could lead to continued stagnation or even systematic collapse as happened in 1917 and 1991.