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"To the Ragged Edge of Anarchy": the 1894 Pullman Boycott Author(S): Richard Schneirov Source: Magazine of History, Vol

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"To the Ragged Edge of Anarchy": The 1894 Pullman Boycott Author(s): Richard Schneirov Source: Magazine of History, Vol. 13, No. 3, The Progressive Era (Spring, 1999), pp. 26-30 Published by: Organization of American Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25163289 Accessed: 17/04/2010 14:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oah. 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Organization of American Historians is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Magazine of History. http://www.jstor.org Richard Schneirov "To the of Ragged Edge Anarchy": The 1894 Pullman Boycott Tlhe 1894 Pullman strike and boycott, which pitted one ofthe Dixon line and between East andWest by the unsettled plains and nation's first large industrial unions against the combined Rocky Mountains. forces of the Pullman Sleeping Car Company, the nation's Though federal land grants helped build the railroads, most of railroads, and the federal government, remains the best known of all the financing derived from the sale of stock on the newly formed New the great strikes American workers have undertaken. From 26 June York Stock Exchange. As the first large corporate enterprises of to mid-July the boycott closed the rail arteries of half the United national scope, the railroads separated ownership, now in the form States, from Chicago to theWest Coast. The Pullman boycott of stock, from control, exercised by salaried managers. Though so culminated two decades of intensifying labor conflict in the last called robber barons like Jay Gould and Cornelius Vanderbilt on quarter of the nineteenth century, especially the railroads. pioneered these corporate empires, it was the new managerial elite Coming amidst the nation's worst depression, marches on Washing that planned, coordinated, and administered traffic flows, account ton, DC by unemployed workers, a series of large and bitterly ing, sales, purchasing, construction, and the terms and conditions of contested strikes in the bituminous coal industry, and the spreading employment for workers. Populist political insurgency, the boycott and the turbulence that But as the size ofthe nation's rail network doubled between 1877 attended ithelped define "the crisis ofthe 1890s," which marked the and 1893, the railroad business fell into crisis. Overbuilding, heavy boundary between the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. Before indebtedness, and "watered" (inflated) stock prices led railroadmanagers that crisis was surmounted, the Pullman boycott sent convulsions of to compete recklesslywith each other for business to cover theirhigh fixed fright and foreboding through the ranks ofthe respectable elements costs. To stop ruinous rate wars, managers forged "pools" whereby of the nation. In the memorable phrase of U.S. Attorney General competing railroads agreed to divide markets and charge uniform rates. Richard Olney, the strike seemed to have brought the nation "to the But pools were unenforceable and short lasting. ragged edge of anarchy" (1). As economic crisis deepened during this period, railroad man agers responded to falling rates by cutting the wages of their workers. Background In the early phases of railroad building they had been compelled to Railroads were at the center of the rising industrial machine pay premium wages and accept collective bargaining to attract that made America the world's greatest economic power by 1900. unionized locomotive engineers, brakemen, firemen, and other In their frenzied expansion beginning in mid-century, the rail skilled workers to the sparsely settled West. By the mid-1880s to roads called forth a world-class capital goods industry, consisting railroad managers began neutralize labor scarcity by intensify of iron and steel mills, foundries and machine shops for con ing recruitment efforts, reclassifying occupations, and adopting structing locomotives, and the iron and coal mines that supplied individualized pay schemes. When the craft brotherhoods resisted went them. In the 1880s three-quarters ofthe nation's steel into by striking, the managers created the Chicago-based General to set railroad construction. The building of the railroads also stimu Manager's Association (GMA) in 1886 standard job lated the economy by creating a unified national market in a classifications and wages, recruit strikebreakers, and equalize country once divided between North and South by the Mason differential revenue losses due to strikes. 26 OAH Magazine of History Spring 1999 Schneirov/Ragged Edge of Anarchy __ _ . - to flock to the new organiza tion. By June 1894, when the ARU held its first con vention, it boasted 150,000 members, making it the larg est labor organization in the United States at that time. Pullman As the ARU continued its meteoric growth, a crisis was brewing in the town of Pullman, fourteen miles south of Chicago. Pullman was a planned community constructed in 1880 around the factories of George M. Pullman, a manufacturer of the sleeping cars leased by many passenger railroads. To the many visitors who toured the model town, Pullman ap peared to be a successful Uto pian experiment uniting industrial efficiency and the profit motive with the most laudable impulses of benevo lence and moral uplift. In contrast to the unpaved streets strewn with garbage, the rows Eugene V. Debs. (Courtesy ofthe Eugene V. Debs Foundation, Terre Haute, IN.) of dingy shacks and bunga lows interspersed with sa loons, and the questionable Railroad workers countered water managerial cooperation with their and dirty air endured by Chicago's working class, Pullman's own efforts to broaden solidarity. The first great attempt to unite the residents enjoyed neat and tidy brick homes with indoor plumbing, different trades and the lesser skilled organize workers occurred with paved streets, clean air and water, beautiful parks, and an arcade the spread of the Knights of Labor in the 1880s. But mutual containing stores, a theater, and a bank. and in scabbing by knights brotherhood members the Reading Generally, only the labor agitators who tried persistendy to Railroad strike of 1887; the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy strike organize Pullman's workers pointed out the coercive paternalism at of and New core 1888; the York Central strike of 1890?all union the of his much applauded experiment. Pullman expected his in defeats?virtually halted progress organizing railroad workers. employees to live in town rather than commute, but he didn't allow the to own own or Although brotherhoods subsequently experimented with various them their homes exercise democratic self-govern to overcome craft federations, the first successful effort craft divisive ment. Residents were also denied in-town access to saloons, then ness in was and draw other railroad workers the product of the deemed an essential lubricant of working-class daily life. One ofthe intense labors of Victor a was Eugene Debs, thirty-eight-year-old, charis few who recognized the underside of Pullman the pro-labor matic former official of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. reformer Richard T. Ely who in 1884 called it "a benevolent well In 1893 Debs founded the American Railway Union (ARU). wishing feudalism" (2). a Rather than federation of existing craft organizations, the ARU was The five-year depression starting in 1893, precipitated by the a new industrial an association union, of all workers employed by the failure of railroad financing, glaringly exposed the contradictions railroads or in irrespective of their skill level whether they worked in the inherent Pullman's experiment. Faced with overproduction, or machine repair shops, running trades, freight depots. In April Pullman slashed wages on the average of 33 percent. Yet he won 1893 the ARU an electrifying victory on the Great Northern declined to reduce rents on the homes his employees lived in or Railroad, leading tens of thousands of dissatisfied Western workers the prices his company stores charged. By the end of April 1894, OAH Magazine of History Spring 1999 27 Schneirov/Ragged Edge of Anarchy about 35 percent of Pullman's workers had joined a local affiliated refused to protect strikebreakers or provoke confrontations, and the with the newly formed ARU. unwillingness of Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld to intervene a a On 7 May union committee requested restoration of wages with state militia against workers whose votes had elected him, the or a reduction in rents. After the company not only refused the strike appeared to be a peaceful success after its first week. demands but fired three members of the committee, Pullman The GMA, however, had allies in Washington. In the workers walked out on 11 May. Local leader Thomas Heathcoate context of the political crisis of the mid-1890s, U.S. Attorney explained the desperation that underlay their action: "We do not General Olney, himself a former railroad attorney, perceived the as a test know what the outcome will be, and in fact we do not care much.
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