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Football Fan Subculture in Russia: Aggressive Support, Readiness to Fight, and Far Right Links

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Football Fan Subculture in Russia: Aggressive Support, Readiness to Fight, and Far Right Links Europe-Asia Studies ISSN: 0966-8136 (Print) 1465-3427 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ceas20 Football Fan Subculture in Russia: Aggressive Support, Readiness to Fight, and Far Right Links Julia Glathe To cite this article: Julia Glathe (2016) Football Fan Subculture in Russia: Aggressive Support, Readiness to Fight, and Far Right Links, Europe-Asia Studies, 68:9, 1506-1525, DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2016.1244260 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1244260 Published online: 25 Nov 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 401 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ceas20 EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES, 2016 Vol. 68, No. 9, November 2016, 1506–1525 Football Fan Subculture in Russia: Aggressive Support, Readiness to Fight, and Far Right Links JULIA GLATHE Abstract This article provides a characterisation of the right-wing football fan subculture in Russia, focusing on its relationship with the far right. It explores the virtual network across fans, hooligans, and the far right scene, and it identifies common narratives between the football fan subculture and Russia’s far right. Using the technique of the Grounded Theory Method, this article attempts to explain the link between the football subculture and the Russian far right, discussing the potential to mobilise football fans for right-wing actions. A key basis for interaction between the football subculture and right-wing activists is provided by the combination of the supporters’ readiness for fights and their sense of oppression from state policies. THE RIOT AT THE MANEZHNAYA SQUARE IN MOSCOW (11 December 2010) is just one episode revealing the mobilisation potential for right-wing action held by Russian football fans and hooligans. This gathering, which involved right-wing extremists and many football fans, was triggered by the death of Egor Sviridov, the Spartak Moscow fan who died during a street fight with people from the ‘North Caucasus’ (Verkhovsky & Kozhevnikova 2011). The 3,000 participants chanted racist and anti-police slogans, raised their hands collectively in Nazi-salutes, and repeatedly attacked individuals of ‘non-Russian’ appearance. The Centre for Information and Analysis (Verkhovsky & Kozhevnikova 2011) reported one death and 40 serious injuries while listing the riot’s total casualties. Such a huge mobilisation after a relatively common incident—at least in a metropolis like Moscow—was interpreted as an enormous success for the Russian extreme right: ‘such a mass gathering under such radical slogans have never happened before, and at this time it also took place literally under the Kremlin walls, was crowned with fairly mass violence, and not a single organiser has been held accountable’ (Verkhovsky & Kozhevnikova 2011). In September 2013, right-wing extremists and football hooligans returned to the streets, this time in Biryulyovo, and rioted side by side at an alarming gathering against ‘illegal migration’. This incident was instigated by the death of a Muscovite who had been fighting with a ‘migrant’ (SOVA 2013). Both events indicate that some segments of the Russian football fan and hooligan scene are part of the Russian far right or, at the very least, attracted to it. ISSN 0966-8136 print; ISSN 1465-3427 online/16/9001506–20 © 2016 University of Glasgow http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1244260 RUSSIAN Football FANS AND THE FAR RIGHT 1507 The success encountered by right-wing activists in mobilising the fan scene suggests that a dense network involving football fans and the far right may actually be operating across the Russian Federation. Although the phenomenon of racism in the context of football is not new, it remains largely unexplored in its Eastern European, and Russian more in particular, manifestations. While many authors explored the link between football fans and Russia’s far right, there are few systematic analyses of the right-wing football subculture in Russia. Little is therefore known about the network involving football fans and right-wing activists and, most significantly, the mobilisation mechanisms operating within this network. This article is therefore aimed to offer a more comprehensive study of Russia’s right-wing football fan and hooligan subculture—the members of which describe themselves as Okolofutbol’shchiki— while seeking to examine their relationship with the Russian far right. The article’s key objective is to gain a more nuanced understanding of where these spaces of right-wing ideologies are located within the football subculture, and the means through which actors endeavoured to communicate and disseminate these ideas. This is essential for identifying, explaining, and assessing the potential for the mobilisation of this subculture—a subculture that appears to be a violent political actor in a variety of contexts. These ends will be accomplished here by reconstructing the virtual network of football fans and far right actors. This article will in this sense identify spaces and actors through which right-wing ideologies have so far flourished. It will do so by selecting fan pages, including blogs, web pages, and internet forums with a clear link to far right groups, analysing qualitatively their content through the Grounded Theory approach devised by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss. The first part of the article reconstructs the virtual network of the fan and hooligan scene, locating key actors, as well as centres and edges of activity. The article’s subsequent segment will discuss those actors identified as critical contributors to the right- wing movement, introducing textual analysis aimed at linking themes and references of the Okolofutbol’shchiki and developing concepts that describe the characteristics and dimensions of this subculture. At the same time, this article will assess the right-wing character of this subculture, while evaluating its relationship to the Russian right. This article is to be understood as a first endeavour to characterise right-wing football and hooligan subculture in Russia. It represents an attempt to explain the relationships between this subculture and Russia’s far right, and the potential to mobilise football fans for right-wing actions. Literature review Fandom and hooliganism are global phenomena that, to date, have been predominantly studied vis-à-vis the Western European context. Some fundamental ideas as to why fandom can be linked to racism have been articulated by Cornel Sandvoss, who conceptualised the role of fandom in modern culture (Sandvoss 2003, 2005; Gray et al. 2007). One of Sandvoss’s central arguments is that football fandom ‘creates a space used by fans for their articulation and reflection of self’ (Sandvoss 2003, p. 27), which includes the fans’ cultural and social position as well as their values and beliefs (Sandvoss 2003, p. 49ff). Fandom can thus be seen as an act of political communication, which can at times involve racist positions. Sandvoss’s conceptualisation of football fandom as a form of self-projection does furthermore help to explain the fans’ intensive emotional involvement (Sandvoss 2003, p. 69). Sandvoss’s analysis, however, ignores actual connections and interactions between football fans and political actors, including ultra-nationalist 1508 JULIA Glathe groups. He does not, in other words, seek to provide an insight into specific political fan groups, their networks, and their potential for violence and political mobilisation. These aspects of fandom are nevertheless crucial to understand why football fans appear to be susceptible to mobilisation for the purposes of right-wing action. For this reason, a portrait of right-wing football fans is needed. Ramón Spaaij’s study on hooligan identities is particularly helpful, here. He identified six key aspects of football hooliganism as a transnational phenomenon (Spaaij 2006, p. 2),1 hence offering a more in-depth picture of hooligan identities while pointing to the political implications of this identity, with particular regard to ‘territorial identifications’. However, in Spaaij’s work, the discussion on the linkages between key aspects of hooliganism and the affinity to the far right remains peripheral. The practical consequences of right-wing fan identities for political action outside the stadium and the potential for fan mobilisation have also been largely disregarded by the prior scholarly works on football fan culture. While examining the relationship between football fan cultures and the far right in Germany and Italy, Jonas Gabler analysed the basic ‘friend–enemy distinction’ within football fan cultures, the rhetoric of territorial rivalries as well as the pleasure of provocation as key factors for right-wing attitudes (Gabler 2009, p. 138). Yet he did not consider political action by football fans outside the stadium as a problem but rather as a rare exception (Gabler 2009, p. 139). It is perhaps important to emphasise here that, ‘despite the growing public and media focus on hooligan behaviour in other parts of the world, academic research into football hooliganism still concentrates disproportionally on the British situation’ (Spaaij 2006, p. 3). This seems particularly pertinent when the situation of right-wing hooliganism in Russia is taken into account. While several researchers have diagnosed that football fans in Russia are highly responsive to right-wing
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