Fiscal Councils and Economic Volatility
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JEL classification: E42, E58, E63, H30 Keywords: dynamic inconsistency, fiscal and monetary policy interaction, independent fiscal council * Fiscal Councils and Economic Volatility Adam GERŠL—Joint Vienna Institute; Czech National Bank (on leave); Institute of Economic Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague (on leave) ([email protected]) Martina JAŠOVÁ—Institute of Economic Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague ([email protected]), corresponding author Jan ZÁPAL—IAE-CSIC, Campus UAB, (Bellaterra) Barcelona; CERGE-EI, Prague ([email protected]) Abstract We evaluate proposals for an independent fiscal authority put forward as a solution to excessive public spending. Our main conclusion is that shifting the responsibility to set broad measures of fiscal policy from the hands of the government to an independent fiscal council is not necessarily welfare improving. We show that the change is welfare improving if the ability of policymakers to assess the state of the economy does not change. How- ever, if this institutional change involves a considerable decrease of capacity of the new agency to recognize economic shocks, citizens’ welfare can decrease as a result. This is especially significant in times of increased economic volatility such as during the recent global financial crisis. Faced with the ambiguous theoretical result, we try to gain deeper insight by calibrating our simple model. 1. Introduction The global financial crisis affected the fiscal positions of many countries. The main channels were not only direct government involvement in saving the banking system, but also a fall in tax revenues due to the economic slowdown and increased costs of long-term debt. As a result, budget deficits and the level of government debt are increasing. Especially in the EU, some countries such as Greece started to feel the consequences of the badly run fiscal policy of the past as the level of debt and the expected fiscal deficit reached values that could bring the given country almost to the point of sovereign bankruptcy. Given that most of the EU countries employ a common monetary policy (euro area), serious fiscal problems of one of the euro area’s members could possibly endanger the stability of the common currency, the euro. As a reaction to deteriorating fiscal positions that revealed the imprudent fiscal policy of the past, policymakers started once again to discuss the agenda of how to set up a fiscal framework that would prevent accumulation of deficits, especially in good times. One can remember that this discussion was already under- taken by academics and policymakers in the EU in the late 1990s and early 2000s together with the establishment and reform of the EU’s Stability and Growth Pact. The debate at that time emphasized that while a rule-based fiscal policy that includes * Financial support from the Czech Science Foun dation (GACR 402/08/0501 and GACR 403/10/1235) and from the Grant Agency of Charles University (project GA UK No. 564612) is greatly appreciated. We wish to thank several anonymous referees for their helpful comments. The findings, interpretations and con- clusions in this paper are entirely those of the authors and do not represent the views of any of the below- mentioned institutions. 190 Finance a úvěr-Czech Journal of Economics and Finance , 64, 2014, no. 3 deficit or debt limits is desirable, it is difficult to safeguard compliance with the rules if fiscal policy remains in the hands of elected policymakers. Some authors (Poterba, 1996; Strauch and von Hagen, 1999; European Commission, 2003) argued for fiscal policy to be taken from the hands of elected governments and to be vested in the hands of an independent institution. Such an independent institution would set broad measures of fiscal policy such as budget deficits and public debt. Looming fiscal problems in the EU during 2009–2010 that again spurred a decline in economic output due to the global financial crisis led policymakers in the EU to put once more on the agenda the possible role of independent fiscal councils. 1 The Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (also known as the Fiscal Compact) came into force in January 2013. The treaty is an intergovern- mental agreement of 25 EU member states 2 and it aims to strengthen fiscal discipline in the EU, including the call for setting up national fiscal councils. From a political economy perspective, crisis periods provide a window of opportunity to change macroeconomic policy frameworks. The experience of Asian countries after the 1997 financial crisis shows that the hard landing the East Asian countries experienced compelled them to implement better macroeconomic and financial policies oriented towards economic and financial stability so that during the recent global financial crisis of 2007–2009 they stayed relatively resilient. However, establishing new institutions and policies such as an independent fiscal council while still in a period of increased economic volatility may also bring some risks (Saint- Paul, 2002). Proposals for independent fiscal councils stem from the same logic, which led to the establishment of an institution comprising independent monetary authorities, i.e. vesting a broad aggregate of fiscal policy in the hands of an independent insti- tution. This newly established authority would be responsible for independent monitoring of fiscal policy. The fiscal council would also set a binding limit on the size of public debt or the budget deficit, while democratically elected govern- ments would decide about the composition of public spending and revenues. The argument is that the independent fiscal authority would not be subject to the short-sighted behavior of elected governments, which leads to spending bias. Also, by focusing solely on the debt or deficit, the independent fiscal authority would not be subject to the public tragedy of the commons. In this paper we argue that setting up an independent fiscal council is a wealth-improving measure under the condition that the institution is able to properly identify shocks (i.e., with at least broadly the same or higher probability than the government, the initial fiscal authority). We construct a microeconomic model of macroeconomic policymaking that always involves two players (govern- ment versus central bank or fiscal council versus central bank) that are uncertain about the actions of the other policymaker. We investigate the claim for an inde- pendent fiscal authority from the point of view of citizens who prefer an optimal and stable economic environment. We show that in a period of higher economic volatility the failure of the fiscal council to recognize shocks has a significant negative effect on the final welfare, which can even outweigh the positive effects of getting rid of 1 See Council of the EU (2010). 2 Of the total 27 at the time, excluding the United Kingdom and the Czech Republic. Finance a úvěr-Czech Journal of Economics and Finance , 64, 2014, no. 3 191 the politically motivated fiscal deficit bias. We calibrate the model in order to be able to quantify the effects in empirical terms. We are able to show that an ill-designed fiscal authority with virtually zero ability to recognize shocks and to optimally react to them that would be established in turbulent times can decrease the general welfare by roughly 20%. The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 relates our work to the existing literature. Section 3 introduces the model, derives its equilibrium and discusses the welfare measure. Section 4 contains our calibration exercise. Section 5 concludes the paper. Derivation of the model equilibrium is relegated to Appendix A1 . 2. Relation to Literature Our work is related to several strands of literature. Most importantly, we investigate the claim of several authors who call for the designation of an inde- pendent fiscal authority as a means of preventing excessive public spending and budget deficits run by elected governments (see the survey in Debrun, Hauner and Kumar, 2009, for a detailed overview of the topic). In this respect, von Hagen and Harden (1994) and Eichengreen, Hausmann and von Hagen (1999) call for a “National Debt Board” and “National Fiscal Council”, respectively. Both institu- tions would be independent, apolitical institutions that would set the maximum allowable increase of government debt in each year, a limit to which a proposed public budget would have to comply. In a similar spirit, Wyplosz (2005) calls for a “Fiscal Policy Committee” that would set the maximum allowable budget deficit. Von Hagen (2003) then proposes a “European Stability Council” as an institution that would focus on changes in public debt. 3 The logic of all of these proposals is to mimic independent central banks on the fiscal side. A newly established council would have a mandate to set a binding limit on the size of public debt or the budget deficit, while democratically elected governments would decide about the composition of public spending and revenues. The independent fiscal authority would address the political failure, which is con- sidered to be the source of fiscal indiscipline (Wyplosz, 2008). In particular, the council would not suffer from the short-sighted behavior of elected governments that leads to spending bias. Furthermore, having a clearly defined objective, the independent fiscal authority would not be subject to the public tragedy of the commons that is due to the fact