Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （279）

1. A Brief Survey of Research on Contemplation and Observation and the Significance of Those Studies Today

Minowa Kenryō

In the 1990s, samatha and vipassanā being introduced by Theravada monks into Japan, the interest in Buddhist meditation once again arose. One remarkable aspect of this movement is that this interest was found in ordinary society, rather than in academic circles. Later, the introduction took the form of “mindfulness,” which was less in the sense of religious practice. Much later, after the 2000s, academic fields like psychology, neuroscience, and Buddhist studies came to have an interest on this field. In recent years, they have come to question the difference between the terms chi 知 and nen 念. I myself made have researched this question through materials of the Japanese Hossō School. I focused on two monks, Jippan 実範 (?–1144) and Ryōhen 良遍 (1194–1252). In a work titled Shinrishō 真理鈔, Jippan writes that “sensitive consciousness” would be called “non-consciousness” or nirvikalpa. In the Shinjin yōketsu 真心要決 of Ryōhen, he writes that “seeing without discriminating” and “hearing without discriminating” is the state of non-consciousness. To express being in such a state, he used the words shōchi 証知 or chi, not nen. Judging from this, chi seems to have been used for expressing the state of “non-consciousness.”

2. Hasshin’s Bonmōkyōchū: Its Characteristics Represented in the Surviving Fragments and Its Influence on Saichō

Ibuki Atsushi

Following Gyōnen’s 凝然 words, it has been supposed that Hasshin’s 法進 Bonmōkyōchū 梵網経註 (Commentary on the Brahma Net Sutra) was based on Tiantai doctrine, and that it played a great role in making Saichō 最澄 recognize the value of Tiantai thought. But, based on the surviving fragments, this hypothesis cannot be confirmed. We can only point out that Saichō was probably moved by the tale of Nanyue Huisi’s 南嶽慧思 reincarnation as Shōtoku taishi 聖徳太子, and Hasshin’s admiration of Tiantai Zhiyi’s 智顗 achievement described in it. The influence on Saichō of Hasshin’s commentary was limited in comparison with the influence of Daoxuan’s 道璿 commentary, for

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Daoxuan’s fundamental ideas, expressed in the text, and the “empty-sky immovable Every Buddhist sect has three aspects of practice: precepts (戒学), meditation (定学), three kinds of practices” (kokū fudō no sangaku 虚空不動の三学) adopted from Zhiyi’s and wisdom (慧学). Therefore, he argued that the Ritsu sect should not be approved as sayings, had a big influence on Saichō. a Buddhist sect, because it handled just the practice of precepts, and was lacking in the other two. 3. The Wuliangyi jing in the Early Japanese Tendai School 5. The Buddhist Teaching of Yūhan Kiuchi Gyōdai Rinzan Mayuri Saichō 最澄 particularly esteemed the Wuliangyi jing 無量義経 (Sutra of immeasurable meanings) because it supports the ideas of common people directly attaining Yūhan 宥範 (1270–1352), a Buddhist priest famous for the regeneration of Zentsūji 善通 buddhahood (Daijikidō 大直道) and that the Buddha taught for more than 40 years 寺 in the province of Sanuki (today’s Kagawa prefecture), was also a learned scholar before revealing the ultimate truth of the Lotus Sutra. Before writing the Hokke shūku 法 who wrote the Dainichikyō sho myōinshō 大日経疏妙印鈔, Ayūshō 阿宥鈔, and so forth. 華秀句 in 821, Saichō did not accept that the Wuliangyi jing is theory of the teachings His books concern Buddhist teachings. being expounded in accord with the capacities of their audience (zuitai 随他意) which Yūhan’s understanding of Buddhism has been referred to in the history of esoteric was described in the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義. After writing it, he accepted this idea but teaching. However, all such references are nothing but a partial introduction of his did not adopt the theory that the sutra is easy to believe and understand. Enchin 円珍 teaching; very few studies have been conducted from the integrated viewpoint, or have had raised the status of the sutra by arguing that it preaches the idea that all becomes focused on his later influence. Hence, in this paper, through the estimations of Yūhan one. Annen 安然 said that, from the point of view of the ten realms of the complete by later scholars, his position in the history of the esoteric teaching is examined. doctrine, the one vehicle and the provisional Mahayana in the Wuliangyi jing are the As a result, it is clarified that the reason why Yūhan is bitterly criticized by Yūkai 宥 same. 快 (1345–1416), who is thought to have established the Kōyasan Teaching, and by Myōzui 妙瑞 (1696–1764), a priest of the Kōyasan in the Edo period, is that his 4. The Precepts Declared by Jōgon understanding often criticizes traditional understandings. It is also concluded that the reason why In’yū 印融 (1435–1519), a Shingon priest from the Kantō area, accepts Fujitani Atsuo Yūhan’s books is that In’yū examines the validity of old Kōyasan teachings relying on Jōgon 浄厳 (1639–1702) was a monk of the Shingon sect and a stern precept-master in Izu 伊豆 understandings which flourished in the Kantō region. the Edo period. In 1691 he founded the head temple named Reiunji 霊雲寺 in Yushima of Edo to centralize all temples of the Shingon sect in the Kantō district with the 6. The Creation of Hōnen’s senchaku shōjō: Shandao’s Fashi zan and the Expression support of the Tokugawa shogunate. He asserted that Reiunji was a head temple of the “the Tathāgata Selects the Key Method” Nyohō Shingonritsu 如法真言律 sect adhering rigidly to the teachings and precepts Minami Hironobu that the Buddha preached. In 1694 he proffered to the Tokugawa shogunate the Shingon ritsuben 真言律弁 as a statement on the precepts of the Shingon sect. In particular, in The senchaku shōjō 選択証誠, the “selection made by all buddhas of the six directions this description: he defined “Shingonritsu” as a legitimate Shingon sect following witnessing the authenticity of the nenbutsu,” is one of eight kinds of “selection” that Buddhist precepts strictly. Furthermore, he denied the Ritsu sect as a Buddhist sect. Hōnen 法然 (1133–1212), in the sixteenth chapter of his Senchakushū 選択集, derived

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─ 1319 ─ （282） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （283） from the Pure Land Sūtras. The eight are: (1) senchaku hongan 選択本願 (selection of the 7. Benchō’s Acceptance of the Shizhu piposha lun nenbutsu in Amitābha’s original vow), (2) senchaku sandan 選択讃歎(selection of the Kuwahara Akinobu nenbutsu through the special praise of Śākyamuni), (3) senchaku rukyō 選択留教 (selection of the teaching of the nenbutsu by Śākyamuni when he designated it to stand The basic doctrine of Hōnen’s 法然 disciples is to leave aside the Path of Sages and alone), (4) senchaku sesshu 選択摂取 (selection of the nenbutsu through Amitābha’s solely enter the Pure Land way, and Benchō 弁長 interprets the Pure Land way as “the divine light embracing those who practice it), (5) senchaku kesan 選択化讃 (selection of Pure Land of the ten drections” and “the Pure Land of the west” in the Tetsu Senjaku the nenbutsu made when Amitābha Buddha in his transformation body praised the hongan nenbutsushū 徹選択本願念仏集. He clarifies “the Pure Land of the ten direc‐ beings of the highest level of the lowest class who utter his name), (6) senchaku fuzoku tions” by citing one sutra and commentary. This commentary is the Yixing pin 易行品選択付属 (selection of the nenbutsu made by Śākyamuni when he entrusted it to (Chapter of easy practice) of the Shizhu piposha lun 十住毘婆沙論. “The Pure Land of Ananda for transmission to future generations), (7) senchaku shōjō: (selection made by the ten directions” expresses his fundamental understanding of the Shizhu piposha lun. all buddhas of the six directions witnessing the authenticity of the nenbutsu), and (8) “The Pure Land of the ten directions” of the Shizhu piposha lun is a part of “the easy senchaku gamyō 選択我名 (selection of the name). practice of entrusting as the means.” This practice provides that weak and inferior These eight “selections” are the most important concepts of Hōnen’s Pure Land persons can attain the stage of non-retrogression easily and quickly. The conclusion of teachings, extolling the fact that the shōmyō nenbutsu 称名念仏 is the selection of this study is the demonstration that Benchō, who is very concerned with how those Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and other buddhas. The senchaku shōjō is derived from the Amituo weak and inferior persons can attain the stage and birth in the Pure Land eventually, jing’s 阿弥陀経 discussion of the buddhas of the six directions, discussed in chapter 14 has the same intent as does this sutra. Thus, we can see why and how he cites from the of the Senchakshū. Shizhu piposha lun. Having examined previous research and discussions of the eight kinds of selection, I earlier established Genshin 源信 (810–869) as their creator, and discussed the process of 8. Shōkū’s Doctrine of the Kezenjo and Its Development composition of the Ōjōyōshū 往生要集, Gyakushu seppō 逆修説法, and Senchakushū. In Nakamura Ryōta this paper, I look at the Amidakyō shaku 阿弥陀経釈 in further detail. The Amidakyō shaku presents the “nenbutsu from one to seven days” (shōjō kanjin 証誠 Shōkū’s 證空 (1177–1247) interpretation of the Kezenjo 化前序 (Preface to the 勧進) and the proof of promotion ( josei shōjō 助成証誠) of the buddhas of the six commentary on the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経 is one of the most important directions. Next, in the discussion of the 37th day in Hōnen’s Gyakushu seppō, I discuss doctrines in the Seizan 西山 branch of the Jōdo School. Most of the previous studies each formulation. In the discussion of the 17th day in this text, commenting on the show that the Kezenjo derived from Tendai doctrine. In this paper, I reexamine the “nenbutsu from one to seven days” Hōnen refers to its quotation in Shandao’s 善導 Fashi background of the Kezenjo, and its influence on the Seizan branch, focusing on his zan 法事賛 and its mention of “the Tathāgata selecting the key method” (如来選要法) direct disciples. in reference to the buddhas of the six directions, in commenting on Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and other buddhas. In the 27th day, Amitābha and Śākyamuni are discussed. Finally, in the Senchakushū only the proof of the buddhas of the six directions is infused into the “selection made by all buddhas of the six directions witnessing the authenticity of the nenbutsu.”

─ 1320 ─ （282） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （283） from the Pure Land Sūtras. The eight are: (1) senchaku hongan 選択本願 (selection of the 7. Benchō’s Acceptance of the Shizhu piposha lun nenbutsu in Amitābha’s original vow), (2) senchaku sandan 選択讃歎(selection of the Kuwahara Akinobu nenbutsu through the special praise of Śākyamuni), (3) senchaku rukyō 選択留教 (selection of the teaching of the nenbutsu by Śākyamuni when he designated it to stand The basic doctrine of Hōnen’s 法然 disciples is to leave aside the Path of Sages and alone), (4) senchaku sesshu 選択摂取 (selection of the nenbutsu through Amitābha’s solely enter the Pure Land way, and Benchō 弁長 interprets the Pure Land way as “the divine light embracing those who practice it), (5) senchaku kesan 選択化讃 (selection of Pure Land of the ten drections” and “the Pure Land of the west” in the Tetsu Senjaku the nenbutsu made when Amitābha Buddha in his transformation body praised the hongan nenbutsushū 徹選択本願念仏集. He clarifies “the Pure Land of the ten direc‐ beings of the highest level of the lowest class who utter his name), (6) senchaku fuzoku tions” by citing one sutra and commentary. This commentary is the Yixing pin 易行品選択付属 (selection of the nenbutsu made by Śākyamuni when he entrusted it to (Chapter of easy practice) of the Shizhu piposha lun 十住毘婆沙論. “The Pure Land of Ananda for transmission to future generations), (7) senchaku shōjō: (selection made by the ten directions” expresses his fundamental understanding of the Shizhu piposha lun. all buddhas of the six directions witnessing the authenticity of the nenbutsu), and (8) “The Pure Land of the ten directions” of the Shizhu piposha lun is a part of “the easy senchaku gamyō 選択我名 (selection of the name). practice of entrusting as the means.” This practice provides that weak and inferior These eight “selections” are the most important concepts of Hōnen’s Pure Land persons can attain the stage of non-retrogression easily and quickly. The conclusion of teachings, extolling the fact that the shōmyō nenbutsu 称名念仏 is the selection of this study is the demonstration that Benchō, who is very concerned with how those Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and other buddhas. The senchaku shōjō is derived from the Amituo weak and inferior persons can attain the stage and birth in the Pure Land eventually, jing’s 阿弥陀経 discussion of the buddhas of the six directions, discussed in chapter 14 has the same intent as does this sutra. Thus, we can see why and how he cites from the of the Senchakshū. Shizhu piposha lun. Having examined previous research and discussions of the eight kinds of selection, I earlier established Genshin 源信 (810–869) as their creator, and discussed the process of 8. Shōkū’s Doctrine of the Kezenjo and Its Development composition of the Ōjōyōshū 往生要集, Gyakushu seppō 逆修説法, and Senchakushū. In Nakamura Ryōta this paper, I look at the Amidakyō shaku 阿弥陀経釈 in further detail. The Amidakyō shaku presents the “nenbutsu from one to seven days” (shōjō kanjin 証誠 Shōkū’s 證空 (1177–1247) interpretation of the Kezenjo 化前序 (Preface to the 勧進) and the proof of promotion ( josei shōjō 助成証誠) of the buddhas of the six commentary on the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経 is one of the most important directions. Next, in the discussion of the 37th day in Hōnen’s Gyakushu seppō, I discuss doctrines in the Seizan 西山 branch of the Jōdo School. Most of the previous studies each formulation. In the discussion of the 17th day in this text, commenting on the show that the Kezenjo derived from Tendai doctrine. In this paper, I reexamine the “nenbutsu from one to seven days” Hōnen refers to its quotation in Shandao’s 善導 Fashi background of the Kezenjo, and its influence on the Seizan branch, focusing on his zan 法事賛 and its mention of “the Tathāgata selecting the key method” (如来選要法) direct disciples. in reference to the buddhas of the six directions, in commenting on Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and other buddhas. In the 27th day, Amitābha and Śākyamuni are discussed. Finally, in the Senchakushū only the proof of the buddhas of the six directions is infused into the “selection made by all buddhas of the six directions witnessing the authenticity of the nenbutsu.”

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9. Chinkai’s View of Aspiration for Buddhahood in His Pure Land Buddhist 11. The Significance of Shinran’s Citation of the Wangsheng lizan in the Thought Kyōgyōshinshō

Naruse Takayuki Nukina Yuzuru

In the Ketsujō ōjōshū 決定往生集 written by Chinkai 珍海, the author expresses his In the “Chapter on Practice” of the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証, Shinran 親鸞 cites negative attitude to the aspiration for buddhahood, wishing both self-interest and Shandao’s 善導 subcommentary, the Wangsheng lizan 往生礼讃, instead of his major altruism that the bodhisattva of Mahayana Buddhism was obliged to practice. In other work, the Guanjing shu 観経疏, to discuss his understanding of the Great Practice words, he was groping for rebirth in the Pure Land by means of ganshōshin 願生心 (the (Daigyō 大行). The Wangsheng lizan primarily focuses on the Pure Land Buddhist wish for rebirth in the Pure Land) without altruistic practices. practices of “worship” and “praising.” Shinran cites this text to demonstrate the special In addition, this attitude is inherited in his Annyō chisoku sōtaishō 安養知足相対抄. I characteristic of the “Great Practice.” It is not a practice in which sentient beings find a relationship between the gonhosshin 近発心 in the Annyō chisoku sōtaishō and the “express their devotion with recitations of Amitābha’s Name.” Rather, it is Amitābha’s awakening the mind of enlightenment of ordinary people described in the Ketsujō “working” to guide sentient beings to true and real faith. In other words, the nembutsu ōjōshū. as the praising of the virtues of Amitābha by the various Buddhas and good Dharma Through a consideration of these two books, I would like to inquire about Chinkai’s teachers becomes the voice of nembutsu recommending (teaching) people who have yet view of the aspiration for buddhahood in his Pure Land Buddhist thought. to encounter Amitābha Buddha.

10. The Interpretation of Attaining mushōnin in the Kangyōsho jihitsushō 12. Shinran’s Interpretation of the Buddha Body Found in the Saihō shinanshō: Focusing on the Contemplation of the True Body in the Guan Wuliangshou jing Saeki Norihiro Fujiwara Satoru In his Kangyōsho jihitsushō 観経疏自筆鈔 Shōkū 証空 (1177–1247) notes that one can obtain mushōnin 無生忍 (anutpattika-dharma-kṣānti) in two ways. The first is the Shinran 親鸞 defined the transformed body as being the Buddha described in the attainment of rebirth in Amitābha Buddha’s Pure Land. This is recorded in the section on the contemplation of the true body of the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経. beginning of the seventh vision the Guan Wualiangshou jing 観無量寿経, and signifies According to traditional Shin Buddhist exegesis, this has been interpreted in two ways. that one will never return to this Saha world. The second is the attainment of the The first holds that the transformed body refers to Amitābha within the true body, dharma-body. After attaining rebirth in the Pure Land, one attains the dharma-body. while the second holds that it refers to the transformed body described in the Shōkū speaks of these two types because they are essential to explain the two types of contemplation of the true body. To determine which of these two interpretations we transfer of merit, the outgoing (ōsō 往相) and returning (gensō 還相). The first type of should adopt, we should refer to Hōnen’s 法然 understanding of the transformed body attainment refers to the former mode, the second to the latter. Attaining the dharma- found in the Saihō shinanshō 西方指南抄. On the basis of this text, we can understand body is essential to return and save beings. that the transformed body refers to the transformed body described in the contemplation of the true body.

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9. Chinkai’s View of Aspiration for Buddhahood in His Pure Land Buddhist 11. The Significance of Shinran’s Citation of the Wangsheng lizan in the Thought Kyōgyōshinshō

Naruse Takayuki Nukina Yuzuru

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13. The Significance and Evaluation of the Pretext Literatures with the Name of Bodhisattva Mahāsthāmaprāpta by referring to the Da foding rulai miyin xiuzheng liaoyi Seikaku zhupusa wanxing shoulengyan jing 大仏頂如来密因修証了義諸菩薩万行首楞厳経 (hereafter Śūraṃgama-sūtra). In the Śūraṃgama-sūtra, Mahāsthāmaprāpta is a disciple of Nishikawa Yui Amitābha Buddha. Shinran’s writing of the hymns with reference to passages in the This paper examines the significance of the pretext literatures with the name of Śūraṃgama-sūtra reflects his respect for Hōnen by identifying him as an incarnation of Seikaku 聖覚 (1167–1235), who was one of the representative disciples of Hōnen 法然 the bodhisattva who had received the teaching directly from Amitābha Buddha. (1133–1212). These pretext literatures were frequently used by Shōgei 聖冏 (1341–1420) and Shōsō 聖聡 (1366–1440). Since Seikaku was one of the noted disciples of Hōnen, 16. Kaneko Daiei’s Understanding of the Structure of the Kyōgyōshinshō using his name must have been effective, and so the literatures were accepted. In Azuma Shingyō addition, the name of Seikaku was effective in the Kantō area, because the so-called “Agui school of preaching” (Agui-ryū shōdō 安居院流唱導), associated with his name, This paper examines how Kaneko Daiei 金子大栄 (1881–1976) understood the structure was popular. It is interesting that Shōgei and Shōsō did not positively use the Yuishinshō of the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証. Kaneko’s analysis of the structure of the Kyōgyōshinshō 唯信鈔 by Seikaku, perhaps because it was not effective to introduce their doctrinal centered on the relationship between the truth and expedient means. There are mainly interpretation. two ways in which he understood their relationship. One is that the truth turns into expedient means in order to become involved with all sentient beings. This idea is 14. The Formative Background of the Second Part of the “Keshindo monrui” already found in Shinrankyō no kenkyū 親鸞教の研究 published in 1925 and continued until he wrote Kyōgyōshinshō no kenkyū 教行信証の研究 in 1956. The other stressed that Takesue Naoya the importance of expedient means is realized only when one awakens to the truth. This paper considers the formative background of the second part of the “Keshindo This position is advanced in Kaneko’s “Nibusaku Kyōgyōshinshō” 二部作『教行信証』 monrui” 化身土文類 (Chapter on the transformed buddha-bodies and lands) of the dating from 1965. This latter idea represents the peak of this thinking concerning the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証 written by Shinran 親鸞. Much has been written on this topic, structure of the Kyōgyōshinshō. Inasmuch as the former idea emphasized the importance particularly from various historical perspectives. However, recent discussions were of expedient means, there was a risk that it would lose sight of the importance of the published in which this theme from dogmatic perspectives is elaborated. In this paper, I truth. The latter idea arose in response to such criticism. develop questions over these recent dogmatic discussions and ponder whether they are appropriate or not. 17. Doctrinal Characteristics of Quotations of the Uzenshō in the Hokke mondō shōgishō: The Relationship with the Two Fascicles of the Himitsu shōbōgenzō 15. Shinran’s Views of Hōnen: Focusing on the “Seishi-san” in the Jōdo wasan Kimura Kiyotaka Atsumi Kō The Hokke mondō shōgishō 法華問答正義抄 consisting of 22 fascicles was written by This paper examines how Shinran 親鸞 developed his views on his master Hōnen 法然 Nichizen 日全 (1294–1344), a monk belonging to the Nakayama monryū 中山門流 of by focusing on the “Seishi-san” 勢至讃 (Hymns on Mahāsthāmaprāpta) in the Jōdo the Nichiren School. In this book, he exerted himself not only to stress the orthodoxy of wasan 浄土和讃. In these hymns, Shinran treats Hōnen as if he were an incarnation of the doctrine of Nichiren School, but also to strictly criticize the dogmatics of other

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Buddhist schools including Zen Buddhism. For Nichizen, the Uzenshō 有禅抄 was one of 20. Correlations between Reeditions of the Shōbōgenzō Edited by Kōzen the source books for criticizing Zen Buddhism, and its two parts of quotations are found Akitsu Hideaki in volume 17 of the Hokke mondō shōgishō kept at the library of Rissho University as handwritten copies made by Saitō Yōrin 斉藤要輪 in the 1930s. In this thesis, I will discuss the correlation between reeditions of the ninety-five volume In this paper, I analyze those quotations, and make clear their historical and version of the Shōbōgenzō 正法眼蔵 edited by Kōzen 晃全. There are several texts that philosophical meaning, especially through their relationship with the two fascicles of are considered in this thesis: The Shōbōgenzō copied by Ryūjō Gyokutan 龍定玉潭 (?– the Himitsu shōbōgenzō 秘蜜正法眼蔵, which many of scholars of Zen Buddhism have 1772), the books owned by Katsudō Honkō 瞎道本光 (1710–1773), and the Shōbōgenzō hitherto believed that Dōgen 道元 (1200–1254), the first patriarch of the Japanese Sōtō Kyakutaiichiji san 正法眼蔵却退一字参 (Sanchū 参註) written by Katsudō. The School, wrote. relationships between the books owned by Katsudō and his own work Sanchū has One of the important results of my research is that these two fascicles of the Himitsu already been studied by other scholars; the relationships between those books and the shōbōgenzō, i.e., the Butsukōjōji 仏向上事 and the Shōji 生死, may have been edited Shōbōgenzō copied by Gyokutan, however, have not yet discussed. Therefore, by under the influence of the Uzenshō by someone / several persons succeeding to a linage considering these books as source texts, I would like to explore the character of the of the Japanese Sōtō School after Dōgen’s death. Shōbōgenzō as copied by Gyokutan and interaction between scholars of the original Shōbōgenzō in the middle of Edo period. 18. Confrontation with Buddhism and Confucianism in Takuan’s Philosophy In order to prove that those three books have deep relationships, I have considered a number of points: the friendship between Gyokutan and Katsudō, a wood-printed Kasai Akira picture of Dōgen 道元 (1200–1253), the written postscript by Dōgen, and the texts of This paper considers the confrontation with Buddhism and Confucianism in Takuan’s the Shōbōgenzō. First, the relationship of Gyokutan and Katsudō is clearly observed from 沢庵 philosophy．He borrowed Confucian terminology in the context of discussions of the fact that Katsudō’s master Shigetsu Ein 指月慧印 (1689–1764) has a deep ontological problems, and developed his ideas in a Confucian context．However, connection with Ryūkaiin 龍海院 and Gen’eiji 源英寺, where Gyokutan served as a Takuan used Buddhist terminology as well as Confucian vocabulary in discussing the chief priest. In addition, the range of works by Gyokutan and Katsudō overlap at various problem of the nature of mind, and based his ideas on Buddhism．In other words, he points. Second, the wood-printed picture of Dōgen in the beginning of the Shōbōgenzō expressed Buddhist thought using Confucian terminology. copied by Gyokutan is also seen in the three copies of the books that were owned by Katsudō. Furthermore, in the Sanchū, three quotations from the written postscript by 19. The Shinzen yūshingi and the Kenmitsu mondōshō Dōgen can be seen, that are also found in the Shōbōgenzō copied by Gyokutan. The textual amendment from the Shōbōgenzō copied by Gyokutan is done based on the texts Takayanagi Satsuki from the books owned by Katsudō. In this article, I have tried to prove the possibility that the Kenmitsu mondōshō 顕密問答 To conclude, judging from the both priests’ relationship, there is a high possibility 鈔 by Raiyu 頼瑜 (1226–1304) was written to object to the Shinzen yūshingi 真禅融心義, that the re-edition of the Sanchū was done based on the Shōbōgenzō copied by Gyokutan, written by another person around Kongō zanmai-in 金剛三昧院 in 1263. It is not clear and the reedition of the Shōbōgenzō copied by Gyokutan was done based on the book which is the earlier, but one of the two is clearly reacting to the other. And in this way, copied by Katsudō. by arguing with Esoteric Buddhism, Zen probably may be extended.

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21. Honzon of the Medieval Nichiren Sect 23. The Self-Awakening of the Teacher: Nichiren’s Instructions for Memorial Services Terao Eichi Kuwana Hōkō Ittō ryōson 一塔両尊 is a style of honzon 本尊, the main object of worship. It is a characteristic style of the medieval Nichiren sect. Ittō ryōson has the Daimoku 題目, In order to clarify the significance of the main object of devotion (honzon 本尊) for and the calligraphy Namu Myōhō Renge Kyō 南無妙法蓮華経 in the center, and two Nichiren 日蓮, this paper focuses on the instructions Nichiren gave for memorial Buddhas, Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna, on both sides. The style which has Śākyamuni services during the time he lived on Minobusan 身延山, considering the problem of the and Prabhūtaratna on both sides itself is not peculiar to the Nichiren sect. It is based on teacher’s self-awakening. This examination was able to discover two different meanings the Lotus Sutra. However, Ittō ryōson is formed from the kernel of the Mandara honzon for honzon within these instructions on memorial services―both the conventional 曼荼羅本尊 designed by Nichiren 日蓮. There are some combinations of Śākyamuni’s interpretation of honzon as an object of worship as well as the honzon as something to and Prabhūtaratna’s inzō 印相, mudra. Ittō ryōson also has some varieties of inzō. embody. In addition, this examination was able to clarify the state of Nichiren’s Moreover, Ittō ryōson is the only instance in which both Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna enlightenment and teachings integrated with the Lotus Sutra and the world of the Lotus in gasshō-in 合掌印. One instance of Ittō ryōson in which both Śākyamuni and Sutra. Prabhūtaratna are so depicted was made in 1335. This style spread as peculiar to the Nichiren sect. 24. How the Jūō sandanshō Was Introduced in the Edo Period

Matsuoka Masatsugu 22. The Nichijō shōnin nikki No genuine text or old manuscript of the Jūō sandanshō 十王讃嘆抄, said to be a work of Mochizuki Shinchō Nichiren 日蓮, survives. However, this Jūō sandanshō was recorded in the Rokuge gosho 録 A diary is an important source of information from which we can learn not only the 外御書 during the early Edo period, and became well-known. How was the Jūō daily life of the writer, but also the social conditions and historical background of his sandanshō introduced in the Edo period? In what situation was the Jūō sandanshō time. The faith and ideas of a priest may be reflected in his diary. Such a diary offers recorded in the Rokuge gosho? Nobody has clarified these questions so far. I confirm how primary information on the doctrines, practices, propagation, and faith of Buddhism. the Jūō sandanshō was introduced in the Rokuge gosho edition, introducing some The Nichijō shōnin nikki 日乗上人日記 (Diary of the holy priest Nichijō) describes his important evidence. In 1662 the Rokuge gosho was published, and almost at the same daily life after he was invited to Mito 水戸 by Mitsukuni 光圀, the second lord of the time the Jūō sandanshō was also published as an independent work, but the latter Mito domain, and he made a conversion to Buddhism. Although it mostly mentions his remained virtually unknown. actions and beliefs, the diary introduces his efforts to propagate and convert by At present there are 3 variant versions. sermons. It tells us the forms of conversion, the level of converted people and the 1. Kyoto Nakamura Gohē 中村五兵衛 version, 32 vols. Mitos, especially the faith of the ladies in Mito. Most lectures aimed at conversion by Publishing year unkown. Nichijō are held after his sermon, and not only Lotus Sutra believers but also others 2. Kyoto Nagamura Hanbē 長村半兵衛 version, 32 vols. attended the lectures. Nichijō’s sermon on the Lotus Sutra offers to convert people who Publishing year unkown. do not belong to any religion. 3. Kyoto Murakami Kanbē 村上勘兵衛 version, 32 vols.

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Publishing year unkown. has one head, three eyes, and eight arms. It is thought to have been a product of the Although the three versions were published at different times, it seems that they are devotion of Kōmyō kōgō 光明皇后. Of course, the grand project of constructing the based on the same printing plate. When I examine the Nakamura version in detail, I Great Buddha (Daibutsu 大仏) at Tōdaiji, an embodiment of Vairocana (Jpn. Birushana found that it is older than the Rokuge gosho published in 1662. In addition, I also found 毘盧遮那) expounded in the Huayan jing 華厳経, was sponsored by Shōmu tennō 聖武 proof that the printing plate of the Jūō sandanshō in the Rokuge gosho edition was made 天皇. That icon was 14.7 meters in height and required 401,911 catties of copper to directly from the Nakamura version. Although many errors of the Nakamura version complete. The consecration of the Great Buddha took place in Tenpyō shōhō 4 (752), are corrected in the Rokuge gosho, surprisingly enough, some errors of the Nakamura and the ceremony was attended by Shōmu tennō as well as Kōmyō kōgō. In short, the version are left uncorrected in the Rokuge gosho. All things considered, I concluded that Great Buddha in the Great Buddha Hall (Daibutsuden 大仏殿) had the character of the Nakamura version is the source of the Rokuge gosho. central worship object for the nation-wide system of provincial temples and was also a symbol of the authority of the ritsuryō 律令 political system, while the other statue, 25. A Contest of Believers: Episodes 17 and 33 in the Hokke genki Written by that was Fukūkenjaku kannon 不空羂索観音 (Amoghapāśa), was situated to represent Chingen the powerful salvation of this-worldly benefit for the people within the foundation of faith in a compassionate Kannon. Okada Fumihiro The functions of these two Buddhist icons at Tōdaiji were encompassed in the Great This paper focuses on the episodes in Chingen’s 鎮源 setsuwa compilation, the Hokke Buddha representing the cosmic worldview expounded in the Huayan jing and the genki 法華験記, that compare the virtues of believing in the Lotus Sutra to other belief Fanwang jing 梵網経 and Fukūkenjaku kannon that did not simply represent this- systems, examining how the Hokke genki adopts earlier references to indicate the worldly benefit but also meritorious virtue (Skt. puṇya, Jpn. fukutoku 福徳) as explicated superiority of belief in the Lotus Sutra. As a result, it was found that Chingen used a in the 26th fascicle of the Huayan jing; that is to say, fukutokushin 福徳身, the body of variety of story-telling techniques in this work, whereby he clarified the plots of, and meritorious virtue, obtained through spiritual training within the mind of a exchanged character roles from parallel stories in earlier works such as the Kanzeon bodhisattva, and its role was to spread disseminated merit more widely. One sees here ōgenki 観世音応験記, Hokke denki 法華伝記, and Hokekyōshū genki 法華経集験記. in the move to replace “state and individual” with the “Great Buddha and Kannon” as Furthermore, this report shows that the Hokke genki comparatively played down the objects of reverence the intent of the ritsuryō politics of Shōmu tennō. Be that as it may, Prajñāparāmitā Sūtra while praising the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, a tendency likely influenced by the establishment of the structure of faith in the salvation of the people by the Tendai school doctrinal classification systems. Fukūkenjaku kannon icon lasted many years as is seen in the principal worship object of the Nan’endō 南円堂 at Kōfukuji 興福寺 from the 12th century. 26. The Representation of Fukūkenjaku kannon and Its Universality However, while it was, of course, Kōmyō kōgō, who was responsible for embellishing the principal object of worship at the Sangatsudō, faith in Kannon itself spread Manabe Shunshō gradually, and the iconography of “transformations of a single form” (dōshi henge 同姿 An unusual Esoteric Buddhist representation of Kannon 観音 (Avalokiteśvara) was 変化), e.g., the sanjūsan ōgenshin 三十三応現身 (thirty-three manifested bodies) or the worshipped at the Sangatsudō 三月堂 at Tōdaiji 東大寺 from nearly as early as the thirty-three forms of Kannon, reconstituted a soteriological system based on new time of the birth of Kūkai 空海. It was produced by Kuninonaka no muraji Kimimaro 国 Buddhist icons. This was at the same time linked structurally with pilgrimages and 中連公麻呂 between Tenpyō 18 and 19 (746–747). In terms of its appearance, the icon spiritual training. While the Fukūkenjaku kannon of the Sangatsudō inherently

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─ 1331 ─ （294） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （295） encompassed the principles of Zōmitsu 雑密, the early, less systematic form of Esoteric 27. The Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku and Temple-Internal Rituals at Kōfukuji During the Buddhism, it also further developed its functioning as a “secret Buddhist deity” (hibutsu Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods 秘仏). Tagawa Fumihiko Moreover, the basic form was also to become the principal protective icon (mamori honzon 守り本尊) of the Rengebu-in 蓮花部院 of the Taizōkai 胎蔵界, one of the two Recently, an Edo-period manuscript of the hyōbyaku 表白 (invocation) used during the fundamental esoteric mandalas imported by Kūkai. Additionally, why Fukūkenjaku performance of the Kōzen’in-kō 興善院講 (Kōzen’in Assembly) at Kōfukuji 興福寺 was kannon, one of the Roku Kannon 六観音, became the principle worship object of the rediscovered and returned to the temple. The present paper uses this document to Sangatsudō is a deep mystery. The universality of this icon, which stretches back to the analyze the history and ritual format of this heretofore unexamined temple-internal Tenpyō era, and its function have not been sufficiently explained. The many forms of ritual assembly. Specifically, it traces the source texts quoted in the Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku Kannon became firmly situated in the foundation of faith in this-worldly benefit; in order to clarify both the content of, and the underlying intent behind, the however, I believe the establishment of this long-lasting variety of faith in Fukūkenjaku performance of the Kōzen’in Assembly. This ritual was held monthly on the death day kannon as savior of the people was due to a different cause. It was the crystal jewel held of the scholar-monk Zōshun 蔵俊 (1104–1180), and consisted of an exposition of the within the palms of the praying Sangatsudō icon. This was the starting point of it all. Jieshenmi jing 解深密経 (Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra), as well as an oral doctrinal debate. The The embellishment of the icon was, of course, due to the strong faith of Kōmyō kōgō, sutra exposition included in the text is particularly noteworthy for citing heavily from but I believe the incorporation of the jewel (hōju 宝珠) was also the work of the the Haesimmilkyŏng so 解深密経疏 by the Tang-dynasty Korean monk Wŏnch’ŭk 円測. empress. This embodiment of her faith engendered the spread of the unique Kannon Although still in its initial stages, the study of the Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku promises to shed faith seen in the “transformation of a single form” in the Nara region. valuable light on temple-internal debate rituals and the interaction between scholar- Of course, the theory of “transformations of a single form” also engendered the monks at Kōfukuji during the late medieval and early modern periods. spread of the thirty-three forms of Kannon. Furthermore, the dissemination of the basic form also influenced faith in the mandalas that Kūkai was to import. Kūkai 28. On the Citation of Wŏnhyo’s Yijang ŭi in His Yŏlban chong’yo established the Shingon’in 真言院 cloister within Tōdaiji, and thereafter created the Fujii Kyōkō concrete form of the three-dimensional mandala of Tōji 東寺 in Kyoto using the arrangement of deities in the Sangatsudō as a model. It seems likely that Kūkai saw the In the Yŏlban chong’yo 涅槃宗要, one of Wŏnhyo’s 元暁 commentaries on the Da main icon, Mahāvairocana (Jpn. Dainichi nyorai 大日如来), and Fukūkenjaku kannon as banniepan jing 大般涅槃経, we can find a parallel passage within his work Yijang ŭi 二障 being situated on the same level. This way of thinking that imparted the same value to 義. Wŏnhyo himself explained that one should refer to the Yijang ŭi. The Yijang ŭi had Dainichi nyorai and Fukūkenjaku kannon produced a new form of faith that promoted been lost in early times but a manuscript of this text was discovered in Japan, and the the melding of native and Buddhist deities within the structure of Esoteric Buddhist text was published in 1979. iconography. By comparing the parallel passages in the Yŏlban chong’yo and Yijang ŭi, we could clear up two points. First, Wŏnhyo wrote the Yŏlban chong’yo by skipping or changing some phrases or sentences in the Yijang ŭi. Second, the meaning of some Chinese characters whose meaning was uncertain in the Yŏlban chong’yo could be clarified.

─ 1332 ─ （294） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （295） encompassed the principles of Zōmitsu 雑密, the early, less systematic form of Esoteric 27. The Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku and Temple-Internal Rituals at Kōfukuji During the Buddhism, it also further developed its functioning as a “secret Buddhist deity” (hibutsu Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods 秘仏). Tagawa Fumihiko Moreover, the basic form was also to become the principal protective icon (mamori honzon 守り本尊) of the Rengebu-in 蓮花部院 of the Taizōkai 胎蔵界, one of the two Recently, an Edo-period manuscript of the hyōbyaku 表白 (invocation) used during the fundamental esoteric mandalas imported by Kūkai. Additionally, why Fukūkenjaku performance of the Kōzen’in-kō 興善院講 (Kōzen’in Assembly) at Kōfukuji 興福寺 was kannon, one of the Roku Kannon 六観音, became the principle worship object of the rediscovered and returned to the temple. The present paper uses this document to Sangatsudō is a deep mystery. The universality of this icon, which stretches back to the analyze the history and ritual format of this heretofore unexamined temple-internal Tenpyō era, and its function have not been sufficiently explained. The many forms of ritual assembly. Specifically, it traces the source texts quoted in the Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku Kannon became firmly situated in the foundation of faith in this-worldly benefit; in order to clarify both the content of, and the underlying intent behind, the however, I believe the establishment of this long-lasting variety of faith in Fukūkenjaku performance of the Kōzen’in Assembly. This ritual was held monthly on the death day kannon as savior of the people was due to a different cause. It was the crystal jewel held of the scholar-monk Zōshun 蔵俊 (1104–1180), and consisted of an exposition of the within the palms of the praying Sangatsudō icon. This was the starting point of it all. Jieshenmi jing 解深密経 (Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra), as well as an oral doctrinal debate. The The embellishment of the icon was, of course, due to the strong faith of Kōmyō kōgō, sutra exposition included in the text is particularly noteworthy for citing heavily from but I believe the incorporation of the jewel (hōju 宝珠) was also the work of the the Haesimmilkyŏng so 解深密経疏 by the Tang-dynasty Korean monk Wŏnch’ŭk 円測. empress. This embodiment of her faith engendered the spread of the unique Kannon Although still in its initial stages, the study of the Kōzen’in-kō hyōbyaku promises to shed faith seen in the “transformation of a single form” in the Nara region. valuable light on temple-internal debate rituals and the interaction between scholar- Of course, the theory of “transformations of a single form” also engendered the monks at Kōfukuji during the late medieval and early modern periods. spread of the thirty-three forms of Kannon. Furthermore, the dissemination of the basic form also influenced faith in the mandalas that Kūkai was to import. Kūkai 28. On the Citation of Wŏnhyo’s Yijang ŭi in His Yŏlban chong’yo established the Shingon’in 真言院 cloister within Tōdaiji, and thereafter created the Fujii Kyōkō concrete form of the three-dimensional mandala of Tōji 東寺 in Kyoto using the arrangement of deities in the Sangatsudō as a model. It seems likely that Kūkai saw the In the Yŏlban chong’yo 涅槃宗要, one of Wŏnhyo’s 元暁 commentaries on the Da main icon, Mahāvairocana (Jpn. Dainichi nyorai 大日如来), and Fukūkenjaku kannon as banniepan jing 大般涅槃経, we can find a parallel passage within his work Yijang ŭi 二障 being situated on the same level. This way of thinking that imparted the same value to 義. Wŏnhyo himself explained that one should refer to the Yijang ŭi. The Yijang ŭi had Dainichi nyorai and Fukūkenjaku kannon produced a new form of faith that promoted been lost in early times but a manuscript of this text was discovered in Japan, and the the melding of native and Buddhist deities within the structure of Esoteric Buddhist text was published in 1979. iconography. By comparing the parallel passages in the Yŏlban chong’yo and Yijang ŭi, we could clear up two points. First, Wŏnhyo wrote the Yŏlban chong’yo by skipping or changing some phrases or sentences in the Yijang ŭi. Second, the meaning of some Chinese characters whose meaning was uncertain in the Yŏlban chong’yo could be clarified.

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29. The Sixi Edition of the Tripiṭaka: Review and Perspective 31. On the Meaning of “quanxin qiuwang” in the Anle ji

Uesugi Tomofusa Fukui Junnin

There exist two catalogues of the Sixi 思渓 edition of the Tripiṭaka: First is the Huzhou This paper examines a main theme of Daochuo’s 道綽 Pure Land thought as he defines Sixi Yuanjue chanyuan xindiao dazangjing mulu 湖州思渓円覚禅院新彫大蔵経目録, it in the beginning of the Anle ji 安楽集, in which he encourages people to seek faith in known as the catalogue of the Sixi Yuanjue chanyuan, or the early Sixi catalogue; second the Pure Land path by saying “calling for faith to attain birth in the Pure Land” (quanxin is the Anjizhou Sixi fabao Zifuchan si dazangjing mulu 安吉州思渓法宝資福禅寺大蔵経目 qiuwang 勧信求住). In order to clarify the meaning of this passage essential for 録, known as the catalogue of the Sixi Zifuchan si, or the later Sixi catalogue. understanding the Anle ji, in this paper, I examine Daochuo’s use of the words quan and Concerning the relationship of those two catalogues, two distinct opinions were xin in the text. In the text of the Anle ji, the word xin is always used to call for faith in presented. Ono Genmyō 小野玄妙 pointed out the existence of two kinds of book the Pure Land teaching. This clearly shows that the most significant idea of the formats, i.e., the scroll format and the binding format, in the copies of the Sixi edition teaching of the Anle ji is to guide people to enter the path of the Pure Land teaching. of the Tripiṭaka. Ogawa Kan’ichi 小川貫弌 assumed that the copies of scroll format Therefore, the Anle ji is not simply a scholarly commentary summarizing the teaching were published in the Yuanjue chanyuan and the copies of binding format were of the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経. It is rather a book written in evangelical published in the Zifuchan si. enthusiasm with strong missionary motivation to propagate Pure Land Buddhism. Ogawa’s opinion has not been paid attention to so far, but it provides a clue as to the identification of the revision which is supposed to have been introduced into the later 32. The Understanding of gotra in Chinese Buddhism before the 7th Century: On publication. In this article, I verify Ogawa’s opinion by analyzing the engraver’s names the Pusa dichi jing, the Renwang jing, and the Pusa yingluo benye jing of both publications, and prove that copies of the scroll format were published in the Li Zijie Yuanjue chanyuan. This paper addresses the question of the understanding of the theory of gotra (Chi. 30. Dao’an’s Jingtu lun Quoted in Huiying’s Da zhidu lun shu: Which Dao’an? zhongxing 種姓/種性) in the Dilun school in the center after the translation of the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持経 by Tanwuchen 曇無讖 (385–433). Kudō Ryōdō In Chinese Buddhism, the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業経 and the Renwang Dao’an’s 道安 Jingtu lun 浄土論 is quoted in Huiying’s 慧影 Da zhidu lun shu 大智度論 jing 仁王経 are the first scriptures to state the 42 stages of a bodhisattva. The theory of 疏. In previous studies, opinions were divided about whether Dao’an lived in the gotra in the Pusa dichi jing, namely the xi zhongxing 習種性 and the xing zhongxing 性種 Eastern Jin dynasty, or in the Northern Zhou dynasty. I consider the thought and 性, corresponded with the stages of a bodhisattva offered by the author of the Pusa translations in the Jingtu lun, and find that these are not representative of the Eastern yingluo benye jing. From this, if one continues training, not only the xi zhongxing, but also Jin. Therefore, I conclude that Dao’an belongs to the Northern Zhou. the xing zhongxing can be obtained. Although the theory of gotra in the Pusa dichi jing was more or less adopted, the author of the Pusa yingluo benye jing equated the xi zhongxing and the xing zhongxing to the stages of a bodhisattva. The xi zhongxing is placed in front of the xing zhongxing. Therefore, the significance of the xing zhongxing is lessened. For this reason, no one

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29. The Sixi Edition of the Tripiṭaka: Review and Perspective 31. On the Meaning of “quanxin qiuwang” in the Anle ji

Uesugi Tomofusa Fukui Junnin

─ 1335 ─ （298） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （299） lacks the possibility of becoming a Buddha. This differs from the Pusa dichi jing. Establishment of Teachings (qijiao 起教), which is not part of the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観. In the Song period, Siming Zhili 四明知礼 (960–1028) suggested that one should 33. The Theory of Kleśa in Fazang’s Huayan wujiao zhang practice the Establishment of Teachings before the realization of Buddhahood (chengfo 成仏). Although Jingjue Renyue 浄覚仁岳 (992–1064), as a monk of the Post Shanwai Satō Kaion group (Hou Shanwai pai 後山外派), criticized Zhili’s theory, Foguang Fazhao 仏光法照 In the Tang dynasty, Fazang 法蔵 (643–712) advocated his system of doctrine to (1185–1273) and Wulin Kedu 武林可度 (dates unknown) defended Zhili’s theory against enhance the “special teaching of the unique vehicle” (biejiao yisheng 別教一乗) of Renyue’s criticism. The present paper demonstrates that this debate in Song period Huayan based on the teachings centered on the Buddha-avataṃsaka-sūtra (Chi. Huayan Tiantai is the source of Mengrun’s explanation. jing 華厳経). His system of thought is organized by a classification of doctrines called the Five Doctrines and Ten Schools (五教十宗判), which was mentioned in the Huayan 35. Chan Contemplation in the Xichan pian Section, Xu Gaoseng zhuan wujiao zhang 華厳五教章. Ōmatsu Hisanori Fazang classifies all the discourses of Buddhism by the following five teachings: the “Lesser Vehicle” (Xiaosheng 小乗), the “initial teaching” (shijiao 始教) of the Great The Xu Gaoseng zhuan 続高僧伝 was written by Daoxuan 道宣. It has 10 chapters in Vehicle, the “final teaching” (zhongjiao 終教) of the Great Vehicle, the “sudden total. In this paper, I discuss the disciples of Zhiyi 智顗 in the Xichan pian 習禅篇 teaching” (dunjiao 頓教) of the Great Vehicle and the “complete teaching” (yuanjiao 円 section, and study the Chan contemplation of each person. Specifically, I focus on 教) of the unique vehicle. Zhikai 智鍇, Zhiyue 智越, Boruo 波若, Fayan 法彦, Zhixi 智晞, Guanding 灌頂, Zhizao This paper analyzes the theory of kleśa in the Huayan wujiao zhang. The conclusions 智璪, and Puming 普明. are as follows. In this study the main stress falls on the opposition of thought between the initial teaching and the final teaching. On the one hand, the initial teaching 36. Chinese Interpretations of Buddhist Logic Yinming emphasizes the emptiness of kleśa, On the other hand, the final teaching emphasizes the Yoshida Jijun existence of kleśa. Ultimately the special teaching overcomes both of them. In East Asia, Buddhist logic yinming 因明 was mainly researched within the Weishi 34. Mengrun’s Explanation for the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State (Vijñaptimātra) school. It is clear that they developed their own understanding of logic which is different from that of Indian traditions. However, the attitude towards yinming Kubota Masahiro outside of the Weishi School has yet to be clarified. In this paper, I clarify the reaction Although Yugang Mengrun’s 玉岡蒙潤 (1275–1342) Tiantai sijiaoyi jizhu 天台四教儀集 against yinming tradition within China by focusing on the understanding of those 註 has been used widely from the Edo period onward, it is a fact that this text contains a outside of the Weishi School. number of unorthodox views, of which its explanation of the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State (huata busiyi jing 化他不思議境) is one example. However, Mengrun’s interpretation of this concept should not been seen as a mere mistake. Mengrun interpreted the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State as not actively preaching to others. Furthermore, this interpretation of Mengrun is related to the

─ 1336 ─ （298） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （299） lacks the possibility of becoming a Buddha. This differs from the Pusa dichi jing. Establishment of Teachings (qijiao 起教), which is not part of the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観. In the Song period, Siming Zhili 四明知礼 (960–1028) suggested that one should 33. The Theory of Kleśa in Fazang’s Huayan wujiao zhang practice the Establishment of Teachings before the realization of Buddhahood (chengfo 成仏). Although Jingjue Renyue 浄覚仁岳 (992–1064), as a monk of the Post Shanwai Satō Kaion group (Hou Shanwai pai 後山外派), criticized Zhili’s theory, Foguang Fazhao 仏光法照 In the Tang dynasty, Fazang 法蔵 (643–712) advocated his system of doctrine to (1185–1273) and Wulin Kedu 武林可度 (dates unknown) defended Zhili’s theory against enhance the “special teaching of the unique vehicle” (biejiao yisheng 別教一乗) of Renyue’s criticism. The present paper demonstrates that this debate in Song period Huayan based on the teachings centered on the Buddha-avataṃsaka-sūtra (Chi. Huayan Tiantai is the source of Mengrun’s explanation. jing 華厳経). His system of thought is organized by a classification of doctrines called the Five Doctrines and Ten Schools (五教十宗判), which was mentioned in the Huayan 35. Chan Contemplation in the Xichan pian Section, Xu Gaoseng zhuan wujiao zhang 華厳五教章. Ōmatsu Hisanori Fazang classifies all the discourses of Buddhism by the following five teachings: the “Lesser Vehicle” (Xiaosheng 小乗), the “initial teaching” (shijiao 始教) of the Great The Xu Gaoseng zhuan 続高僧伝 was written by Daoxuan 道宣. It has 10 chapters in Vehicle, the “final teaching” (zhongjiao 終教) of the Great Vehicle, the “sudden total. In this paper, I discuss the disciples of Zhiyi 智顗 in the Xichan pian 習禅篇 teaching” (dunjiao 頓教) of the Great Vehicle and the “complete teaching” (yuanjiao 円 section, and study the Chan contemplation of each person. Specifically, I focus on 教) of the unique vehicle. Zhikai 智鍇, Zhiyue 智越, Boruo 波若, Fayan 法彦, Zhixi 智晞, Guanding 灌頂, Zhizao This paper analyzes the theory of kleśa in the Huayan wujiao zhang. The conclusions 智璪, and Puming 普明. are as follows. In this study the main stress falls on the opposition of thought between the initial teaching and the final teaching. On the one hand, the initial teaching 36. Chinese Interpretations of Buddhist Logic Yinming emphasizes the emptiness of kleśa, On the other hand, the final teaching emphasizes the Yoshida Jijun existence of kleśa. Ultimately the special teaching overcomes both of them. In East Asia, Buddhist logic yinming 因明 was mainly researched within the Weishi 34. Mengrun’s Explanation for the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State (Vijñaptimātra) school. It is clear that they developed their own understanding of logic which is different from that of Indian traditions. However, the attitude towards yinming Kubota Masahiro outside of the Weishi School has yet to be clarified. In this paper, I clarify the reaction Although Yugang Mengrun’s 玉岡蒙潤 (1275–1342) Tiantai sijiaoyi jizhu 天台四教儀集 against yinming tradition within China by focusing on the understanding of those 註 has been used widely from the Edo period onward, it is a fact that this text contains a outside of the Weishi School. number of unorthodox views, of which its explanation of the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State (huata busiyi jing 化他不思議境) is one example. However, Mengrun’s interpretation of this concept should not been seen as a mere mistake. Mengrun interpreted the Teaching of the Incomprehensible State as not actively preaching to others. Furthermore, this interpretation of Mengrun is related to the

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37. Dharmakīrti on the Sautrāntika Tendency: On the Basis of Late Prof. A. B. Keith already cited the name and article of Prof. Kanakura from the Jacobi Kanakura Yenshō’s Draft of the Third Volume of His Indo chūsei seishinshi Felicitation Volume in his History of Sanskrit Literature (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass Publishers, 1993), preface, p. 20. Kimura Shungen

The Sautrāntika school begins with Kumāralāta as well as Aśvaghoṣa according to the 38. Water and the Rites of Giving Gifts in Ancient India third volume of the late Prof. Kanakura Yenshō’s 金倉圓照 Indo chūsei seishinshi 印度中 Kajihara Mieko 世精神史 (A History of medieval Indian spirit), which was left in manuscript at his death in 1987. Vasubandhu cited twice Kumāralāta’s Sautrāntika tenets in the first chapter of his Since the Gṛhyasūtras, water has been involved in the rituals of giving gifts. As to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and argued for his Sautrāntika standpoint. Dharmakīrti use of water at the giving of a girl to the suitor in the marriage ceremony, some constructed a Sautrāntika philosophy after studying the Abhidharmakośa. His Gṛhyasūtras preserve concrete prescriptions, while the Dharma texts prescribe it epistemology is composed of the triad of objects as cause, resemblance (sārūpyam) as simply in the phrases “to give with water (adbhir dā)” or “to give being preceded by action and cognition as effect. This composition opposes the idealistic epistemology of water (udakapūrva-)” without giving any details. Those simple phrases, which are Dignāga, who asserted the trinity in the self-cognition (svasaṃvedanam). That is attested since the younger Gṛhyasūtras and the Dharma texts, continue prevalently for reconfirmed by opposing it at Pramāṇavārttika III, 346. other kinds of gift as well in post-Vedic texts. Dharmakīrti relates this tenet in his first text, the Nyāyabindu, chapter one (sūtra 20– In Buddhist texts, the giving of donations and the giving of a girl in marriage are 21). According to the Ṭippaṇī, p. 19, Dharmakīrti added the Sautrāntika definition of described principally in the same or similar expressions in the narratives: one is said to perception, “no confusion” (abhrāntam), to the idealistic definition of perception, “no give a gift with a water-jar in hand. On the other hand, the enumeration of forms of construction” (kalpanāpoḍham) offered by Dignāga. F. I. Stcherbatskoi pointed out this marriage and wife in the Vinayas preserves a peculiar and concrete use of water at a statement in one of his first work (Izdal Fakultét, no. 14, Petrograd, 1903; German certain type of marriage. Such a unique description might reflect the various uses of translation by O. Strauss, p. 113). Prof. Kanakura cited this comment in his manuscript water at the rites of giving gifts before their descriptions were unified and simplified. through the German version. Furthermore Dharmakīrti demonstrated the tenet of momentariness (kṣaṇikatvam) 39. The Early Rāso Literature Based on the Non-Hagiographical Tradition without any cause in the second chapter (“Pramāṇasiddhi”) of the Pramāṇavārttika Yamahata Tomoyuki succeeding to Maitreya, Asaṅga, and Vasubandhu. The logic for proving it was completed in his Vādanyāya. The “Kṣaṇikavāda” became the catch-phrase of The Rāso Literature is famous particularly as the style for heroic tales of Rajput kings Dharmakīrti. The second chapter of the Sarvadarśanasaṅgraha begins with a citation of from the 14th to 16th century. But the early Rāso literature was known first by Jain his logic. writers. The Jains composed numerous hagiographical works in the Prakrit or The religious chapter of the Pramāṇavārttika is based on the strong faith in Buddha as Apabhraṃśa languages for centuries. They adopted the Rāso style mainly for writing “Authoritative One” (Pramāṇabhūtaḥ). Dharmakīrti demonstrates Buddha’s credibility hagiography from the 12th century. from his altruism as Savior (tāyī), borrowing the illustration of the five epithets of We can classify Jain Rāso works into several genres. It is likely that the Buddha related in the dedication verse of the Pramāṇasamuccaya by Dignāga, as well as hagiographical Rāso is a near descendant of the Jain Prakrit or Apabhraṃśa literature. that of the Abhidharmakośa of Vasubandhu. There are, however, several non-hagiographical Jain Rāso works.

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This study attempts to show the influences of the Saṃdhi-bandha style of the examining relevant passages from Vācaspati’s Nyāyavārttikatātparyaṭīkā and Jayanta’s Apabhraṃśa literature on the formation of the Rāso style. Moreover, we suggest that Nyāyamañjarī. The analysis also relies on a passage from an as yet unpublished portion the early Rāso literature includes many genres and styles that have been differentiated of Vardhamāna’s (ca. 14th c.) Nyāyanibandhaprakāśa, a commentary on Udayana’s into heroic Rāso, Carcarī, Phāgu, Bārahmāsā, and so on. Nyāyavārttikatātparyapariśuddhi. In addition to detecting theories of Jayanta to which Vācaspati allegedly refers, the paper describes an innovative aspect of Vācaspati’s own 40. The Concept of Avatāra in the Eknāthī-Bhāgvat theory of analogy, which will, in effect, mark the theory presented by Jayanta as theoretically cumbersome (gaurava). Ida Katsuyuki

The Sanskrit word avatāra means the appearance or incarnation of a deity (especially 42. Is Time a Replica of Space? The Difference between Time and Space in the Viṣṇu) on earth. In this paper, I discuss the development of the concept of avatāra in the Padārthadharmasaṃgraha Vārkarī sect, according to the Eknāthī-Bhāgvat, written in the Marāthī language by the Watanabe Masayoshi sant (poetic saint) Eknāth in the 16th century. In the Sanskritic Vaiṣṇava tradition, it is believed that Lord Viṣṇu descends to the There is great similarity between time (kāla) and space (diś) in the Vaiśeṣika category earth as avatāras for the salvation of his devotees. After that, Eknāth expanded this system accomplished by Praśastapāda. These terms are defined as eternal and all- concept of avatāra. He insisted that his guru Janārdana is an avatāra of God and pervading substances, that cause everything that has an origin because their functions emphasized the importance of guru-bhakti (devotion to the guru). This modification of are like mathematical coordinates. However, there are some differences between them. the concept of avatāra made sant-worship possible for later Vārkarīs. Praśastapāda proclaimed that only time is the cause of origin (utpatti), duration (sthiti), and destruction (vināśa), and Wilhelm Halbfass asked why Praśastapāda did not repeat 41. On “Jayanta” as Referred to by Udayana this statement with regard to space. To answer that question, I investigate the two unique notions, temporal point (kālapradeśa) and spatial point (dikpradeśa). In Muroya Yasutaka Praśastapāda’s Padārthadharmasaṃgraha, action is explained as conjunction and In his exposition of Nyāyasūtra 1.1.6, which defines analogy or identification (upamāna), disjunction with spatial points. On the other hand, a temporal point seems to have a Udayana (ca. 11th century CE) made an important statement that has been considered particular relationship to origin, duration and destruction, although Praśastapāda did as symbolically indicating a turning point in the history of the Nyāya tradition. not expressly refer to this relationship. I infer that this ignorance results from the According to Udayana, Vācaspati Miśra (ca. 10th c.) refers to the “refutation of the Old difficulty of applying the spatial theory of conjunction and disjunction to time and Naiyāyika, Jayanta and others (jarannaiyāyika-jayanta-prabhṛti-).” This statement has temporal point. Praśastapāda probably tried to explain origin, duration and destruction long been considered by scholars as a witness of Bhaṭṭa Jayanta’s (ca. 9th c.) using the notion of temporal point, but he must have abandoned this idea. chronological antecedence to Vācaspati. However, the statement has not received sufficient philological examination by offering an analysis of relevant passages that positively substantiate Udayana’s witness. Furthermore, Udayana calls Vācaspati the “modern Naiyāyika” (abhinavanaiyāyika), with the emphasis on Vācaspati’s novelty. The present paper aims at giving these views by Udayana a certain level of plausibility by

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43. On Puryaṣṭaka: Śaṅkara and Bhāskara on the “Eight Transmigrating “brahmapurāṇe.” However, in the presently available Brahmapurāṇa, this verse cannot be Components” found. Lakṣmīdhara in his Kr̥tyakalpataru introduces the verse as “brahmāṇḍapurāṇe,” and, while the latter half of this passage is found in Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa 4.3.55, the first Kondō Hayato half, which contains the puryaṣṭaka in question, is missing. The same applies to Śaṅkara and Bhāskara, two of the most well-known Vedānta scholars, in their Vāyupurāṇa 102.75cd–76ab, which parallels Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa 4.3.55. Taking a recent respective commentaries on the Brahmasūtra quote the same verse, whose source is study by Kengo Harimoto into account, which shows that the purāṇa text known to unknown, with regard to a transmigrating body, or puryaṣṭaka. The term puryaṣṭaka, Śaṅkara is a common ancestor of the Vāyupurāṇa and the Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa, it is which is found in Vedānta, dharmaśāstra, and Śaiva texts, literally means “eightfold possible that Śaṅkara is quoting this verse from this ancestral text. If this is true, it fortress (purī),” but its eight components are interpreted differently by scholars shows that the term puryaṣṭaka is an old expression dating back to the era before the including Śaṅkara and Bhāskara. This paper tries to clarify Śaṅkara’s and Bhāskara’s composition of this ancestral text. Furthermore, we can conclude that Śaṅkara’s unique interpretations of these eight components in their respective commentaries on the interpretation of the components of puryaṣṭaka implies that he was unfamiliar with the Brahmasūtra, and furthermore aims to examine the source of the verse. interpretation of it corresponding to the seventeen components of transmigrating Śaṅkara, who does not specify the eight components, quotes a passage from the liṅga. Br̥hadāraṇyakopaniṣad saying “indeed hands are graspers (graha)” (3.2.8), and interprets the term “graspers” as “bondage” (bandha) before quoting the verse in his commentary 44. Pratibhā in the Pratyabhijñā School on Brahmasūtra 2.4.6, in which the number of prāṇa (vital functions) is dealt with. Kawajiri Yōhei Considering Br̥hadāraṇyakopaniṣad 3.2.1–9, in which eight “graspers” are mentioned, we can conclude from context that Śaṅkara understands the components of puryaṣṭaka to This paper shows how Abhinavagupta interprets “pratibhā” in Utpaladeva’s be these eight graspers, namely, prāṇa (i.e., the olfactory function), the taste function, Īśvarapratyabhijñākārikā, to make clear how the viewpoint of the Pratyabhijñā is the vocal function, the visual function, the manas, hands, and the tactile function. reflected in his interpretation. Bhāskara, on the other hand, mentions these eight components as the five vital airs According to Utpaladeva’s own vṛtti, “pratibhā” is nothing but a synonym for “ābhāsa” (prāṇa, apāna, vyāna, udāna, and samāna), the faculty of eleven organs, and the intellect (manifestation/appearance), and it should not be understood as “intuition” or “flash of (buddhi). In addition, considering Bhāskara’s conception of the components of a “soul” understanding” in a technical sense, but as “light” or “appearance.” For enveloped by a “subtle body,” we might safely assume that Bhāskara interprets the Abhinavagupta, it connotes the self to which objects appear. The upasarga “prati” components of puryaṣṭaka as the five vital airs, the ten organs, manas, and the intellect. implies that it is to the self that objects appear. Thus, for him, “pratibhā” means The validity of this interpretation is verified by a correspondence to the seventeen “appearance to the self.” components of transmigrating liṅga, which are often mentioned in Vedānta texts, Interestingly, Utpaladeva does not explicitly refer to this interpretation even in the namely, the five vital airs, the five cognitive organs, the five motor organs, the intellect, vivṛti, of which fragments have been discovered recently. However, this does not mean and the manas. that it is original to Abhinavagupta. His interpretation reflects the viewpoint of the As for the source of this verse, Śaṅkara quotes it from a smr̥ti, while Bhāskara Pratyabhijñā that appearances and objects never exist independently from the self. attributes it to paurāṇikāḥ, while in their respective commentaries on the Mānavadharmaśāstra Medhātithi quotes it from a purāṇa, while Kullūka introduces it as

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45. The Seven Vices of the Jain Laity Lumbini, the Birthplace of the Lord Buddha, Phase 2,” focused on investigation of Tilaurakot, has been ongoing since 2014. An International excavation team of experts is Hotta Kazuyoshi co-directed by Professor Robin Coningham of Durham University and Former Director Some Śrāvakācāra texts which include prescriptions for the conduct of Jain laity refer General Kosh Prasad Acharya of the Department of Archaeology, and the project is to a set of seven vices (vyasana) consisting of gambling, drinking alcohol, meat-eating, comprised of members from Durham University, the Lumbini Development Trust, the whoring, hunting, thieving, and adultery. Based on an investigation of the primary Department of Archaeology, the National Geographic, and others. The project is focusing sources, this paper surveys these seven vices and their historical background. on the morphological and chronological definition of Tilaurakot. Section 1 of this article provides an overview of the classification and descriptions of The purpose of this paper is to report the archaeological results form Lumbini (2010– the seven vices found in these Śrāvakācāra texts. It clarifies the following two points. 2013) and describe in outline the current archaeological survey of Tilaurakot (2014– (1.1) Texts which refer to the seven vices are comparatively few in number and the 2017). descriptions of the vices are highly stereotypical in nature. (1.2) Only the Digambara texts contain references to the seven vices. However, even among Digambara scriptures, 47. On the Cessation of saṅkhāra in Dependent Origination in Early Buddhist those thought to be relatively old lack such references. Scriptures Section 2 examines the position and significance of the seven vices within the Karai Takanori context of the conduct of Jain laity. The following three points are revealed. (2.1) The seven vices are not included in the main code of conduct for Jain laity. (2.2) The content Referring to the formation of the twelvefold chain of dependent origination, Takeuchi of the seven vices overlaps with that of the notion of restraint (vrata) and other related Yoshinori 武内義範 stated that avijjā and saṅkhāra are essential concepts to explain concepts. (2.3) The seven vices stand in a close relationship with the eight fundamental dependent origination in its cessation aspect. This theory says that avijjā and saṅkhāra virtues (mūlaguṇa) and an overlap or mixing of content between the seven vices and the were added to the theory because the cessation of saṅkhāra was found to be the cause of eight fundamental virtues can be discerned. the cessation of viññāṇa. Therefore, it is the cessation of saṅkhāra, and not saṅkhāra Section 3 investigates vices described in non-Jaina texts, especially the Arthaśāstra, itself, that I am interested in. In this paper, I intend to consider the meaning of the Manusmṛti, and Śyainikaśāstra. It emerges that something equivalent to the concept of cessation of saṅkhāra and offer an opinion on the formation of the twelvefold chain of the seven vices of the Jain laity was also in circulation in wider Indian society. dependent origination. In light of the above, the article reaches the conclusion that, at some point, some This examination argues that the cessation of saṅkhāra plays an important role in Digambara monk introduced the concept of vices that was prevalent in general Indian meditation. As meditation develops through different stages, saṅkhāra ceases gradually, society at the time into Jainism. Under his influence, other monks then reproduced this finally reaching the stage where one is free from consciousness and sensation concept in their own writings. (saññāvedayitanirodha), where saṅkhāra ceases completely. As mentioned above, the complete cessation of saṅkhāra, that is, the attainment of 46. The Recent Archaeological Survey of Tilaurakot saññāvedayitanirodha, represents the ultimate state of meditation. On the other hand, the cessation of avijjā (vijjā) represents insight. Thus, I infer that the cessation of avijjā Murakami Tōshun and saṅkhāra is applied only to dependent origination in its cessation aspect as practical The UNESCO/JFIT project, “Strengthening the Conservation and Management of stages: insight and meditation.

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48. Papañca- in Colloquial Usage 50. Comprehension of the Lalitavistara, Buddha’s Biography, as the Hero’s Journey

Saka Eisei Okano Kiyoshi

This paper investigates Pāli papañca- focusing on colloquial usage. From the Aṭṭhakathā I compared the contents of the Lalitavistara with 24 functions of Morphology of the Folktale onward, papañca- is used not only in dogmatic contexts, but also in ordinary contexts. (1927) by Vladimir Propp, 17 stages of the Hero’s Journey by Joseph Campbell (The Hero The Saddanīti tells us that papañca- means “a long time” (Sadd 529, 1) in colloquial with a Thousand Faces, 1949), and 12 stages of Christopher Vogler’s The Writer’s Journey usage. The nuance of this term, however, is “a waste of time.” Parallel cases are found in (2007). many passages.

As a result of this investigation, I conclude that papañca- basically means “a Propp Campbell Vogler superfluity, a futility” in colloquial usage. Papañceti (denom.) and its paraphrase Lalitavistara (1927) (1949) (2007) papañcaṃ karoti also means “do what is unnecessary, make an unnecessary addition to, 24 functions 17 stages 12 stages meddle, etc.” The unique temporal meaning is presumably derived from this basic 1. Birth and Growth A 1 1 2. Youth in Disappointment with Life B 1 2 meaning, namely “there is a superfluity for one > one is busily occupied with 3. Hesitation in Leaving Home 2 3 something, or indulges in something > one wastes one’s time.” The characteristic 4. Hortations of the Gods and Final Resolution C 3 4 5. Leaving Home (Pravrajyā) ↑ 4 5 syntax in which this term is used includes concrete examples of what is superfluous. In 6. Two Teachers D, E 5 6 that case, papañca- becomes a complement. 7. Austerities as Trials D, E 5, 6 6 Papañca- in colloquial usage inherits a negative sense of value expression from its 8. Acquisition of the Power to Challenge F 6 9. Arrival at the Bodhi Tree in Bodh Gayā G 6 7 dogmatic usage. In spite of showing unique semantic change, it seems that the basic 10. Fight Against the Armies of Māra H 6, 7, 8 8 meaning is essentially the same as Classic prapañca- except for the difference in the 11. Attainment of Buddhahood J 9, 10 9 implied value expressed. 12. Victory I 11 9 13. Disappearance of the Cause of Distress K 11 9 14. Return to the Ordinary World ↓ 10 49. Reexamining Ascetic Practice in Indian Buddhism Based on a Literary 15. Hesitation in Preaching as Mental Crisis Pr 12, 13 10 Anthropology of the Vinaya 16. Escape from Hesitation with the Help of Brahmā Rs 14 11 17. Arrival at the Place of the First Preaching O 15 11 Nicholas Witkowski 18. Suspicious Attitude of 5 Ascetics L, M 15 11 19. Dissolution of Mistrust of 5 Ascetics N 15 11 20. Public Recognition as the Buddha Q, Ex 16 11 In this paper, I will argue that there was a subculture of ascetic practice in the 21. Transfiguration to the Rescuer of the World T 16 11 institutionalized Indian Buddhist monastery of the so-called “middle period.” I will 22. Destruction of False Doctrines U 17 11 focus on two types of practice, which may be grouped under the category of śmaśāna, or 23. The King of Munis W 17 12 cemetery, asceticism. The first is pāṃśukūlika, a practice which, in this case, involves retrieving material for one’s monastic robes from corpses. The second is aśubha- bhāvanā, or corpse meditation.

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48. Papañca- in Colloquial Usage 50. Comprehension of the Lalitavistara, Buddha’s Biography, as the Hero’s Journey

Saka Eisei Okano Kiyoshi

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51. The Entrustment and the Dissemination Part of the Lotus Sutra: Through a distinct from the other three versions. Comparison with the Śūraṅgamasamādhisūtra 53. An Interpretation of Śākyamuni in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha and the Okada Yukihiro Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka Many Mahayana sutras end with a chapter in which the sutra is entrusted (付嘱) by Mibu Yasunori Buddha to a worthy person such as Ānanda. But in the last part of the Śūraṅgamasamādhisūtra the god Indra, who already has acquired the power of the The interpretation of Śākyamuni changes in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha. For this paper, Śūraṅgamasamādhi, aspires to propagate the sutra. The life span of the Buddha is by comparing the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka, which praises Śākyamuni, I investigate the factors explained to be 700 uncountable aeons. The process of the entrustment of the Lotus that change the interpretation of Śākyamuni in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha. As a result, Sutra is begun in chapter X (Dharmabhāṇaka). Chapter XV expounds the Buddha’s the following hypothesis is built: eternal life. In the following chapters the merits and virtues which are acquired though Phrases which praise Śākyamuni are found in the earlier recensions of the Larger worshiping the sutra are expounded in detail. In the last six chapters, various kinds of Sukhāvatīvyūha. We can infer that the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka was composed in light of the activities are recognized to be practices of the Lotus Sutra. These chapters of the Lotus Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha, and thus received some influence not only regarding the Pure Sutra can be perhaps best be described as the dissemination part (流通分) of the sutra. Land thought, but also in terms of its interpretation of Śākyamuni. The Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka regards as the excellent bodhisattva the one who chooses a Buddha-field of five 52. On the Relationships among the Sanskrit Text of the Bodhisattvapiṭaka-sūtra defilements, as did Śākyamuni, and not the bodhisattva who chooses a pure Buddha- and Its Parallel Chinese Translations and the Tibetan Translation: Based on field, as did Amitābha. On the other hand, in the later recensions of the Larger the First Four Chapters, Chapter XI, and XII Sukhāvatīvyūha, the individuality of Amitābha is strengthened and expressions which praise Śākyamuni are not seen. At the same time, in the later recensions the sutra Xiang Ben incorporated the image of the bodhisattva who chose a Buddha-field of the five A Sanskrit manuscript of the Bodhisattvapiṭaka-sūtra, preserved at the Potala Palace in defilements, as did Śākyamuni in the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka, as an exceptional existence Lhasa, has been edited by Professor Jens Braarvig at the University of Oslo, and others, within Amitābha’s Buddha-field. and its critical edition will be published in the near future. With the kind permission of Prof. Braarvig, I compared the contents and the structure of the Sanskrit text with its 54. The Relationship between the Pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi three parallel translations, that of Xuanzang 玄奘, Fahu 法護, and the Tibetan and Buddhānusmṛti translation. Through comparative studies on the first four chapters and the last two Fukita Takanori chapters in these four versions, three conclusions are presented in this article. (1) Although the four versions are content-wise very similar, they display partial The pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi (Chi. banzhou sanmei 般舟三昧) has differences as well. Thus, it can be assumed that the four versions do not directly long been viewed as a developed form of buddhānusmṛti (Chi. fo suinian 仏随念). Existing originate from the same source. (2) It is speculated that the versions other than that of studies are based on Akanuma Chizen’s 赤沼智善 pioneering work (1939), which found Xuanzang are closely related. (3) Based on the differences in their chapter divisions and that nianfo 念仏 is transformed into this samādhi through the doctrine of śūnyatā. the contents regarding existence (bhava), it is clear that Xuanzang’s translation is fairly Assuming nian 念 to be anu-√smṛ in Sanskrit, he regarded buddhānusmṛti as its original

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─ 1349 ─ （312） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （313） form. 56. On the Meaning of the Word Sarvatraga in the Sarvatraga-anuśaya Unfortunately, the Sanskrit original of the pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita- Fujimoto Yōsuke samādhi-sūtra (Chi. Banzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧経) has been lost, except for one fragment. As Akanuma pointed out, the Chinese translation explains this samādhi as The aim of this paper is to determine the original meaning of the word sarvatraga in the nianfo. Thus, the issue is whether the assumption about the original wording of nian is sarvatraga-anuśayas in the Sarvāstivādin doctrine of the anuśayas. Although sarvatraga- correct. There is a possibility that the translation is based on something other than anu- anuśayas are attested in the *Vijñānakāya-śāstra (Chi. Shishen zu lun 識身足論), four √smṛ, but this has not been studied so far, although it would allow for reconsideration of different doctrinal interpretations are made concerning sarvatraga, which literally previous studies. means “going/functioning everywhere,” in the *Mahāvibhāṣā (Chi. Posha lun 婆沙論). In this paper, I attempt to revisit the relationship between the pratyutpanna-buddha- Based on these interpretations, and on the position the sarvatraga-anuśayas hold within saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi and buddhānusmṛti in terms of two points: first, I clarify the the framework of the darśanaheya-anuśayas (the contaminants to be eliminated by concept of buddhānusmṛti in this sutra; second, I determine the original wording of nian realizing the four noble truths), I consider the following two to be the possible original in connection with this samādhi by referring to the Tibetan translation. Finally, I meanings of sarvatraga: “having all the sāsrava-dharmas (all the contaminated dharmas) suggest that the original form of the pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi as its object-support” and “having all the five categories of dharmas (all the dharmas should be reconsidered. from the duḥkhadarśanaheya-dharmas to the bhāvanāheya-dharmas) as its object- support.” Demonstrating that the latter meaning is secondary as it generally occurs in 55. Interpretations of ummatta and khittacitta in the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü contrast to the asarvatraga-anuśayas that have as their object-support the svanikāya- “Zasong” (Vinītaka): The Possibility of Influence from Abhidharma Texts dharmas (the dharmas belonging to the same category as these anuśayas), I have concluded that the notion of sarvatraga as having all the sāsrava-dharmas as its object- Li Wei support is the original meaning. The interpretations of ummatta (Chi. kuang 狂) and khittacitta (Chi. sanluan xin 散乱心) are found in the “Zasong” 雑誦 (Vinītaka) which describes the cases referring to rules 57. The Four Mindfulnesses and the Four Inversions in Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma in the tenth recitation of the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü 十誦律. These interpretations Texts cannot be found in other Vinayapiṭaka Vinītaka. However, it is interesting that similar Tanaka Hironori interpretations are found in the Abhidharma texts. It is widely recognized that the Abhidharma texts postdate the Vinayapiṭaka. In this In Abhidharma doctrine, the four mindfulnesses (catuḥ-smṛtyupasthāna) cure the four paper, I discuss the relationship of influence between the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü and inversions (catur-viparyāsa) by way of four qualities: impurity, suffering, impermanence, Abhidharma texts concerning these similar interpretations of ummatta and khittacitta. and non-self. However, the later Abhidharma texts (e.g., Abhidharmakośa-bhāṣya) do not In other words, the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü exerts an influence on Abhidharma texts, or comment on the quality of impurity, in spite of the fact that they preserve the same vice versa. I show three pieces of evidence that prove these interpretations of ummatta doctrine. and khittacitta in the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü are influenced by Abhidharma texts. In this paper, I clarify the reason behind the shift in the purpose of the preaching of the four mindfulnesses in Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma texts, from the correct (aviparyāsa, non-inversions) understanding of suffering to the analysis of all things (sarva-dharma).

─ 1350 ─ （312） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （313） form. 56. On the Meaning of the Word Sarvatraga in the Sarvatraga-anuśaya Unfortunately, the Sanskrit original of the pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita- Fujimoto Yōsuke samādhi-sūtra (Chi. Banzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧経) has been lost, except for one fragment. As Akanuma pointed out, the Chinese translation explains this samādhi as The aim of this paper is to determine the original meaning of the word sarvatraga in the nianfo. Thus, the issue is whether the assumption about the original wording of nian is sarvatraga-anuśayas in the Sarvāstivādin doctrine of the anuśayas. Although sarvatraga- correct. There is a possibility that the translation is based on something other than anu- anuśayas are attested in the *Vijñānakāya-śāstra (Chi. Shishen zu lun 識身足論), four √smṛ, but this has not been studied so far, although it would allow for reconsideration of different doctrinal interpretations are made concerning sarvatraga, which literally previous studies. means “going/functioning everywhere,” in the *Mahāvibhāṣā (Chi. Posha lun 婆沙論). In this paper, I attempt to revisit the relationship between the pratyutpanna-buddha- Based on these interpretations, and on the position the sarvatraga-anuśayas hold within saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi and buddhānusmṛti in terms of two points: first, I clarify the the framework of the darśanaheya-anuśayas (the contaminants to be eliminated by concept of buddhānusmṛti in this sutra; second, I determine the original wording of nian realizing the four noble truths), I consider the following two to be the possible original in connection with this samādhi by referring to the Tibetan translation. Finally, I meanings of sarvatraga: “having all the sāsrava-dharmas (all the contaminated dharmas) suggest that the original form of the pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi as its object-support” and “having all the five categories of dharmas (all the dharmas should be reconsidered. from the duḥkhadarśanaheya-dharmas to the bhāvanāheya-dharmas) as its object- support.” Demonstrating that the latter meaning is secondary as it generally occurs in 55. Interpretations of ummatta and khittacitta in the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü contrast to the asarvatraga-anuśayas that have as their object-support the svanikāya- “Zasong” (Vinītaka): The Possibility of Influence from Abhidharma Texts dharmas (the dharmas belonging to the same category as these anuśayas), I have concluded that the notion of sarvatraga as having all the sāsrava-dharmas as its object- Li Wei support is the original meaning. The interpretations of ummatta (Chi. kuang 狂) and khittacitta (Chi. sanluan xin 散乱心) are found in the “Zasong” 雑誦 (Vinītaka) which describes the cases referring to rules 57. The Four Mindfulnesses and the Four Inversions in Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma in the tenth recitation of the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü 十誦律. These interpretations Texts cannot be found in other Vinayapiṭaka Vinītaka. However, it is interesting that similar Tanaka Hironori interpretations are found in the Abhidharma texts. It is widely recognized that the Abhidharma texts postdate the Vinayapiṭaka. In this In Abhidharma doctrine, the four mindfulnesses (catuḥ-smṛtyupasthāna) cure the four paper, I discuss the relationship of influence between the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü and inversions (catur-viparyāsa) by way of four qualities: impurity, suffering, impermanence, Abhidharma texts concerning these similar interpretations of ummatta and khittacitta. and non-self. However, the later Abhidharma texts (e.g., Abhidharmakośa-bhāṣya) do not In other words, the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü exerts an influence on Abhidharma texts, or comment on the quality of impurity, in spite of the fact that they preserve the same vice versa. I show three pieces of evidence that prove these interpretations of ummatta doctrine. and khittacitta in the Sarvāstivādin Shisong lü are influenced by Abhidharma texts. In this paper, I clarify the reason behind the shift in the purpose of the preaching of the four mindfulnesses in Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma texts, from the correct (aviparyāsa, non-inversions) understanding of suffering to the analysis of all things (sarva-dharma).

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58. “Something Remaining” (avaśiṣṭa) in the Bodhisattvabhūmi “neither identical nor different” for the “conditioned” and “empty” conceptual factors with no real existences, such as causes and results. These conceptual factors are neither Motomura Taiki completely identical nor completely different, but rather they are in a relation of In the Madhyāntavibhāgabhāṣya, one of the most important texts of the Yogācāra school, seamless similarity with each other. There are no ethical value judgments included in it is stated that two things remain as a real existence in the theory of emptiness this theory. (śūnyatā): “unreal notion” (abhūtaparikalpa) and “emptiness” (śūnyatā). The The characteristic of the Vijñānavādin theory is that it understands that factors can understanding of “something remaining” (avaśiṣṭa) in the Yogācāra school has been be ontologically identical yet different in their ethical values. From the ontological based on this theory of emptiness in this text. On the other hand, “something perspective, both “conditioned” and “non-conditioned” factors can transcend and remaining” is also discussed in the Bodhisattvabhūmi of the Yogācārabhūmi. This text naturalize their differences and be synthesized in the realm of dharmatā or tathatā. deals with the “thing itself” (vastu) and “verbal designation” (prajñapti). Many scholars However, from the perspective of ethical values, they still retain differences as understand that these two things, the “thing itself” and “verbal designation,” remain in “tainted” and “untainted” factors. the theory of emptiness in this text. However, through an investigation of the usage of In the chapter of the Bodhisattvabhūmi of the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī in the the term “self-nature” (svabhāva) in this text, it is possible to conclude that the term Yogācārabhūmi examined in this paper, all three theories of the concept of “neither “self-nature” means “the ground for the application of the verbal designation” identical nor different” are discussed. The reason for this rather confusing lack of (pravṛttinimitta). In Buddhist thought, the existence of “self-nature” was denied by the uniformity in the understanding of the concept of “neither identical nor different” Buddha. Therefore, if “self-nature,” which is the ground for the application of the might pertain to the fact that this text belongs to the period of the early development “verbal designation,” does not exist, it is also impossible that “verbal designation” of Yogācāra theory. As is already known, in the theory subsequently developed by exists as a real existence. Hence, the purpose of this study is to clarify that only the Vasubandhu, which marked the intermediate period of the Yogācāra school, we only “thing itself” remains, but “verbal designation” does not exist in the Bodhisattvabhūmi. find the Vijñānavādin theory of the concept of “neither identical nor different” that is posited between sacred and mundane factors. 59. The Theory of the Concept of “Neither Identical nor Different” in the Chapter on the Bodhisattvabhūmi of the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī in the Yogācārabhūmi 60. Is the Compound abhūtaparikalpa a karmadhāraya?

Nasu Enshō Kim Junwoo

Within Indian Buddhist schools, theories regarding the concept of “neither identical Generally, the compound abhūtaparikalpa is understood to be a karmadhāraya. This paper nor different” are developed in three different ways, namely by the Ābhidharmikas, argues that abhūtaparikalpa is not a karmadhāraya but instead a tatpuruṣa. Vasubandhu Mādhyamikas, and Vijñānavādins. paraphrases abhūtaparikalpa as grāhyagrāhakavikalpa in the Madhyāntavibhāgabhāṣya. The characteristic of the Abhidharmic theory of the concept of “neither identical This means that abhūta corresponds to grāhyagrāhaka, and parikalpa corresponds to nor different” is that it accepts partial identity of “factors,” such as “omnipresent vikalpa. This grāhyagrāhakavikalpa is annotated as a tatpuruṣa by Kuiji 窺基. The same real factors” and “non-omnipresent real factors,” or “nominal momentary existences” interpretation of this compound appeared in the translation of Paramārtha. Sthiramati (impermanent existences) and “real eternal existences” (permanent existences). also annotates abhūtaparikalpa as a tatpuruṣa. He regards abhūta as an adjective which The characteristic of the Mādhyamika theory is that it applies the concept of modifies dvaya, not parikalpa. Therefore, the compound abhūtaparikalpa should be

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Nasu Enshō Kim Junwoo

─ 1353 ─ （316） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （317） understood to be a tatpuruṣa. ŚV-A. SP is contained in the Pañcarakṣā. For example, after the “four great kings” pronounce a spell, the Buddha preaches a better spell. In this paper, I present the key 61. The Eleventh Assembly of the Jingangding jing features of ŚV-B according to its Tibetan translation.

Tokushige Hiroshi 63. Some Problems of the Tantra Classification of the Ḍākinīvajrapañjara The Jingangding jing yuqie shibahui zhigui 金剛頂経瑜伽十八会指帰 states that the large Yokoyama Hiroaki text of the Jingangding jing 金剛頂経 existed in eighteen assemblies and 100,000 gāthās. Because about half of the texts it gives can be identified with extant texts, this tradition This short paper focuses on some problems on the Tantra classification of the may have a certain degree of reliability. In this paper, I reexamine the eleventh Ḍākinīvajrapañjara. The Tantra classification of the Ḍākinīvajrapañjara is sometimes assembly. The description of the text indicates a strong relationship with the misinterpreted as having five classes—Kriyā, Caryā, Yoga, Yogottara, and Yoganiruttara Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha and Vajraśikharamahāguhyayogatantra, the first and second —since the Āmnāyamañjarī written by Abhāyākaragupta quotes such forms. However, in assemblies. A reexamination of previous studies pointing out a relationship with the the original sentence, Caryā is not included in this classification. Consequently, such a Zhufo jingjie she shenshi jing 諸仏境界摂真実経 shows that only one section of that text difference had most likely been caused by Abhayākaragupta’s modification. As a result corresponds with the eleventh assembly, and is an unlikely choice for a corre‐ of comparison with other classifications, we discover that this Tantra classification not spondence. An examination of the Guhyamaṇitilaka that exists only in Tibetan including Caryā is unique to the Ḍākinīvajrapañjara. translation shows that it has nearly all of the features given in the Jingangding jing yuqie shibahui zhigui for the eleventh assembly, and moreover has a strong relationship with 64. Cognition of a Jewel with regard to Its Light the Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha and Vajraśikharamahāguhyayogatantra. Accordingly, the Inami Masahiro probability that the Guhyamaṇitilaka corresponds to the eleventh assembly is high. According to Dharmakīrti, the particular (svalakṣaṇa) should be regarded as a real object 62. Another Version of the Mahāśītavatī of the valid means of cognition (pramāṇa) because it is the only thing that can cause an actual effect. Dharmakīrti claims that although inference (anumāna), which grasps Sonoda Sayaka svalakṣaṇa in another form, is erroneous, it can be considered valid for the reason that a The Mahāśītavatī (ŚV) is a Buddhist scripture associated with the Pañcarakṣā, a unit of cognizer, moving to something on the basis of inference, can obtain the effect that he five dhāraṇī. This dhāraṇī sūtra has two versions, A (ŚV-A) and B (ŚV-B). expects. Inference as well as perception (pratyakṣa) is admitted as pramāṇa becasue it is In ŚV-A, the Buddha bestows the Mahāśītavatī on Rāhula, and in ŚV-B, the Buddha non-deceptive (avisaṃvādin). Dharmakīrti illustrates his point by the jewel example: describes the ŚV to four great kings. The main common point of these two versions is even if a cognizer mistakes the light from a jewel for an actual jewel, he can finally their preaching at a śītavana (cemetery). However, many other aspects of ŚV-A differ obtain a real jewel. What does this jewel example mean? Is the cognition of a jewel from those of ŚV-B. For example, Rāhula is a main character in ŚV-A, but he does not valid? If so, should it be regarded as a form of perception or of inference? appear in ŚV-B. In prior studies, the Āṭānāṭiya-sutta has been found to be similar to Indian commentators present differing interpretations of this example. From the ŚV-B. context, Śākyabuddhi understands that the cognition of a jewel with regard to its light On the other hand, ŚV-B is similar to the Mahāsāhasrapramardanī (SP) rather than to is a form of inference, i.e., inferring a cause from the observed effect. Śākyabuddhi

─ 1354 ─ （316） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （317） understood to be a tatpuruṣa. ŚV-A. SP is contained in the Pañcarakṣā. For example, after the “four great kings” pronounce a spell, the Buddha preaches a better spell. In this paper, I present the key 61. The Eleventh Assembly of the Jingangding jing features of ŚV-B according to its Tibetan translation.

─ 1355 ─ （318） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （319） thinks the cognition is erroneous, but valid. However, Dharmottara is severely critical of directly mean (sākṣādvṛtti) something existent without exclusion intervening. Thus, the Śākyabuddhi’s view, and regards this as invalid cognition. Dharmottara suggests that theory of apohavat has no fault of dependency (pāratantrya) which the jātimat theory even if the cognizer can finally obtain a real jewel in a room, it differs from the jewel has. In the latter theory a real universal such as existence (sattā) intervenes between that he falsely cognized as being at the keyhole of the door. Dharmottara does not the word “existent” and its meaning, i.e., something existent. acknowledge this cognition as inference. After Dharmottara, Prajñākaragupta insists that the cognition of a jewel should be regarded as perception. According to 66. Psychological Phenomena according to Jinendrabuddhi Prajñākaragupta, not only inference but also perceptions such as visual sensation must Park Ki Yeal be erroneous, because neither can ever grasp their real objects that will be obtained in the future. In the conventional world, they are deemed valid simply because they are According to Jinendrabuddhi, as self-awareness of blue has the appearance (ākāra) of considered to be non-deceptive. Prajñākaragupta interprets that Dharmakīrti illustrates blue, pleasure, etc. also has the appearance of delight (hlāda). As a result, desire, etc. is such conventional validity of pramāṇas by using the jewel example. Prajñākaragupta not supposed to the object to be cognized by the separated subject of cognition. If does not reject Śākyabuddhi’s view, but criticizes that of Dharmottara. desire, etc. were the object to be cognized, the cognition for it would be conceptual construction expressed by language (abhilāpa) at the 2nd instantaneous moment 65. Dignāga’s Semantics by Non-Exclusion and Inclusion following the self-awareness of desire, etc. at the 1st instantaneous moment. In addition, the combination between desire, etc. and the object of cognition would Kataoka Kei happen in the 3rd instantaneous moment following the expression in language. Dignāga claims that the semantic theory of “something having a universal” (jātimat) This paper pays attention to how self-awareness of desire, etc., a direct perception, is cannot explain co-referential expressions such as “existent pot” (san ghaṭaḥ), because in to be connected with conceptual construction. The presentation for this issue attempts this theory the word “existent” does not include (vyāpti) or imply (ākṣepa) a pot. to apply the occurrence of linguistic expression to the cognitive structure of Dignāga’s own theory of “something having exclusion” (apohavat), on the other hand, mānasapratyakṣa defined in Nyāyabindu I 9, because desire, etc., as well as the awareness can explain it, because given his presuppositions the word “existent” does include and of blue, is mānasapratyakṣa. Therefore, desire, etc. is regarded as the common cause imply a pot. The former theory presupposes “strong” connections between words and (sahakārin) to the linguistic expression. On the other hand, the relationship between meanings. Only something existent (sat) is positively (anvayadvāreṇa) connected with desire, etc. and linguistic expression would apply to the relationship between direct the word “existent.” Therefore, a pot is not connected with the word “existent.” The perception and the determined (adhyavasāya) according to Dharmottara’s theory. latter theory, on the other hand, presupposes “weak” connections learned through co- absence (vyatireka): The word “existent” has never been seen applied to something 67. The Position of adhyavasāya in the Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti which is not existent. The meaning of “existent” is whatever remains after excluding Hatano Kishō non-existent things. In this negative learning a pot is not excluded (anapohana, apratikṣepa). Therefore, the co-referential expression “existent pot” (or “a pot is This paper considers the usage of the term adhyavasāya found in Dharmakīrti’s existent”) is justified. This is also due to the characteristic feature of exclusion (apoha) Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti. First, I provide a rough classification of the ways in which the which is precisely non-existent (abhāva) and a non-entity (adravya). Exclusion does not term is used in the text. Then I discuss the ways in which adhyavasāya functions, paying intervene (vyavadhāna) between words and their meanings. The word “existent” can attention to the terms kārya, vyavahāra, and vāsanā. Most of the examples refer to

─ 1356 ─ （318） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （319） thinks the cognition is erroneous, but valid. However, Dharmottara is severely critical of directly mean (sākṣādvṛtti) something existent without exclusion intervening. Thus, the Śākyabuddhi’s view, and regards this as invalid cognition. Dharmottara suggests that theory of apohavat has no fault of dependency (pāratantrya) which the jātimat theory even if the cognizer can finally obtain a real jewel in a room, it differs from the jewel has. In the latter theory a real universal such as existence (sattā) intervenes between that he falsely cognized as being at the keyhole of the door. Dharmottara does not the word “existent” and its meaning, i.e., something existent. acknowledge this cognition as inference. After Dharmottara, Prajñākaragupta insists that the cognition of a jewel should be regarded as perception. According to 66. Psychological Phenomena according to Jinendrabuddhi Prajñākaragupta, not only inference but also perceptions such as visual sensation must Park Ki Yeal be erroneous, because neither can ever grasp their real objects that will be obtained in the future. In the conventional world, they are deemed valid simply because they are According to Jinendrabuddhi, as self-awareness of blue has the appearance (ākāra) of considered to be non-deceptive. Prajñākaragupta interprets that Dharmakīrti illustrates blue, pleasure, etc. also has the appearance of delight (hlāda). As a result, desire, etc. is such conventional validity of pramāṇas by using the jewel example. Prajñākaragupta not supposed to the object to be cognized by the separated subject of cognition. If does not reject Śākyabuddhi’s view, but criticizes that of Dharmottara. desire, etc. were the object to be cognized, the cognition for it would be conceptual construction expressed by language (abhilāpa) at the 2nd instantaneous moment 65. Dignāga’s Semantics by Non-Exclusion and Inclusion following the self-awareness of desire, etc. at the 1st instantaneous moment. In addition, the combination between desire, etc. and the object of cognition would Kataoka Kei happen in the 3rd instantaneous moment following the expression in language. Dignāga claims that the semantic theory of “something having a universal” (jātimat) This paper pays attention to how self-awareness of desire, etc., a direct perception, is cannot explain co-referential expressions such as “existent pot” (san ghaṭaḥ), because in to be connected with conceptual construction. The presentation for this issue attempts this theory the word “existent” does not include (vyāpti) or imply (ākṣepa) a pot. to apply the occurrence of linguistic expression to the cognitive structure of Dignāga’s own theory of “something having exclusion” (apohavat), on the other hand, mānasapratyakṣa defined in Nyāyabindu I 9, because desire, etc., as well as the awareness can explain it, because given his presuppositions the word “existent” does include and of blue, is mānasapratyakṣa. Therefore, desire, etc. is regarded as the common cause imply a pot. The former theory presupposes “strong” connections between words and (sahakārin) to the linguistic expression. On the other hand, the relationship between meanings. Only something existent (sat) is positively (anvayadvāreṇa) connected with desire, etc. and linguistic expression would apply to the relationship between direct the word “existent.” Therefore, a pot is not connected with the word “existent.” The perception and the determined (adhyavasāya) according to Dharmottara’s theory. latter theory, on the other hand, presupposes “weak” connections learned through co- absence (vyatireka): The word “existent” has never been seen applied to something 67. The Position of adhyavasāya in the Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti which is not existent. The meaning of “existent” is whatever remains after excluding Hatano Kishō non-existent things. In this negative learning a pot is not excluded (anapohana, apratikṣepa). Therefore, the co-referential expression “existent pot” (or “a pot is This paper considers the usage of the term adhyavasāya found in Dharmakīrti’s existent”) is justified. This is also due to the characteristic feature of exclusion (apoha) Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti. First, I provide a rough classification of the ways in which the which is precisely non-existent (abhāva) and a non-entity (adravya). Exclusion does not term is used in the text. Then I discuss the ways in which adhyavasāya functions, paying intervene (vyavadhāna) between words and their meanings. The word “existent” can attention to the terms kārya, vyavahāra, and vāsanā. Most of the examples refer to

─ 1357 ─ （320） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （321） situations in which appearance in knowledge is assumed to be an external reality. There 69. A Study on lTa ba klong yangs are examples in which they are rephrased as ineffective and effective things, but the Yasuda Akinori meaning of all examples is the same. There are no exceptions. That adhyavasāya is used in passage about pradhāna which is not accepted by Buddhists, shows that adhyavasāya Dorje Lingpa (rDo rje gling pa, 1346–1405) is one of the five kingly tertöns or treasure- is used with reference to all existence, and that it is a universal function in the discoverers (gter ston rgyal po lnga) of the Nyingma school of Tibetan Buddhism. Among linguistic representation of human beings and vikalpa. his numerous termas or treasures, the lTa ba klong yangs (Vast expanse of view), a Dzogchen tantra with 53 chapters, is considered to be the essential one. In this paper, I 68. On the Origin of ldog pa in Tibetan Logic will introduce the following findings: (1) His lTa ba klong yangs sometimes belongs to the Section of Expanse (Klong sde), at other times to the Section of Direct Instruction (Man Fukuda Yōichi ngag sde), and at still other times to the Great Ati (Ati chen po) . (2) The lTa ba klong This article is intended to clarify the origin of the concept ldog pa which is original to yangs is greatly influenced by the sNying thig literature. (3) The lTa ba klong yangs Tibetan logic. lDog pa is a translated term from the Sanskrit vyāvṛtti—an alternate term contains many parallels, often verbatim similiarities, with the Great Tantra, the rGyud of apoha—and is used in Tibetan texts on logic as a set of three terms (ldog pa gsum), chen dri med zla shel (Unstained crystal), a Dzogchen tantra consisting of 70 chapters. (4) namely: rang ldog, don ldog, and gzhi ldog. The latter seems to be a terma of Sherab Membar (Shes rab me ’bar), a treasure- For this purpose we may check the following three criteria in the texts of early discoverer, equally of the 14th century. In this case, the similarity of the two tantras Tibetan logic: could point towards a close relationship between these two tertöns. 1. Does this text refer to three ldog pas? 2. Does this text contain a detailed discussion on the set of terms mtshan nyid, mtshon 70. dPal sprul O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po’s Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan bya, and mtshan gzhi? gyi sPyi don 3. Does this text use expressions like “ngo bo gcig la ldog pa tha dad”? Ishikawa Mie The oldest text of Tibetan logic that we possess is the commentary of Dharmakīrti’s Pramāṇaviniścaya by rNgog Blo ldan shes rab (1059–1109). We find none of these three In this paper, I examine two texts by dPal sprul (1808–1887), Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan criteria in it. gyi sPyi don (PP) and Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan gyi Sa bcad (PS), the commentaries on The next text is the general survey of Tibetan logic Tshad ma yid kyi mun sel written by Sher phyin man ngag gi bstan bcos mngon rtogs rgyan (MNg). I try to compare the topics in Phya pa chos kyi seng+ge (1109–1169), who was a scholar-abbot two generations later these texts and others dealing with the 9 commentaries on MNg, written by Ar byang than rNgog. This text meets all three criteria. However, Phya pa uses these terms based chub ye shes (Ar), rNgog blo ldan shes rab (Ngo), Bu ston rin chen grub (Bu), g-Yag ston on known meanings. Therefore, ldog pa or related expressions are developed in the time (Y), Rong ston shes bya kun rig (R), Nya dbon (Nya), Tsong kha pa (Ts), Dar ma rin chen between rNgog and Phya pa by more than one unknown scholar. (Dar), and ’Ju Mi pham. The results show that the structure of PP and PS are different from Ngo, Bu, R, Dar. Ar and Nya are closely related, but they are different from both PS and PP. Furthermore, Nya is different from Y. As far as topics are concerned, Tsong kha pa’s Ts and g-Yag ston’s Y are similar. Ts and PP along with PS are very similar. When we examine dPal sprul’s text or Tsong kha pa’s text on the mNgon rtogs rgyan, we must

─ 1358 ─ （320） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （321） situations in which appearance in knowledge is assumed to be an external reality. There 69. A Study on lTa ba klong yangs are examples in which they are rephrased as ineffective and effective things, but the Yasuda Akinori meaning of all examples is the same. There are no exceptions. That adhyavasāya is used in passage about pradhāna which is not accepted by Buddhists, shows that adhyavasāya Dorje Lingpa (rDo rje gling pa, 1346–1405) is one of the five kingly tertöns or treasure- is used with reference to all existence, and that it is a universal function in the discoverers (gter ston rgyal po lnga) of the Nyingma school of Tibetan Buddhism. Among linguistic representation of human beings and vikalpa. his numerous termas or treasures, the lTa ba klong yangs (Vast expanse of view), a Dzogchen tantra with 53 chapters, is considered to be the essential one. In this paper, I 68. On the Origin of ldog pa in Tibetan Logic will introduce the following findings: (1) His lTa ba klong yangs sometimes belongs to the Section of Expanse (Klong sde), at other times to the Section of Direct Instruction (Man Fukuda Yōichi ngag sde), and at still other times to the Great Ati (Ati chen po) . (2) The lTa ba klong This article is intended to clarify the origin of the concept ldog pa which is original to yangs is greatly influenced by the sNying thig literature. (3) The lTa ba klong yangs Tibetan logic. lDog pa is a translated term from the Sanskrit vyāvṛtti—an alternate term contains many parallels, often verbatim similiarities, with the Great Tantra, the rGyud of apoha—and is used in Tibetan texts on logic as a set of three terms (ldog pa gsum), chen dri med zla shel (Unstained crystal), a Dzogchen tantra consisting of 70 chapters. (4) namely: rang ldog, don ldog, and gzhi ldog. The latter seems to be a terma of Sherab Membar (Shes rab me ’bar), a treasure- For this purpose we may check the following three criteria in the texts of early discoverer, equally of the 14th century. In this case, the similarity of the two tantras Tibetan logic: could point towards a close relationship between these two tertöns. 1. Does this text refer to three ldog pas? 2. Does this text contain a detailed discussion on the set of terms mtshan nyid, mtshon 70. dPal sprul O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po’s Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan bya, and mtshan gzhi? gyi sPyi don 3. Does this text use expressions like “ngo bo gcig la ldog pa tha dad”? Ishikawa Mie The oldest text of Tibetan logic that we possess is the commentary of Dharmakīrti’s Pramāṇaviniścaya by rNgog Blo ldan shes rab (1059–1109). We find none of these three In this paper, I examine two texts by dPal sprul (1808–1887), Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan criteria in it. gyi sPyi don (PP) and Sher phyin mngon rtogs rgyan gyi Sa bcad (PS), the commentaries on The next text is the general survey of Tibetan logic Tshad ma yid kyi mun sel written by Sher phyin man ngag gi bstan bcos mngon rtogs rgyan (MNg). I try to compare the topics in Phya pa chos kyi seng+ge (1109–1169), who was a scholar-abbot two generations later these texts and others dealing with the 9 commentaries on MNg, written by Ar byang than rNgog. This text meets all three criteria. However, Phya pa uses these terms based chub ye shes (Ar), rNgog blo ldan shes rab (Ngo), Bu ston rin chen grub (Bu), g-Yag ston on known meanings. Therefore, ldog pa or related expressions are developed in the time (Y), Rong ston shes bya kun rig (R), Nya dbon (Nya), Tsong kha pa (Ts), Dar ma rin chen between rNgog and Phya pa by more than one unknown scholar. (Dar), and ’Ju Mi pham. The results show that the structure of PP and PS are different from Ngo, Bu, R, Dar. Ar and Nya are closely related, but they are different from both PS and PP. Furthermore, Nya is different from Y. As far as topics are concerned, Tsong kha pa’s Ts and g-Yag ston’s Y are similar. Ts and PP along with PS are very similar. When we examine dPal sprul’s text or Tsong kha pa’s text on the mNgon rtogs rgyan, we must

─ 1359 ─ （322） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （323） pay attention to g-Yag ston’s commentary. is, 1952). In his novel, “Yami” censured on behalf of Tibetans not only Sāhus (employers, Newar merchants in Lhasa) for their oppression of their employees and Tibetan ladies, 71. The 13th Karmapa on the Great Madhyamaka of Extrinsic Emptiness but also Nepal herself for her sweating Tibetans to take a large profit. Cittadhar “Hṛdaya” published his novel Miṃ Manaḥ Pau (Ashes of a letter) in N.S. 1088, as if he Makidono Tomoko were a protector or spokesman for Sāhus and Nepal herself. Prior to these two novels This paper is concerned with the 13th Karmapa bDud ’dul rdo rje’s (1733/1734– written in the Newari language, Lakṣmī Prasād Devakoṭā published Munāmadan written 1797/1798) Go nyams lta ba’i glu (Song of understanding, experience, and view), in which in the Nepali language in V.S. 1992/1996. It is the best selling book in Nepal, even now. he expounds his understanding of the Great Madhyamaka of extrinsic emptiness in Faced with its great popularity, “Yami” and “Hṛdaya” published their novels to protect terms of the following four points: the view of Madhyamaka, the Last Turning of the their mother language and to maintain their own culture. Wheel of the Doctrine, the way of meditation, and the conduct in Mantrayāna. 74. Jizang’s View of the Nirvana Sutra: Focusing on the Niepan jing youyi 72. Mi la ras pa’s Ideas concerning Śamatha and Vipaśyanā Kanno Hiroshi Watanabe Atsuko This paper takes up Jizang’s 吉蔵 view of the Nirvana Sutra. To investigate this issue, Mi la ras pa was a yogin who lived in Eastern Tibet in the 11th century. He is known for Jizang’s Niepan jing youyi 涅槃経遊意 and Da banniepan jing shu 大般涅槃経疏 (which is the religious songs that he spontaneously composed on the basis of his own not extant, but whose fragments were assembled from some writings of Sanron monks) experiential understanding of Buddhism. He did not leave behind any books nor did he are very important. Further, the numerous references to the Nirvana Sutra in Jizang’s attempt to create a systematic exposition of the Buddhist path. Hence, although it is works are also important. After introducing Hirai Shun’ei’s research and my own clear that he valued the practice of meditation above doctrine, it is hard to discern his studies, this paper takes into consideration the structure and thought of the Niepan jing view towards meditation. Buddhist teachings commonly explain meditation in terms of youyi, which has, to date, not been sufficiently investigated. Jizang regarded “non- the foundational practices of śamatha and vipaśyanā. acquisition” (wusuode 無所得) as the thematic thrust of not only the Nirvana Sutra, but How did Mi la ras pa view these practices? Did he consider them essential? Although of all Mahāyāna sūtras. This shows Jizang’s fundamental Buddhist stance. Concerning Mi la ras pa did not leave any descriptive works on the topic, my paper will elucidate his various problems of the Nirvana Sutra, the Niepan jing youyi introduces some theories of view on meditation through the records left by his disciples. I will show that by the preceding era, takes them up for critique, and shows Jizang’s own ideas, which are examining the rJe btsun chen po mid la ras pa’i rnam thar zab mo written by Mi la ras pa’s also mainly based on the notion of “non-acquisition.” The manuscript of the Niepan jing direct disciples, we can come to a clearer understanding of his view on the teachings of youyi is not of good quality and in terms of its content, it is not well organized, which śamatha and vipaśyanā. leads to difficulties in its interpretation. This paper clarifies only its outline. In the future, I will aim for a more detailed level of research, including a comparative study 73. Three Novels on Lhasa Newars in Nepal with Guanding’s 灌頂 Da banniepan jing xuanyi 大般涅槃経玄義.

Yoshizaki Kazumi

Dharmaratna “Yami” published Saṃdeyā Lisaḥ (Tibet’s reply) in N.S. 1072 (V.S. 2008, that

─ 1360 ─ （322） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （323） pay attention to g-Yag ston’s commentary. is, 1952). In his novel, “Yami” censured on behalf of Tibetans not only Sāhus (employers, Newar merchants in Lhasa) for their oppression of their employees and Tibetan ladies, 71. The 13th Karmapa on the Great Madhyamaka of Extrinsic Emptiness but also Nepal herself for her sweating Tibetans to take a large profit. Cittadhar “Hṛdaya” published his novel Miṃ Manaḥ Pau (Ashes of a letter) in N.S. 1088, as if he Makidono Tomoko were a protector or spokesman for Sāhus and Nepal herself. Prior to these two novels This paper is concerned with the 13th Karmapa bDud ’dul rdo rje’s (1733/1734– written in the Newari language, Lakṣmī Prasād Devakoṭā published Munāmadan written 1797/1798) Go nyams lta ba’i glu (Song of understanding, experience, and view), in which in the Nepali language in V.S. 1992/1996. It is the best selling book in Nepal, even now. he expounds his understanding of the Great Madhyamaka of extrinsic emptiness in Faced with its great popularity, “Yami” and “Hṛdaya” published their novels to protect terms of the following four points: the view of Madhyamaka, the Last Turning of the their mother language and to maintain their own culture. Wheel of the Doctrine, the way of meditation, and the conduct in Mantrayāna. 74. Jizang’s View of the Nirvana Sutra: Focusing on the Niepan jing youyi 72. Mi la ras pa’s Ideas concerning Śamatha and Vipaśyanā Kanno Hiroshi Watanabe Atsuko This paper takes up Jizang’s 吉蔵 view of the Nirvana Sutra. To investigate this issue, Mi la ras pa was a yogin who lived in Eastern Tibet in the 11th century. He is known for Jizang’s Niepan jing youyi 涅槃経遊意 and Da banniepan jing shu 大般涅槃経疏 (which is the religious songs that he spontaneously composed on the basis of his own not extant, but whose fragments were assembled from some writings of Sanron monks) experiential understanding of Buddhism. He did not leave behind any books nor did he are very important. Further, the numerous references to the Nirvana Sutra in Jizang’s attempt to create a systematic exposition of the Buddhist path. Hence, although it is works are also important. After introducing Hirai Shun’ei’s research and my own clear that he valued the practice of meditation above doctrine, it is hard to discern his studies, this paper takes into consideration the structure and thought of the Niepan jing view towards meditation. Buddhist teachings commonly explain meditation in terms of youyi, which has, to date, not been sufficiently investigated. Jizang regarded “non- the foundational practices of śamatha and vipaśyanā. acquisition” (wusuode 無所得) as the thematic thrust of not only the Nirvana Sutra, but How did Mi la ras pa view these practices? Did he consider them essential? Although of all Mahāyāna sūtras. This shows Jizang’s fundamental Buddhist stance. Concerning Mi la ras pa did not leave any descriptive works on the topic, my paper will elucidate his various problems of the Nirvana Sutra, the Niepan jing youyi introduces some theories of view on meditation through the records left by his disciples. I will show that by the preceding era, takes them up for critique, and shows Jizang’s own ideas, which are examining the rJe btsun chen po mid la ras pa’i rnam thar zab mo written by Mi la ras pa’s also mainly based on the notion of “non-acquisition.” The manuscript of the Niepan jing direct disciples, we can come to a clearer understanding of his view on the teachings of youyi is not of good quality and in terms of its content, it is not well organized, which śamatha and vipaśyanā. leads to difficulties in its interpretation. This paper clarifies only its outline. In the future, I will aim for a more detailed level of research, including a comparative study 73. Three Novels on Lhasa Newars in Nepal with Guanding’s 灌頂 Da banniepan jing xuanyi 大般涅槃経玄義.

Yoshizaki Kazumi

Dharmaratna “Yami” published Saṃdeyā Lisaḥ (Tibet’s reply) in N.S. 1072 (V.S. 2008, that

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75. Lingbian’s Huayan jinglun and the Shizhu piposha lun work was appreciated. For these three reasons, Daoxuan was able to put him in the translators chapter of Zhang Wenliang the Xu Gaoseng zhuan. This paper argues that Lingbian’s 霊弁 Huayan jinglun 華厳経論 can serve as a window through which some continuity and discontinuity between Indian Buddhism and 77. The Dialogue between Ken’i’s Thought and Pure Land Buddhism of Tiantai Chinese Buddhism are revealed. On the one hand, the commentary on the Daśa- Sect in Song Dynasty: As Found in Ken’i’s Commentary bhūmika-sūtra in Lingbian’s Huayan jinglun was evidently influenced both in form and in Chen Miinling content by Nāgārjuna’s (Chi. Longshu 龍樹) Shizhu piposha lun 十住毘婆沙論 (*Daśa- bhūmika-vibhāṣā-śāstra). For instance, the commentary’s explanation of the “Ten-good- Since the time when Shandao 善導 brought up the two approaches achieving samādhi paths” and of śīla basically follow the Shizhu piposha lun. On the other hand, some other (観念両宗), such two-fold structures had been a significant feature when interpreting places in the Huayan jinglun introduce new ideas of the Sanju jingjie 三聚浄戒 and the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経 throughout the history of Pure Land Buddhism. Tathāgatagarbha, which do not appear in the Shizhu piposha lun, and moreover, some This dialectical interpretation had imposed its influence on Japanese Pure Land parts of the Huayan jinglun were also influenced by translated Indian Mahayana classics Buddhism as well. such as the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持経 (Bodhisattvabhūmi-sūtra) and Lengqie jing 楞伽経 This paper examines Ken’i’s 顕意 work Kangyōsho kaijōki 観経疏楷定記, a (Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra). commentary on Shandao’s Guanjing shu 観経疏, and further excavates the scene of the “Buddha-land Emerging from the Illuminant Pedestal” (光台現国), from which the 76. Yancong as Translator Seizan 西山 sect uniquely interpreted and developed the “temporal and real” meaning of the “mindfulness of the Buddha” (念仏). Saitō Takanobu Ken’i constructed his interpretation of “mindfulness of the Buddha” based on the According to Buddhist scriptures attributed to Yancong 彦琮 (557–610) and their scene of the “Buddha-land Emerging from the Illuminant Pedestal.” In his argument, prefaces, I investigated why his biography was recorded in the translators chapter of the essential teaching was modified to that of Śākya-Buddha and Amitābha-Buddha (二 the Xu Gaoseng zhuan 続高僧伝. 尊二教). The teaching of Śākya represents “mindfulness of the Buddha” by meditation, Although Daoxuan 道宣 recorded 23 books in 100 roles as the extent of Yancong’s while the teaching of Amitābha represents reciting the Buddha’s name; the former Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, there is nowhere evidence of his actually demonstrates self-power (自力), the latter other-power (他力). having made translations. I think Daoxuan confused this number of 25 books in 108 By investigating the relation among self-power, Buddha’s power (仏力) and the roles of prefaces written by Yancong as scriptures which he translated. power of vow (願力), Ken’i not only successfully integrated the two approaches of Yancong is never considered a translation master. But there must have been a special “mindfulness of the Buddha”—meditation and recitation—but also surpassed the reason why he was recorded in the translators chapter. I suggest the following reasons. controversy concerning which is superior. Ultimately, he raised the agenda to the level 1. He worked in a translation center by royal command. of ontology—Buddha’s name is identical to his nature. From the viewpoint of the 2. He was in charge of the proofreading, wrote many prefaces, and proposed an “complete and immediate single vehicle” (円頓一乗), a classification of doctrine of the original theory of Chinese Buddhist translation. Tiantai sect, it will be important to further examine the interaction between Ken’i’s 3. He did not belong to the specific denomination and school, so only his translation thought and the Tiantai sect.

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78. Citation Analysis of the Jingming jing guanzhong shichao “Fu” 扶 is traditionally read as “sore” meaning “it” in Japanese, but it actually means “four fingers.” “Kaishi” 揩寔 means wiping (揩) the surface (寔) of the character “a” 阿 Matsumori Hideyuki which is drawn into one’s own mind, as the Kongōkai nenju shidai 金剛界念誦次第, said In this paper, I analyze citations in Zishengsi Daoye’s 資聖寺道液 Jingming jing to be edited by Kōbōdaishi Kūkai 弘法大師空海, mentions “once you imagine drawing guanzhong shichao 浄名経関中釈抄, and consider Daoye’s thought. Daoye was an the character ‘a’ into your mind, let it emit light more and more” (既想入心中，字相 important figure in Buddhist world in the mid-Tang period. His main works are the 逾光輝). Jingming jing jijie guanzhong shu 浄名経集解関中疏, annotations of the Zhu Weimojie jing 注維摩詰経, and the Jingming jing guanzhong shichao, annotations of his own Jingming 81. The Puchao sanmei jing in the First Edition of the Korean Canon jing jijie guanzhong shu. In this paper, I offer evidence that Daoye received deep influence Miyazaki Tenshō from Tiantai Zhiyi 智顗, and that he adopted the Weishi (Vijñaptimātratā) thought that became popular at that time in Chang’an. The Puchao sanmei jing 普超三昧経 (PSJ) is one of the extant Chinese translations of the *Ajātaśatrukaukṛtryavinodana. By investigating variant readings in the PSJ, this paper 79. The Origin of the “Seven Kinds of Samsara” aims to clarify the relationship among the following four Chinese Buddhist canon materials: The first edition of the Korean canon (KC1), the second edition of the Korean Yang Yufei canon (KC2), the Fangshan Stone Sutras (Fangshan shijing 房山石経) and the Scrolls in The works of Jizang 吉蔵, Zhiyan 智儼, Zhanran 湛然, and Fayun 法雲 all point out that the Shōgozō 聖語蔵 repository. In these four sources, the PSJ is composed of three the “seven kinds of samsara” originates from the Mahāyānasaṃgraha (Chi. She Dasheng volumes (巻), whereas the PSJ of the so-called Jiangnan canons (江南諸蔵) consists of lun 摂大乗論). However, it is not possible to locate in this work any reference to “seven four volumes. In the second and third volumes of the PSJ, the KC1 shares a number of kinds of samsara.” There are, however, some references to the “twenty two kinds of variant readings with the Shōgozō. Therefore, I assume that these two sources are avidyā” (ershier wuming 二十二無明) in the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (Chi. She Dasheng closely related with regard to the last two volumes of the PSJ. Regarding the first lun shi 摂大乗論釈), which can not only be summarized as “eleven kinds of samsara,” volume of the PSJ, I can find only two minor variants shared between the KC1 and but can also be further summarized as “four kinds of samsara.” Therefore, we can draw Shōgozō. Thus, it is probable that the first volume of the PSJ of the KC1 or/and the the conclusion that the “seven kinds of samsara” does not derive from the Shōgozō has a different background or history than do the other volumes. The fact that Mahāyānasaṃgraha. It was created by the Shelun masters by adding three kinds of KC1 and KC2 share many variants supports the hypothesis that both of the Korean samsara to that “four kinds of samsara.” canons are based on the Kaibao canon (開宝蔵). The KC2 also shares a number of variants with the Fangshan, whose parent, the Qidan canon (契丹蔵), is believed to 80. An Interpretation of “fuhui azi zhe kaishi” in the Putixin lun have been consulted when the KC2 was created.

Ōshiba Shōen 82. A Study on the Korean Buddhist Texts in the Collections of Minobusan Regarding the passage reading “fuhui azi zhe kaishi” 扶会阿字者揩寔 in the Putixin lun Kim Byungkon 菩提心論, there exist some problems in the interpretation of earlier studies. This report is an attempt to rethink the meaning of that passage. The purpose of this study is to examine and introduce the Korean Buddhist texts

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─ 1365 ─ （328） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （329） preserved in the Minobu Bunko 身延文庫 and in the Library of Minobusan University. 13. Tang Taech’ŏnbok sa ko saju pŏngyŏng taedŏk Pŏpchang hwasang chŏn 唐大薦福寺故寺 As a result, I have categorized these into the following twenty kinds of works in the 主翻経大徳法蔵和尚伝 (A biography of venerable Fazang, late overseer of collections of Minobusan 身延山. Dajianfu si of the great Tang and great master at the translation bureau). Written 1. Posal kyebon chibŏm yogi 菩薩戒本持犯要記 (Essentials of observance and by Ch’oe Ch’iwŏn 崔致遠 (b. 857). 3 woodblock prints (1699, 1723, 1897). transgression in the Pusa jie ben). Written by Wŏnhyo 元暁 (617–686). 2 manu‐ 14. Sipgu chang Wŏnt’ong gi 十句章円通記 (Master Kyunyŏ’s 均如 commentary on the scripts (s.a.) and 1 woodblock print (1654). Sipgu chang [Sipgu chang is a book title and “Wŏnt’ong” is Kyunyŏ’s posthumous 2. Taesŭng kisin non pyŏlgi 大乗起信論別記 (Expository notes on the Dasheng qixin title]). Written by Kyunyŏ (923–973). 1 woodblock print (1250) from the Koryŏ lun). Written by Wŏnhyo. 2 woodblock prints (1659). taejanggyŏng 高麗大蔵経. 3. Kisin non so 起信論疏 (The commentary on the Dasheng qixin lun). Written by 15. Sŏk Hwaŏm jigwi chang Wŏnt’ong ch’o 釈華厳旨帰章円通鈔 (Master Kyunyŏ’s sub- Wŏnhyo. 3 woodblock prints (1696). commentary on the Huayan jing zhigui). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print 4. Taesŭng kisin non sogi hoebon 大乗起信論疏記会本 (A combined edition of the Kisin (1251) from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. non so and the Taesŭng kisin non pyŏlgi). Written by Wŏnhyo. 1 woodblock print 16. Hwaŏm kyŏng sambo chang Wŏnt’ong gi 華厳経三宝章円通記 (Master Kyunyŏ’s (1899). commentary on the Sanbao zhang). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print (1251) 5. Hwaŏm kyŏng mundap 華厳経問答 (Lecture notes on the Huayan jing of Ŭisang 義相 from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. (625–702), alternate version of the Ch’udong gi 錐洞記). Written by Chit’ong 智通 17. Sŏk Hwaŏm kyobun gi Wŏnt’ong ch’o 釈華厳教分記円通鈔 (Master Kyunyŏ’s sub- (fl. 7th c.). 3 woodblock prints (1701). commentary on the Huayan jiaofen ji). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print 6. Muryangsu kyŏng sulgi 無量寿経述記 (Explanatory record of the Wuliangshou jing). (1251) from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. Written by Ŭijŏk 義寂 (fl. late 7th c.). 1 manuscript (s.a.). 18. Ch’ŏnt’ae sagyo ŭi 天台四教儀 (The Ch’ŏnt’ae manual of the four teachings). 7. Hwaŏm kyŏng munŭi yogyŏl mundap 華厳経文義要決問答 (Questions and answers Written by Ch’egwan 諦観 (d. 970). 1 manuscript (1895) and 31 woodblock prints for determining the meanings of sentences of the Huayan jing). Written by P’yowŏn (1626, 1676, 1693, etc.). 表員 (fl. 7th c.). 1 manuscript (1936). 19. Taejang mongnok 大蔵目録 (The catalogue of the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng). Sugi 守其 8. Yugaron ki 瑜伽論記 (A record of the Yuqieshidi lun). Written by Tunnyun 遁倫 (ca. (fl. 13th c.), and so on. 1 woodblock print (s.a.). mid-7th c. to early 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (1733). 20. Sŏn’ga kwigam 禅家亀鑑 (Mirror of the Sŏn School). Written by Ch’ŏnghŏ Hyujŏng 9. Tae Pirojana kyŏng kongyang ch’ajebŏp so 大毘盧遮那経供養次第法疏 (The com‐ 清虚休静 (1520–1604). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). mentary on the procedure for making offerings according to the Da Piluzhena jing). Two points in particular should be noted: First, the Posal kyebon chibŏm yogi was based Written by Pulgasaŭi 不可思議 (fl. 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). on the oldest edition, that of the Daianji 大安寺. Second, studying the chronology of 10. Pŏmmang kyŏng kojŏkki 梵網経古迹記 (The record of the ancient teachings on the the Ch’ŏnt’ae sagyo ŭi allows us to investigate the history of publication of the Ch’ŏnt’ae Fanwang jing). Written by Taehyŏn 太賢 (fl. 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). sagyo ŭi in Japan. 11. Tusŏ Pŏmmang kyŏng kojŏkki 頭書梵網経古迹記. Written by Taehyŏn. 2 woodblock Finally, the collections of Minobusan can be utilized to review the Han’guk Pulgyo prints (1678, 1877). chŏnsŏ 韓国仏教全書 (The complete works of Korean Buddhism), 14 vols. (Seoul: 12. Posal kyebon chong’yo 菩薩戒本宗要 (Doctrinal essentials of the Pusa jie ben with a Dongguk University Press, 1979–2004). preface). Written by Taehyŏn. 2 woodblock prints (s.a.).

─ 1366 ─ （328） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （329） preserved in the Minobu Bunko 身延文庫 and in the Library of Minobusan University. 13. Tang Taech’ŏnbok sa ko saju pŏngyŏng taedŏk Pŏpchang hwasang chŏn 唐大薦福寺故寺 As a result, I have categorized these into the following twenty kinds of works in the 主翻経大徳法蔵和尚伝 (A biography of venerable Fazang, late overseer of collections of Minobusan 身延山. Dajianfu si of the great Tang and great master at the translation bureau). Written 1. Posal kyebon chibŏm yogi 菩薩戒本持犯要記 (Essentials of observance and by Ch’oe Ch’iwŏn 崔致遠 (b. 857). 3 woodblock prints (1699, 1723, 1897). transgression in the Pusa jie ben). Written by Wŏnhyo 元暁 (617–686). 2 manu‐ 14. Sipgu chang Wŏnt’ong gi 十句章円通記 (Master Kyunyŏ’s 均如 commentary on the scripts (s.a.) and 1 woodblock print (1654). Sipgu chang [Sipgu chang is a book title and “Wŏnt’ong” is Kyunyŏ’s posthumous 2. Taesŭng kisin non pyŏlgi 大乗起信論別記 (Expository notes on the Dasheng qixin title]). Written by Kyunyŏ (923–973). 1 woodblock print (1250) from the Koryŏ lun). Written by Wŏnhyo. 2 woodblock prints (1659). taejanggyŏng 高麗大蔵経. 3. Kisin non so 起信論疏 (The commentary on the Dasheng qixin lun). Written by 15. Sŏk Hwaŏm jigwi chang Wŏnt’ong ch’o 釈華厳旨帰章円通鈔 (Master Kyunyŏ’s sub- Wŏnhyo. 3 woodblock prints (1696). commentary on the Huayan jing zhigui). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print 4. Taesŭng kisin non sogi hoebon 大乗起信論疏記会本 (A combined edition of the Kisin (1251) from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. non so and the Taesŭng kisin non pyŏlgi). Written by Wŏnhyo. 1 woodblock print 16. Hwaŏm kyŏng sambo chang Wŏnt’ong gi 華厳経三宝章円通記 (Master Kyunyŏ’s (1899). commentary on the Sanbao zhang). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print (1251) 5. Hwaŏm kyŏng mundap 華厳経問答 (Lecture notes on the Huayan jing of Ŭisang 義相 from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. (625–702), alternate version of the Ch’udong gi 錐洞記). Written by Chit’ong 智通 17. Sŏk Hwaŏm kyobun gi Wŏnt’ong ch’o 釈華厳教分記円通鈔 (Master Kyunyŏ’s sub- (fl. 7th c.). 3 woodblock prints (1701). commentary on the Huayan jiaofen ji). Written by Kyunyŏ. 1 woodblock print 6. Muryangsu kyŏng sulgi 無量寿経述記 (Explanatory record of the Wuliangshou jing). (1251) from the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng. Written by Ŭijŏk 義寂 (fl. late 7th c.). 1 manuscript (s.a.). 18. Ch’ŏnt’ae sagyo ŭi 天台四教儀 (The Ch’ŏnt’ae manual of the four teachings). 7. Hwaŏm kyŏng munŭi yogyŏl mundap 華厳経文義要決問答 (Questions and answers Written by Ch’egwan 諦観 (d. 970). 1 manuscript (1895) and 31 woodblock prints for determining the meanings of sentences of the Huayan jing). Written by P’yowŏn (1626, 1676, 1693, etc.). 表員 (fl. 7th c.). 1 manuscript (1936). 19. Taejang mongnok 大蔵目録 (The catalogue of the Koryŏ taejanggyŏng). Sugi 守其 8. Yugaron ki 瑜伽論記 (A record of the Yuqieshidi lun). Written by Tunnyun 遁倫 (ca. (fl. 13th c.), and so on. 1 woodblock print (s.a.). mid-7th c. to early 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (1733). 20. Sŏn’ga kwigam 禅家亀鑑 (Mirror of the Sŏn School). Written by Ch’ŏnghŏ Hyujŏng 9. Tae Pirojana kyŏng kongyang ch’ajebŏp so 大毘盧遮那経供養次第法疏 (The com‐ 清虚休静 (1520–1604). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). mentary on the procedure for making offerings according to the Da Piluzhena jing). Two points in particular should be noted: First, the Posal kyebon chibŏm yogi was based Written by Pulgasaŭi 不可思議 (fl. 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). on the oldest edition, that of the Daianji 大安寺. Second, studying the chronology of 10. Pŏmmang kyŏng kojŏkki 梵網経古迹記 (The record of the ancient teachings on the the Ch’ŏnt’ae sagyo ŭi allows us to investigate the history of publication of the Ch’ŏnt’ae Fanwang jing). Written by Taehyŏn 太賢 (fl. 8th c.). 1 woodblock print (s.a.). sagyo ŭi in Japan. 11. Tusŏ Pŏmmang kyŏng kojŏkki 頭書梵網経古迹記. Written by Taehyŏn. 2 woodblock Finally, the collections of Minobusan can be utilized to review the Han’guk Pulgyo prints (1678, 1877). chŏnsŏ 韓国仏教全書 (The complete works of Korean Buddhism), 14 vols. (Seoul: 12. Posal kyebon chong’yo 菩薩戒本宗要 (Doctrinal essentials of the Pusa jie ben with a Dongguk University Press, 1979–2004). preface). Written by Taehyŏn. 2 woodblock prints (s.a.).

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83. The Synthesizing Method of the Simmun hwajaeng non and Its Periphery Xingzhen 行真, a 8th century monk based at the Xuanfa si 玄法寺 in Chang’an. The fact that the Amituo jing shu is recorded in Ŭich’ŏn’s 義天 catalog (1090) suggests that the Nakanishi Toshihide “white paper manuscript” may have been written prior to the Koryŏ dynasty. This paper explores the commentary concerning Being (有) and Buddha-nature (仏性) Another important textual witness is the Amituo jing yishu 阿弥陀経義疏 found at in the fragments of the Simmun hwajaeng non 十門和諍論, written by Wŏnhyo 元暁. the Shinpukuji 真福寺. This text is attributed to Sengzhao 僧肇 (384–414), the famous First, examining the discussion of Being in these fragments makes it clear that not scholar-monk who studied under Kumārajīva. Its content, however, is identical with the only the theory of mutual identity (相即) between Emptiness (空) and Being but also Haein sa manuscript. I have compared the Shinpukuji manuscript with quotations from the various theories of mutual identity in Sanlun Buddhism were indispensable for the the Amituo jing yishu found in the Hōjisan shiki 法事讃私記, a work by Ryōchū 良忠 logic of the tetra-lemma its synthesizing in Wŏnhyo’s philosophy. Furthermore, (1199–1287). The latter likewise identifies Sengzhao as the author of the Amituo jing Wŏnhyo links synthesizing with the Dasheng qixin lun 大乗起信論. yishu. It is, however, very unlikely that Sengzhao is the real author of the Amituo jing Second, we consider the features of Wŏnhyo’s synthesizing method within the yishu. The attribution of the commentary to Xingzhen, as recorded in the Haein sa debate over Buddha-nature. His method is as follows: he reinterprets the passages from manuscript, becomes, therefore, the most important clue when discussing the sutras which form the basis for their own insistence, thereby each of the apparently authorship of the Amituo jing shu. conflicting positions can be reconciled with the other. Finally, the discussion focuses on the relation between Wŏnhyo’s synthesizing 85. Eisai and the Zongjing lu: Citing the Zongjing lu as a Precedent in the Kōzen method and Fazang’s 法蔵 point of view about Emptiness and Being. So far as the logic gokokuron of synthesizing method is concerned, the Simmun hwajaeng non had an influence on Yanagi Mikiyasu Fazang’s Huayan wujiao zhang 華厳五教章. This paper reports a careful investigation of the citations of the Zongjing lu 宗鏡録 84. On the Textual Versions of the Amituo jing shu Attributed to Ji (Record of the axiom mirror) in the Kōzen gokokuron 興禅護国論 (Introducing Zen to protect the nation), with special attention to the background and intentions of Eisai’s Cho Sein 栄西 (1141–1215) use of the Zongjing lu. The Amituo jing shu 阿弥陀経疏 is a commentary on Kumārajīva’s (Chi. Jiumoluoshi 鳩 There are four examples of citations of the Zongjing lu in the Kōzen gokokuron which 摩羅什) translation of the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra (Chi. Amituo jing 阿弥陀経). The use can be roughly divided into three. (1) In the first two citations, Eisai uses the Taishō canon (cf. T no. 1757), alongside a few traditional catalogues, attributes the text Zongjing lu to refute the criticisms of the Tendai sect that Zen “has an evil to the Faxiang patriarch Ji 基 (632–682), but its authorship has been questioned since misunderstanding of the doctrine of emptiness” (悪取空) and are “falsely enlightened” ancient times. My own examination of the extant recensions and historical sources also (暗証). (2) In the next example, Eisai cites the Zongjing lu to differentiate himself from leads me to forcefully question Ji’s authorship. This paper examines two relevant Nōnin 能忍, who “lacks practice and cultivation” (無行無修), and to refute Tendai, textual witnesses which have been recently identified. which oppressively viewed them as the same. (3) In the last example, Eisai uses the The first is the so-called “white paper manuscript” found at the Haein sa 海印寺 in Zongjing lu as a skillful means for entering Buddhist practice based on the point that it 2005. The Haein sa manuscript contains 477 lines and is divided into 2 parts. Its latter collects important phrases from the Buddhist canon. part reproduces a fragment from the Amituo jing shu, attributing the commentary to From the above it can be seen that Eisai, under the specific conditions of the Tendai

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─ 1369 ─ （332） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （333） sect suppressing Nōnin and Eisai, used the Zongjing lu to prove that the new Zen he information communication technologies, another moment has apparently arrived brought was an orthodox Buddhism not in contradiction to Tendai or the other then- where this subject needs to be brought into careful consideration. In this new digital extant sects of Japanese Buddhism. horizon of research, each product of research that heretofore conveniently existed independently cannot help from getting involved in one vast interconnected context, 86. The Activities and Speculations of Meiji Era Japanese Student Monks in India: in which their mutual methodological relationships need to be clarified. This paper, The Experiences of Koizumi Ryōtai and Yoshitsura Hōgen paying attention to the question of “the linguistic turn” in history, reviews the methodologies of Buddhist studies and discusses the great significance of the concept Okuyama Naoji of “textuality” in Buddhist studies in this new environment. This paper examines the activities, speculations, and the meaning of the experiences of two Meiji era Japanese monks studying in India, Koizumi Ryōtai 小泉了諦 (1851–1938, 88. The Semantic Structure of Salvation in the Śaṅkaran Tradition Jōdoshinshū Jōshōji 誠照寺 branch) and Yoshitsura Hōgen 善連法彦 (1865–1893, Sawai Yoshitsugu Jōdoshinshū Bukkōji 仏光寺 branch) during their travels to Turkey and Europe. These two monks differed from the other Japanese monks studying in Ceylon (modern Sri The purpose of this article is to clarify the semantic structure of salvation in the Lanka) in that they boarded the Japanese naval training ships Hiei and Kongō en route Śaṅkaran tradition of Śṛṅgeri, focusing on how the present Jagadguru of the Śṛṅgeri to repatriate the survivors of the Ertuğrul to Turkey after it was shipwrecked Maṭha, i.e., Bhāratītīrtha, discourses on the teachings in order to guide people to (September 1890), and accompanied them to Turkey from November 1890 to March salvation. In this religious tradition, the relationship between the Jagadguru and his 1891, after which the monks traveled on to Paris, London, Oxford, and so on. On 21 followers constitutes “the relationship between a teacher and his disciples” (guruśiṣya- February 1891 they performed the Jōdoshinshū hōonkō 報恩講 at the Musée Guimet in sambandha), which consists of both the level of world-renunciation and that of ordinary Paris. In this paper, after summarizing their notes, diaries, and reports on their journey, faith. For the ordinary followers, the Jagadguru has the religious significance of a saint their experiences are divided into four categories: (1) preaching to military personnel who possesses magico-religious powers. Moreover, the performance of their karman and on the ships, (2) observations during the east to west passage, (3) observations of the bhakti has the soteriological implications of the “purification of mind” (citta-śuddhi). In Ottoman Empire, and (4) “Le japonisme” and, on that basis, their encounters with this religious tradition, from the viewpoint of salvation, the same term bhakti contains French and British Japanologists and Orientalists are examined. multi-layered meanings according to the inner commitments of the followers.

87. Reviewing the Methodologies of Buddhist Studies 89. On the Background of Daoxuan’s Theory of the “Essence of the Precepts” as Found in His Jiemo shu Shimoda Masahiro Thomas Newhall After having not been of concern for some time, the matter of whether or not Buddhist studies should be seen as an independent discipline has recently resurfaced within One common topic for East Asian commentators on the Buddhist Vinaya is the concept related academic communities. Now that the environments of scholarship in the arts known as the “essence of the precepts” or jieti 戒体. This is the idea that, upon and humanities are being radically transformed in terms of elucidating, preserving, and ordination, ordinands became imbued with certain “essence” that certifies their transmitting knowledge under the strong influence of radical innovations in ordination and helped them maintain the precepts as long as they remained ordained.

─ 1370 ─ （332） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （333） sect suppressing Nōnin and Eisai, used the Zongjing lu to prove that the new Zen he information communication technologies, another moment has apparently arrived brought was an orthodox Buddhism not in contradiction to Tendai or the other then- where this subject needs to be brought into careful consideration. In this new digital extant sects of Japanese Buddhism. horizon of research, each product of research that heretofore conveniently existed independently cannot help from getting involved in one vast interconnected context, 86. The Activities and Speculations of Meiji Era Japanese Student Monks in India: in which their mutual methodological relationships need to be clarified. This paper, The Experiences of Koizumi Ryōtai and Yoshitsura Hōgen paying attention to the question of “the linguistic turn” in history, reviews the methodologies of Buddhist studies and discusses the great significance of the concept Okuyama Naoji of “textuality” in Buddhist studies in this new environment. This paper examines the activities, speculations, and the meaning of the experiences of two Meiji era Japanese monks studying in India, Koizumi Ryōtai 小泉了諦 (1851–1938, 88. The Semantic Structure of Salvation in the Śaṅkaran Tradition Jōdoshinshū Jōshōji 誠照寺 branch) and Yoshitsura Hōgen 善連法彦 (1865–1893, Sawai Yoshitsugu Jōdoshinshū Bukkōji 仏光寺 branch) during their travels to Turkey and Europe. These two monks differed from the other Japanese monks studying in Ceylon (modern Sri The purpose of this article is to clarify the semantic structure of salvation in the Lanka) in that they boarded the Japanese naval training ships Hiei and Kongō en route Śaṅkaran tradition of Śṛṅgeri, focusing on how the present Jagadguru of the Śṛṅgeri to repatriate the survivors of the Ertuğrul to Turkey after it was shipwrecked Maṭha, i.e., Bhāratītīrtha, discourses on the teachings in order to guide people to (September 1890), and accompanied them to Turkey from November 1890 to March salvation. In this religious tradition, the relationship between the Jagadguru and his 1891, after which the monks traveled on to Paris, London, Oxford, and so on. On 21 followers constitutes “the relationship between a teacher and his disciples” (guruśiṣya- February 1891 they performed the Jōdoshinshū hōonkō 報恩講 at the Musée Guimet in sambandha), which consists of both the level of world-renunciation and that of ordinary Paris. In this paper, after summarizing their notes, diaries, and reports on their journey, faith. For the ordinary followers, the Jagadguru has the religious significance of a saint their experiences are divided into four categories: (1) preaching to military personnel who possesses magico-religious powers. Moreover, the performance of their karman and on the ships, (2) observations during the east to west passage, (3) observations of the bhakti has the soteriological implications of the “purification of mind” (citta-śuddhi). In Ottoman Empire, and (4) “Le japonisme” and, on that basis, their encounters with this religious tradition, from the viewpoint of salvation, the same term bhakti contains French and British Japanologists and Orientalists are examined. multi-layered meanings according to the inner commitments of the followers.

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The Tang-dynasty scholar and monk Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667) elaborates on this theory Japan. in several places in his oeuvre, but perhaps the most influential version of this theory In this study, I research fragments of Hongyan’s 弘沇 Da foding jing shu 大仏頂経疏, a comes from his Jiemo shu 羯磨疏 (“Commentary on karman”), where he explains that commentary on the Shoulengyan jing, and other commentaries. As a result, I point out that the “essence of the precepts” is composed of “seeds” (zhongzi 種子) in the that the Shoulengyan jing is accepted as an Ekayāna sutra, and is based in the context of “fundamental storehouse consciousness” (benzangshi 本蔵識). criticizing the Triyāna doctrine. Because this theory is derived from Yogācāra thought, most historians have pre- supposed that this idea, in contrast to the more traditional explanation found in his 91. The Main Intentions and Motivations behind the Compilation of the Tiwei poli Xingshi chao 行事鈔, was borne out of Daoxuan’s interactions with the famous jing translator and scholar of Yogācāra works Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–660), while Daoxuan Shinden Yū worked at the latter’s translation bureau. However, in his commentaries on Daoxuan’s work, the Song-dynasty monk Yuanzhao 元照 (1048–1116), as well as a few modern The Tiwei poli jing 提謂波利経 is an apocryphal scripture compiled by the monk Tanjin scholars, have asserted that his theory owes more to pre-existing ideas found in the 曇靖 under the reign of Emperor Wencheng 文成 of the Northern Wei dynasty. Earlier Yogācāra texts principally translated by Paramārtha (Chi. Zhendi 真諦, 499–596), such studies argued that the text had be written in order to fill in a gap in the sacred corpus as the She Dasheng lun 摂大乗論 (Mahāyānasaṃgraha) and the Dasheng qixin lun 大乗起信 depleted during the persecution of Buddhism under Emperor Taiwu 太武. Alternatively, 論 (“The awakening of faith in the Mahayana”). it has been suggested that Tanjin’s motive was to educate the common people in the Regarding the actual creation of this work, it was found that although Daoxuan began basics of the Buddhist faith. My paper calls these scenarios into question and puts writing the Jiemo shu several years before he met Xuanzang, this work was further forward a new hypothesis. edited and enlarged in the years following his stint at Xuanzang’s translation bureau. I start from the premise that the main motivation in compiling apocryphal scriptures Nevertheless, his view of the structure of consciousness in this work seems to derive lies in the absence in the existing sacred corpus of doctrinal and spiritual point(s) from a variety of works that pre-date Xuanzang. In particular, ideas and terminology which the respective author(s) want/s to make, no doubt from a putatively Buddhist from the Dasheng qixin lun as well as the Dasheng yizhang 大乗義章, attributed to stance. Such points will stand out as the unique trait(s) of the apocryphal scripture in Huiyuan 慧遠 (523–592) of Jingying si 浄影寺 were shown to be clearly present in his question. Based on this presupposition, I look at the unique characteristics of the Tiwei explanation of the “essence of the precepts.” This shows that although influence from poli jing, also taking into account the historical background of the persecution of Xuanzang and his translations cannot be ruled out entirely, Daoxuan appears to have Buddhism under Emperor Taiwu and its restoration under Emperor Wencheng. This drawn heavily on these earlier scholars even after his time at the translation bureau. allows me to pinpoint Tanjin’s main motivations and intentions behind the compilation of this scripture. 90. On the Acceptance of the Shoulengyan jing in Chinese Buddhism 92. Zhiyan’s Theory of Time and the Formation of the Mutual Identity / Mutual Onoshima Sachio Entry Paradigm The Shoulengyan jing 首楞厳経 is known as a Chinese apocryphal sutra that was Sakurai Yui composed in the beginning of the 8th century. Recently this sutra has attracted much attention in the study of the controversy between Ekayāna and Triyāna theories in This paper examines how Zhiyan’s 智儼 interpretation of time shaped the formation of

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─ 1373 ─ （336） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （337） the concept of Mutual Identity (xiangji 相即). In the Huayan tradition, the term “Mutual 94. On the Interpretation of the Three Natures in the Chinese Yogācāra Identity” is often used together with “Mutual Entry” (xiangru 相入), and it is in Zhiyan’s Yoshimura Makoto later writings that a combined term “Mutual Identity / Mutual Entry” (xiangji/xiangru) is used for the first time in the context of a discussion of the concept of time. There were various interpretations of the three nature theory by the Shelun school, In his early writings, on the other hand, Zhiyan uses terms such as “Mutual which was based on the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (She Dasheng lun shi 摂大乗論釈) Production” (xiangzuo 相作) or “Transformation” (bianhua 変化) together with “Mutual translated by Paramārtha in China during the Sui dynasty. During the Tang dynasty, the Entry” in the context of discussing change in the phenomenal world. This paper interpretation of the three natures by the Weishi school became the mainstream, but demonstrates that the reason for this terminological shift lies with Zhiyan’s use of the process of the establishment of their interpretation was unclear, because there were Xuanzang’s 玄奘 new translations of materials associated with the Consciousness Only several models of the three natures contained in the Yogācāra texts translated by tradition (Weishi), in which time is seen as a discreet dharma not concomitant with Xuanzang 玄奘. To ascertain his aims in translation and the way of acceptance of the mind (xin buxiangying xing 心不相応行). school, I will compare the three-natures theories of the following texts. Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (T no. 1598) by Asvabhāva translated in 647–649 93. Lingyu’s View of the Huayan jing: As Seen from Baoshan si’s Northern Qi Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (T no. 1597) by Asaṅga translated in 648–649 Engraved Sutra Steles Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 (T no. 1585) by Dharmapāla translated in 659 There are three interpretations about the three natures in the Cheng weishi lun, Kuramoto Shōtoku attributed to Nantuo 難陀, Sthiramati, and Dharmapāla. As its equivalent in the At Baoshan Lingquan si 宝山霊泉寺, where the Northern Qi and Sui dynasty Dilun Mahāyānasaṃgraha, there is one interpretation by Asaṅga’s interpretation and three by master Lingyu 霊裕 lived, one finds a stone stele created with the donation of the Asvabhāva. Comparing them, the following correspondences are found. maternal relative of the Imperial Household Lou Rui 婁叡 upon which the Huayan jing’s Cheng weishi lun Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya 華厳経 “Mingnan” chapter (明難品) is engraved, as well as one comprised of several Nantuo’s interpretation ―――― Asaṅga’s interpretation verses from its “Jingxing” (浄行品) and other chapters and a verse from the Wuliang yi Sthiramati’s interpretation ―――― Asvabhāva’s 1st interpretation jing 無量義経. I also have discovered at the Fusinian Library a rubbing of a stele upon Dharmapāla’s interpretation ―――― Asvabhāva’s 2nd interpretation which the “Chufaxin pusa gongde” chapter (初発心菩薩功徳品) is engraved. Based on Xuanzang asserts that we should depend on Sthiramati’s and Dharmapāla’s the titles of donors and the steles’ shape, text format, and typeface, it appears that interpretations more than Nantuo’s interpretation, and should also rely on these three steles were all made around the same time during the Northern Qi dynasty. Dharmapāla’s interpretation more than Sthiramati’s in the Cheng weishi lun. When he The “Mingnan” and “Jingxing” chapters include teachings, practices, and vows (such was translating the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya, Xuanzang was probably trying to make as the ten stages of faith) for those beginning Buddhist practice. The “Chufaxin pusa the point that Asvabhāva’s newly introduced interpretation should be emphasized, and gongde” chapter, which holds that the merit of giving rise to bodhicitta is the same as sought to devalorize the Asaṅga and Shelun interpretations based on it. But the that of a buddha, was very important for laypeople. According to these steles’ scholars of the Weishi school did make a conclusive determination of which inscriptions, many laypeople took part in their creation along with Lingyu. In this way, interpretation was to be followed, resulting in subsequent confusion. Thus, in we can see that he greatly emphasized sutra passages that were useful for those at the translating the Cheng weishi lun, Xuanzang had to specify which interpretation should very beginning stage of Buddhist practice and had them engraved on steles. be taken as orthodox. The interpretation of the three natures by the Weishi school was

─ 1374 ─ （336） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （337） the concept of Mutual Identity (xiangji 相即). In the Huayan tradition, the term “Mutual 94. On the Interpretation of the Three Natures in the Chinese Yogācāra Identity” is often used together with “Mutual Entry” (xiangru 相入), and it is in Zhiyan’s Yoshimura Makoto later writings that a combined term “Mutual Identity / Mutual Entry” (xiangji/xiangru) is used for the first time in the context of a discussion of the concept of time. There were various interpretations of the three nature theory by the Shelun school, In his early writings, on the other hand, Zhiyan uses terms such as “Mutual which was based on the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (She Dasheng lun shi 摂大乗論釈) Production” (xiangzuo 相作) or “Transformation” (bianhua 変化) together with “Mutual translated by Paramārtha in China during the Sui dynasty. During the Tang dynasty, the Entry” in the context of discussing change in the phenomenal world. This paper interpretation of the three natures by the Weishi school became the mainstream, but demonstrates that the reason for this terminological shift lies with Zhiyan’s use of the process of the establishment of their interpretation was unclear, because there were Xuanzang’s 玄奘 new translations of materials associated with the Consciousness Only several models of the three natures contained in the Yogācāra texts translated by tradition (Weishi), in which time is seen as a discreet dharma not concomitant with Xuanzang 玄奘. To ascertain his aims in translation and the way of acceptance of the mind (xin buxiangying xing 心不相応行). school, I will compare the three-natures theories of the following texts. Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (T no. 1598) by Asvabhāva translated in 647–649 93. Lingyu’s View of the Huayan jing: As Seen from Baoshan si’s Northern Qi Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya (T no. 1597) by Asaṅga translated in 648–649 Engraved Sutra Steles Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 (T no. 1585) by Dharmapāla translated in 659 There are three interpretations about the three natures in the Cheng weishi lun, Kuramoto Shōtoku attributed to Nantuo 難陀, Sthiramati, and Dharmapāla. As its equivalent in the At Baoshan Lingquan si 宝山霊泉寺, where the Northern Qi and Sui dynasty Dilun Mahāyānasaṃgraha, there is one interpretation by Asaṅga’s interpretation and three by master Lingyu 霊裕 lived, one finds a stone stele created with the donation of the Asvabhāva. Comparing them, the following correspondences are found. maternal relative of the Imperial Household Lou Rui 婁叡 upon which the Huayan jing’s Cheng weishi lun Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya 華厳経 “Mingnan” chapter (明難品) is engraved, as well as one comprised of several Nantuo’s interpretation ―――― Asaṅga’s interpretation verses from its “Jingxing” (浄行品) and other chapters and a verse from the Wuliang yi Sthiramati’s interpretation ―――― Asvabhāva’s 1st interpretation jing 無量義経. I also have discovered at the Fusinian Library a rubbing of a stele upon Dharmapāla’s interpretation ―――― Asvabhāva’s 2nd interpretation which the “Chufaxin pusa gongde” chapter (初発心菩薩功徳品) is engraved. Based on Xuanzang asserts that we should depend on Sthiramati’s and Dharmapāla’s the titles of donors and the steles’ shape, text format, and typeface, it appears that interpretations more than Nantuo’s interpretation, and should also rely on these three steles were all made around the same time during the Northern Qi dynasty. Dharmapāla’s interpretation more than Sthiramati’s in the Cheng weishi lun. When he The “Mingnan” and “Jingxing” chapters include teachings, practices, and vows (such was translating the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya, Xuanzang was probably trying to make as the ten stages of faith) for those beginning Buddhist practice. The “Chufaxin pusa the point that Asvabhāva’s newly introduced interpretation should be emphasized, and gongde” chapter, which holds that the merit of giving rise to bodhicitta is the same as sought to devalorize the Asaṅga and Shelun interpretations based on it. But the that of a buddha, was very important for laypeople. According to these steles’ scholars of the Weishi school did make a conclusive determination of which inscriptions, many laypeople took part in their creation along with Lingyu. In this way, interpretation was to be followed, resulting in subsequent confusion. Thus, in we can see that he greatly emphasized sutra passages that were useful for those at the translating the Cheng weishi lun, Xuanzang had to specify which interpretation should very beginning stage of Buddhist practice and had them engraved on steles. be taken as orthodox. The interpretation of the three natures by the Weishi school was

─ 1375 ─ （338） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （339） formed from these circumstances. the first Bodhisattva stage in the Biejiao, one must practice the three Holy Practices beginning from the Shixin wei 十信位 (Ten Faiths which form the first portion of the 95. Zhiyi’s Spiritual Practice and His Interpretation of the Weimo jing Bodhisattva stages). According to the same text, the Jie shengxing is the tenth stage for the Biejiao Bodhisattva. Yamaguchi Hiroe In the Fahua xuanyi, one disregards the Ding shengxing and Hui shengxing, only Satō Tetsuei drew attention to how Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597) seldom cites the Weimo jing 維 cultivating Discipline and thus goes directly to the First Bodhisattva Stage. In the same 摩経 in his Cidi chanmen 次第禅門, a work based on his lectures from his younger years, manner, in the Sijiaoyi of Zhiyi one attains the First Bodhisattva Stage solely through yet in the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観 and other records of his lectures from his later years, the Jie shengxing. However, in another place in the same work, agreeing with the Weimo the number of citations increases. Satō points out that Zhiyi’s focus on writing a jing xuanshu the text teaches that one must practice all three and not only Discipline. commentary on the Weimo jing was, in fact, due to an increased interest in the sūtra. Of The problem of these competing schemes is discussed in this paper. the more than one-hundred identifiable citations in the Mohe zhiguan, the majority are from the “Dizi” 弟子 (Disciples) and “Wenji” 問疾 (Illness) chapters, with the latter in 97. The Genealogy of the Nianfo jing particular often being related to important discussions. The latter chapter, as a Katō Hirotaka discussion between Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva and Vimalakīrti, who has become ill out of compassion for beings, is rich in philosophical content. In the Mohe zhiguan, the theme There exist several versions among the xylographs of the Nianfo jing 念仏鏡 written by of “illness” from the “Wenji” chapter is interpreted as an important basis for explaining Daojing 道鏡 (dates unknown) and Shandao 善道 (dates unknown) in the mid-Tang Zhiyi’s system of practice. It is argued that the unique quality of Zhiyi’s understanding dynasty. of the Weimo jing is his emphasis on the “Wenji” chapter within his framework of The stemmatics of the different versions of the Nianfo jing is still unclear. Therefore, spiritual practice. we have to investigate the historical background of the production of each xylograph. It is essential not only to deal with the postscripts of the different versions, but also 96. Attaining the First Bodhisattva Stage through the Jie shengxing Taught in the to survey the transmission of the Nianfo jing. We have to pay attention especially to the Nirvana Sutra: On Tiantai Zhiyi’s Doctrine transmission in the Liao dynasty. More specifically, we estimate that there is a possibility that some of the different Hibi Nobuhito versions of the Nianfo jing might go back to the printed Qidan 契丹 version that was in How does one reach the first Bodhisattva stage according to the Jie shengxing 戒聖行 circulation within the sphere of influence of the Liao dynasty. (Holy Practice of Discipline) of the Tiantai Biejiao 別教 (Distinct Teaching) scheme? In this paper, we provide the bibliographic information that is important for textual Different opinions are offered in the Sijiaoyi 四教義 of Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), the Weimo criticism. jing xuanshu 維摩経玄疏 of Zhiyi and the same author’s Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi 妙法蓮華経玄義 (Fahua xuanyi). 98. The Wangsheng lunzhu and Lao-Zhuang Thought In the Southern version of the Nirvana Sutra there are three Holy Practices, Jie Tōyama Nobuaki shengxing, Ding shengxing 定聖行 (Holy Practices of Meditation), and Hui shengxing (Holy Practices of Wisdom). In the Weimo jing xuanshu it is taught that in order to attain This paper examines Tanluan’s 曇鸞 Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 in relationship to Lao-

─ 1376 ─ （338） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （339） formed from these circumstances. the first Bodhisattva stage in the Biejiao, one must practice the three Holy Practices beginning from the Shixin wei 十信位 (Ten Faiths which form the first portion of the 95. Zhiyi’s Spiritual Practice and His Interpretation of the Weimo jing Bodhisattva stages). According to the same text, the Jie shengxing is the tenth stage for the Biejiao Bodhisattva. Yamaguchi Hiroe In the Fahua xuanyi, one disregards the Ding shengxing and Hui shengxing, only Satō Tetsuei drew attention to how Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597) seldom cites the Weimo jing 維 cultivating Discipline and thus goes directly to the First Bodhisattva Stage. In the same 摩経 in his Cidi chanmen 次第禅門, a work based on his lectures from his younger years, manner, in the Sijiaoyi of Zhiyi one attains the First Bodhisattva Stage solely through yet in the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観 and other records of his lectures from his later years, the Jie shengxing. However, in another place in the same work, agreeing with the Weimo the number of citations increases. Satō points out that Zhiyi’s focus on writing a jing xuanshu the text teaches that one must practice all three and not only Discipline. commentary on the Weimo jing was, in fact, due to an increased interest in the sūtra. Of The problem of these competing schemes is discussed in this paper. the more than one-hundred identifiable citations in the Mohe zhiguan, the majority are from the “Dizi” 弟子 (Disciples) and “Wenji” 問疾 (Illness) chapters, with the latter in 97. The Genealogy of the Nianfo jing particular often being related to important discussions. The latter chapter, as a Katō Hirotaka discussion between Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva and Vimalakīrti, who has become ill out of compassion for beings, is rich in philosophical content. In the Mohe zhiguan, the theme There exist several versions among the xylographs of the Nianfo jing 念仏鏡 written by of “illness” from the “Wenji” chapter is interpreted as an important basis for explaining Daojing 道鏡 (dates unknown) and Shandao 善道 (dates unknown) in the mid-Tang Zhiyi’s system of practice. It is argued that the unique quality of Zhiyi’s understanding dynasty. of the Weimo jing is his emphasis on the “Wenji” chapter within his framework of The stemmatics of the different versions of the Nianfo jing is still unclear. Therefore, spiritual practice. we have to investigate the historical background of the production of each xylograph. It is essential not only to deal with the postscripts of the different versions, but also 96. Attaining the First Bodhisattva Stage through the Jie shengxing Taught in the to survey the transmission of the Nianfo jing. We have to pay attention especially to the Nirvana Sutra: On Tiantai Zhiyi’s Doctrine transmission in the Liao dynasty. More specifically, we estimate that there is a possibility that some of the different Hibi Nobuhito versions of the Nianfo jing might go back to the printed Qidan 契丹 version that was in How does one reach the first Bodhisattva stage according to the Jie shengxing 戒聖行 circulation within the sphere of influence of the Liao dynasty. (Holy Practice of Discipline) of the Tiantai Biejiao 別教 (Distinct Teaching) scheme? In this paper, we provide the bibliographic information that is important for textual Different opinions are offered in the Sijiaoyi 四教義 of Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), the Weimo criticism. jing xuanshu 維摩経玄疏 of Zhiyi and the same author’s Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi 妙法蓮華経玄義 (Fahua xuanyi). 98. The Wangsheng lunzhu and Lao-Zhuang Thought In the Southern version of the Nirvana Sutra there are three Holy Practices, Jie Tōyama Nobuaki shengxing, Ding shengxing 定聖行 (Holy Practices of Meditation), and Hui shengxing (Holy Practices of Wisdom). In the Weimo jing xuanshu it is taught that in order to attain This paper examines Tanluan’s 曇鸞 Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 in relationship to Lao-

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Zhuang thought. Although there are many studies on the relationship between the by Ennin 円仁, a Japanese Buddhist monk in China during the ninth century. It records Wangsheng lunzhu and Lao-Zhuang thought, such as researches conducted by Nabata reference to a temple (Jŏksan Bŏphwa wŏn 赤山法華院) established by Jang Bogo 張保 Ōjun and Aoyama Hōjō, these have been hindered by the problem that it is difficult to 皐 in China. Ennin wrote his diary while on Buddhist pilgrimage to China for nine years clearly identify the points in the Laozi 老子 and the Zhuangzi 荘子 from which Tanluan and three months (838–847). drew his ideas. Furthermore, since past research has been conducted under different This paper focuses on a study of features of the Buddhist rituals of Jŏksan Bŏphwa circumstances with varying scopes, the philosophical positioning of Lao-Zhuang wŏn. There are five features. The first is the scripture-lecturing rite at Jŏksan Bŏphwa thought within the Wangsheng lunzhu has been difficult to ascertain. In order to clarify wŏn. The second is Silla rite of a single-day lecture. The third is Silla rite of reciting the relationship between the Wangsheng lunzhu and Lao-Zhuang thought, we must scriptures. The fourth is the importance given to dhyāna ( 禅). The fifth is the attempt to organize Tanluan’s sources and determine a clear scope of the study. importance given to the eight-scroll Suvarṇaprabhāsasūtra (金光明経). According to my In this paper, based on preceding studies of Lao-Zhuang thought in the Wangsheng analysis, these rituals were unique methods of Buddhist repentance (懺法) found only lunzhu, as well as new work on the source texts for Tanluan’s work, I reexamine how at Jŏksan Bŏphwa wŏn. Lao-Zhuang thought is used in this text to clarify the relationship between Tanluan and Moreover, this paper examines Hieizan’s 比叡山 Buddhist rituals and examines how Lao-Zhuang thought. they are influenced by Tang rituals and those of Silla as seen at Jŏksan Bŏphwa wŏn.

99. Lay Followers’ Ideas on the Three Religions in the Tang Period: Li Ao’s 101. Shunjō from the Southern Song and Efforts towards a Religious Revival of Thought Precepts in Nara Buddhism

Ōhashi Takahiro Ōtani Yuka

At the end of the Tang period, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism were active as the The monk Shunjō 俊芿 (1166–1227) studied in the Southern Song for 12 years. Before Three Faiths. Daoism had been adopted as the state religion, and Buddhist and studying abroad he studied Tendai in Japan. Shunjō introduced the Tendai Perfect Confucian believers were in decline. Groups aiming to revive Confucianism arose in the Precepts (Enkai 円戒) to the Southern Song Buddhist community. In the Tendai bureaucracy, and drew close to Buddhism. Li Ao 李翺 is known as a person who blended ordination, the question-and-answer of whether it is possible for one to uphold the Buddhism and Confucianism. However, his teacher, Han Yu 韓愈, was at the forefront of three-fold śīla is the formal act (karman). That method was called the three-fold acts opposition to Buddhism. Why did Li Ao introduce Buddhism into Confucianism? In this (sanju konma 三聚羯磨). Unexpectedly, the Tendai Perfect Precepts were accepted in paper, analyzing the Fuxing shu 復性書, an important work of Li Ao, I compare it with the Southern Song Buddhist community. After Shunjō returned to Japan, the three-fold the thought of Han Yu. act was adopted as the Nara Buddhist ordination, upon which Kakujō 覚盛 (1194–1249) transformed the method of Tendai ordination into the tsūju 通受 or comprehensive 100. A Study of Ennin’s Diary (Nittō guhō junrei kōki): The Central Buddhist Ritual ordination of Nara Buddhism. of Silla Buddhist Temple (Jŏksan Bŏphwa wŏn)

Park Soyoung

Ennin’s Diary (Nittō guhō junrei kōki 入唐求法巡礼行記) is a four volume diary written

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99. Lay Followers’ Ideas on the Three Religions in the Tang Period: Li Ao’s 101. Shunjō from the Southern Song and Efforts towards a Religious Revival of Thought Precepts in Nara Buddhism

Ōhashi Takahiro Ōtani Yuka

Park Soyoung

Ennin’s Diary (Nittō guhō junrei kōki 入唐求法巡礼行記) is a four volume diary written

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102. The Manuscript of the Gubun yuishiki in the Tōdaiji Library within mysticism”), and the samaya vows to the jiri kumitsu 事理俱密 (“juxtaposition of both theory and practice within mysticism”). This goes back to Ennin 円仁. It is not Takata Shizuka only the secret oral transmission of the 14th c. Tendai priest Kōshū 光宗 (1276–1350), In recent years, within medieval Japanese Buddhist studies, short writings concerning but also is found in various records. This oral tradition is also given authority by the doctrinal debates or personal records have gathered attention, particularly with regard circumstances gathered together in the legends of Tendai monks gathered by Enchin 円 to themes such as “daikushiki tai” 第九識体, “sanshō jōbutsu” 三生成仏, “hijō jōbutsu” 珍 (814–891). However, Ninkū 仁空 (1309–1388) belonged to a different sect, and 非情成仏. criticized the precept ordination. Naturally, this oral tradition, the jiri kumitsu and the This paper presents an outline of the Gubun yuishiki 具分唯識, found in an Tendai monk legends do not record this. However, beside the tradition of Ninkū the unpublished manuscript kept in the Tōdaiji Library. matter is transmitted, and these oral traditions go back to Tankū 湛空 (1176–1253). The The Gubun yuishiki was created in 1284 and during that time, Myōe’s 明恵 and Kikai’s development of the precept consecration relies on an oral transmission from Tankū and 喜海 theories had become the norm within Kegon. The Gubun yuishiki is a valuable spread far and wide. source in understanding individual themes that were discussed at that time. 105. Consideration about the Cause and Effect of the jogō in Hōnen 103. Understanding of the Musa sanjin in the Myōgyō shin’yōshū Sugiura Michio Yanagisawa Masashi The practice expounded by Hōnen 法然, the founder of the Jōdokyō, is the nenbutsu. The term Musa sanjin 無作三身 indicating the idea that one does not obtain the three Alongside nenbutsu are the “auxiliary practices” (jogō 助業). These comprise reading Buddha bodies through practice, but rather that one is originally awakened, was used and reciting scriptures, contemplation, prostration, and giving praise and offerings. by Saichō 最澄 when he explained that the reward body exists forever. But it started to The relation between nenbutsu and the auxiliary practices has been discussed since be used as the theoretical basis by which we assume that all living things are really former times. There are two aspects to auxiliary practices: their character of attraction Buddha according to the idea of original enlightenment which developed after the mid- and of continuation. Heian period. The Myōgyō shin’yōshū 妙行心要集 is one of the oldest documents in which the meaning of Musa sanjin can be seen evolving, and so by considering its 106. Bibliographic Considerations on the Jōdo sanbukyō ongishū Compiled by presentation, I conclude that this evolution underwent the influence of Yogācāra Shinzui: In Particular about Its Sources Preserved in Japan thought. Maejima Shin’ya

104. The Samaya Precepts in the Context of Renewing Precept Consecration The Jōdo sanbukyō ongishū 浄土三部経音義集 was written in 1237 by Kyōsaibō Shinzui 敬西房信瑞, who studied under one of Hōnen’s 法然 disciples. It contains analysis of Teramoto Ryōshin terms in the three major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism. Concerning the relation between the perfect precepts (enkai 円戒) and the samaya In Japan, there are nine kinds of manuscripts and three kinds of printed books. In precepts (samayakai 三昧耶戒) goes back to the time of the renewal of vows. An oral this paper, I mention their bibliographic information and compare them, focusing on tradition relates the perfect sudden vows to the rihimitsu 理秘密 (“theoretical truth their marginalia. I therefore attempt to classify these sources.

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107. Examination of Shinran’s Use of Tendai Doctrinal Terms: On the Use of the understanding of Pure Land practice from the two perspectives of the three dharma Word Ennyū (Perfectly Integrated) gates (teaching, practice, and realization) and the four dharma gates (teaching, practice, shinjin 信心, and realization). I conclude that the content of Shinran’s Pure Shii Noriaki Land Buddhist practice differs according to whether his focus is from the aspect of the In the Ōjōyōshū 往生要集, Genshin 源信 praises Amitābha Buddha as the “Honored One true teaching itself or from the aspect of sentient beings who receive it. Perfectly Integrated with Complete Virtues” (ennyū mantokuson 円融万徳尊) which Shinran 親鸞 cites in the “Gyōmonrui” 行文類 in the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証. By 109. Shinran’s View of “The Three Minds of Amitābha’s Primal Vow”: Focusing examining Genshin’s usage of the word ennyū (perfectly integrated), we see that he on the Literal Understanding of the Terms straightforwardly applies the Tendai understanding of Buddha bodies as “three bodies Yamato Takamichi in one” (sanshin sokuitsu 三身即一) or “many buddhas in the same body” (shobutsu dōtai 諸仏同体) to Amitābha Buddha in accordance with Tendai views on santai ennyū 三諦円 This paper aims to clarify Shinran’s 親鸞 view of the “Three Minds of Amitābha’s 融, sanzen engu 三千円具 (the true aspect of reality which is perfect integration of the Primal Vow” presented in the Wuliangshou jing 無量寿経. In the “Chapter of true shinjin “Triple Truth” and three thousand existences in the entire universe) based on the 信心” in his magnum opus Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証, Shinran proved that the “Three Tendai theory of the “Three Truths.” Though using the same word, Shinran did not rely Minds” are unified into “One mind” stated in Vasubandhu’s Jingtu lun 浄土論. on this latter Tendai theory. Instead, he adopted a twofold truth theory to understand This proof, the following two issues are to be considered. “How does Shinran the meaning of ennyū based on Tanluan’s 曇鸞 theory of two kinds of dharma-bodies understand the Three Minds?” and “How does he prove that the Three Minds are discussed in his Wangshenglun zhu 往生論註 (Commentary on the discourse on birth in unified into One Mind?” Concerning these issues, we can consider them from the the Pure Land). Shinran further developed his soteriological understanding of the following two perspectives: one is to consider them in their literal meaning, and the concept of ennyū as the state of mutual integration of the twofold truth with the word other is from a soteriological viewpoint. jinen 自然 (the ultimate reality as seen in “things-as-they-are”) by saying “Amitābha These issues are to be pursued with the aid of three eminent scholars in the past: Buddha fulfills the purpose of making us know the significance of jinen.” Thus, while Jinrei 深励, Sōei 僧叡, and Zenjō 善譲. Very roughly speaking, Jinrei understands that Genshin uses the word ennyū to express the meaning that Amitābha Buddha fulfills all the Three Minds are of the nenbutsu practicers, while Sōei and Zenjō view the Three virtues in his single body, Shinran uses the word to express the dynamic working of Minds as the virtue of Amitābha Buddha’s saving work. Amitābha’s Name actively and naturally saving all sentient beings. 110. Early Shin Buddhism’s Understanding of Amitābha’s Welcome at the Hour of 108. A Study of the Twofold Analysis of the Cause of Birth in the Gyōmonrui of Death with a Focus on Shinran’s Disciples in the Kantō Region of Japan the Kyōgyōshinshō Itajiki Masumi Itō Kenji There are many prior studies on Shinran’s 親鸞 understanding of Amitābha’s welcome This study examines the concept of “practice” in Shinran’s 親鸞 thought. In this essay, I at the hour of death. According to these previous studies, the practitioner employs self- focus my study on Shinran’s interpretation of the twofold analysis of the cause of birth power (jiriki 自力) in order to be welcomed by Amitābha, and they deny that one may in the Gyōmonrui 行文類 of the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証, in which he demonstrates his expect such a welcome at death. Shinran asserted that when true faith was acquired

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─ 1383 ─ （346） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （347） one joins the group of those certainly destined to be saved in the present life and that it 仏). Chikū takes a multifaceted approach to Shinran’s 親鸞 “profound doctrine of is not necessary to request Amitābha’s welcome at the hour of death. However, benefit by the Other and benefit for others,” which is based on Tanluan’s idea that the Shinran’s disciples awaited Amitābha’s welcome at the hour of death based on his Other-Power path of Amitābha’s Primal Vow assures the swift realization of teachings. Buddhahood, in contrast to the generalized Buddhist notion that the bodhisattva path Previous studies focused on the teachings of Shinran and simply mentioned that the is a path of gradual realization. disciples did not have an understanding of a singular welcoming by Amitābha at the hour of death. Furthermore, conventional studies seldom mentioned the outlook of 112. A Study of Engetsu’s Theory of Practice and Faith Shinran’s disciples in the Kantō region in Japan after the death of Shinran, their focus Itō Masaharu being on Amitābha’s welcome, and its effect on Shin Buddhist history. I divide this discussion into the two periods: while Shinran was alive, and after his This paper examines how Engetsu’s 円月 doctrinal disputes with Zenkai 善海 death, and I discuss the outlook of Shinran’s disciples focusing on Amitābha’s welcome. influenced the development of Engetsu’s theory of practice and faith. In this dispute, Zenkai criticized Gesshu’s 月珠 theory of practice and faith. Gesshu was Engetsu’s 111. Chikū’s Understanding of the “heqiu qi benshi” in Tanluan’s Wangsheng master and Engetsu responded to the criticism in place of Gesshu. Zenkai’s criticism lunzhu in His Muryōjukyō ronchū yokuge contained three major points, the most important being that the virtue of myōgō 名号 lies only in the invocation of Amitābha’s Name, shōmyō 称名. Engetsu responded by Iijima Noriakira emphasizing that the virtues of myōgō are not only contained in the invocation of In the section referred to exegesis as “heqiu qi benshi” 覈求其本釈 of the last part of Amitābha’s Name but embraced in gonen 五念 (five gates of mindfulness). Engetsu the second volume of Tanluan’s 曇鸞 Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 (Commentary of emphasized a point that differed from Gesshu on the idea of practice and faith. This Vasubandhu’s discourse on the Pure Land), Tanluan examines the deep roots of sentient difference may be regarded as the development of ideas of practice and faith from beings’ salvation through the Pure Land teaching. The discussion of this section is Gesshu to Engetsu. parallels the section of the supplementary discussion, focusing on the beings to be saved, in the latter part of the first volume. Chikū 知空, an Edo period Honganji-ha 113. Shimaji Daitō’s Methodology in Buddhist Studies and Shin Buddhist Studies scholar, analyzed this section in his Muryōjukyō ronchū yokuge 無量寿経論註翼解. While Kawamoto Satoshi demonstrating the core teaching of Jōdo Shinshū, his methodology is essentially based on the principles of Buddhism as a whole, with citations from the Tang dynasty scholar This paper examines Shimaji Daitō’s 島地大等 methodology in Buddhist studies. Chengguan’s 澄観 commentaries on the Huayan jing 華厳経, as well as passages from Shimaji insists on compatibility of traditional methodology with new methodology of Jōdoshū scholars such as Ryōchū 良忠 and Ryōe 了慧. Western origin. Chikū’s great achievement is, that, with a straightforward reading of Tanluan’s Shimaji calls his methodology “Subjective Clericalism.” It is also identified with Wangsheng lunzhu, he shows that Tanluan’s theory of Other-Power can be understood Shinran’s 親鸞 way. I believe that his methodology and notion of Shinran contribute “in consideration of [the state of] a Buddha, or in consideration of [the state of] sentient the construction of new methodology in Shin Buddhist Studies. beings” (yakubutsu 約仏, yakushō 約生), or from the direction of Buddha(s) to sentient beings and sentient beings to Buddha(s) (jūbutsu kōshō 従仏向生, jūshō kōbutsu 従生向

─ 1384 ─ （346） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （347） one joins the group of those certainly destined to be saved in the present life and that it 仏). Chikū takes a multifaceted approach to Shinran’s 親鸞 “profound doctrine of is not necessary to request Amitābha’s welcome at the hour of death. However, benefit by the Other and benefit for others,” which is based on Tanluan’s idea that the Shinran’s disciples awaited Amitābha’s welcome at the hour of death based on his Other-Power path of Amitābha’s Primal Vow assures the swift realization of teachings. Buddhahood, in contrast to the generalized Buddhist notion that the bodhisattva path Previous studies focused on the teachings of Shinran and simply mentioned that the is a path of gradual realization. disciples did not have an understanding of a singular welcoming by Amitābha at the hour of death. Furthermore, conventional studies seldom mentioned the outlook of 112. A Study of Engetsu’s Theory of Practice and Faith Shinran’s disciples in the Kantō region in Japan after the death of Shinran, their focus Itō Masaharu being on Amitābha’s welcome, and its effect on Shin Buddhist history. I divide this discussion into the two periods: while Shinran was alive, and after his This paper examines how Engetsu’s 円月 doctrinal disputes with Zenkai 善海 death, and I discuss the outlook of Shinran’s disciples focusing on Amitābha’s welcome. influenced the development of Engetsu’s theory of practice and faith. In this dispute, Zenkai criticized Gesshu’s 月珠 theory of practice and faith. Gesshu was Engetsu’s 111. Chikū’s Understanding of the “heqiu qi benshi” in Tanluan’s Wangsheng master and Engetsu responded to the criticism in place of Gesshu. Zenkai’s criticism lunzhu in His Muryōjukyō ronchū yokuge contained three major points, the most important being that the virtue of myōgō 名号 lies only in the invocation of Amitābha’s Name, shōmyō 称名. Engetsu responded by Iijima Noriakira emphasizing that the virtues of myōgō are not only contained in the invocation of In the section referred to exegesis as “heqiu qi benshi” 覈求其本釈 of the last part of Amitābha’s Name but embraced in gonen 五念 (five gates of mindfulness). Engetsu the second volume of Tanluan’s 曇鸞 Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 (Commentary of emphasized a point that differed from Gesshu on the idea of practice and faith. This Vasubandhu’s discourse on the Pure Land), Tanluan examines the deep roots of sentient difference may be regarded as the development of ideas of practice and faith from beings’ salvation through the Pure Land teaching. The discussion of this section is Gesshu to Engetsu. parallels the section of the supplementary discussion, focusing on the beings to be saved, in the latter part of the first volume. Chikū 知空, an Edo period Honganji-ha 113. Shimaji Daitō’s Methodology in Buddhist Studies and Shin Buddhist Studies scholar, analyzed this section in his Muryōjukyō ronchū yokuge 無量寿経論註翼解. While Kawamoto Satoshi demonstrating the core teaching of Jōdo Shinshū, his methodology is essentially based on the principles of Buddhism as a whole, with citations from the Tang dynasty scholar This paper examines Shimaji Daitō’s 島地大等 methodology in Buddhist studies. Chengguan’s 澄観 commentaries on the Huayan jing 華厳経, as well as passages from Shimaji insists on compatibility of traditional methodology with new methodology of Jōdoshū scholars such as Ryōchū 良忠 and Ryōe 了慧. Western origin. Chikū’s great achievement is, that, with a straightforward reading of Tanluan’s Shimaji calls his methodology “Subjective Clericalism.” It is also identified with Wangsheng lunzhu, he shows that Tanluan’s theory of Other-Power can be understood Shinran’s 親鸞 way. I believe that his methodology and notion of Shinran contribute “in consideration of [the state of] a Buddha, or in consideration of [the state of] sentient the construction of new methodology in Shin Buddhist Studies. beings” (yakubutsu 約仏, yakushō 約生), or from the direction of Buddha(s) to sentient beings and sentient beings to Buddha(s) (jūbutsu kōshō 従仏向生, jūshō kōbutsu 従生向

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114. The Formation of Zen Buddhism in Medieval Japan according to Materials the Myōshinshō or the Myōshin. Further study on Shōichi’s Zen philosophy will be Preserved in the Ōsu Library at Shinpukuji essential in confirming whether the Myōshinshō or the Myōshin is a work by Shōichi.

Sueki Fumihiko 116. On Dōgen’s Definition of the Phrase sesshin sesshō The Ōsu Library (Ōsu Bunko 大須文庫) at Shinpukuji 真福寺 in Nagoya is famous of Ishii Kiyozumi having many good medieval manuscripts, not a few of which have relations with Zen Buddhism. They are now being published in the series Chūsei Zenseki sōkan 中世禅籍 This paper attempts to clarify Dōgen’s 道元 definition of the phrase sesshin sesshō 説心叢刊 (A series of Zen texts from medieval Japan), 12 vols. Some of them are works of 説性, or “discoursing on mind, discoursing on nature.” Dōgen treats this phrase as a Yōsai 栄西 (or Eisai) and one of them belongs to the Daruma lineage founded by Nōnin fundamental Buddhist concept in the “Sesshin sesshō” fascicle of the Shōbōgenzō 正法眼能忍. They also contain transcripts of lectures by Enni 円爾 at Tōfukuji 東福寺 and by 蔵. However, he then negates this phrase as a misunderstanding of Buddhist thought in Chikotsu Daie 癡兀大慧, one of the disciples of Enni. In this article, I examine those Zen the “Sansuikyō” 山水経 fascicle. texts and try to make clear the formation of Zen Buddhism in Japan. In analyzing Dōgen’s works, there are two ways he interprets this phrase. In the first, Dōgen adopts it in order to construct a fundamental understanding of Zen thought. 115. The Japanese Zen Texts Kenshō jōbutsugi and Myōshinshō Cited in the Hokke Comparing with its usage in the Biyan lu 碧巌録 (Blue cliff record), this interpretation mondō shōgishō would be based on the wenzi Chan 文字禅 (“character Zen”) of Song China. After understanding this, he advocates not dwelling on this phrase by negating it. Furuse Tamami In the second interpretation, Dōgen emphasizes the importance of religious practice The Hokke mondō shōgishō 法華問答正義抄, written by Nichizen 日全, a monk of for activating Buddha-hood by giving a broad interpretation of the “discoursing” (setsu Nichiren school in the 14th century, includes citations from a few Japanese Zen texts. 説) of this phrase as not merely “speaking,” but as representing the entire range of The Kenshō jōbutsugi 見性成仏義, whose manuscript in imperfect form is preserved activity. This latter interpretation corresponds to Dōgen’s fundamental thinking. only in the Shōmyōji 称名寺, is thought to be the most important Zen text for Nichizen, The above thus explain variations in the interpretation of this phrase across Dōgen’s because he lists it in a table of contents as a text representing the general Zen teaching usage. and he cites six sections from it. A citation of two sections from the Kenshō jōbutsugi referring to Wuxing lun 悟性論 are not identified in the manuscript of Shōmyōji. I 117. The Aspiration to Awakening in Itsudō Kanchū’s Shōbōgenzō zokugenkōgi assume those cited sentences in the Hokke mondō shōgishō might cover a part of the lost Sugawara Kenshū pages of the manuscript of Shōmyōji. For another citation the Myōshinshō 明心抄 writes its author’s name as “the This paper investigates the doctrinal arguments in the Sōtō school from the early to venerable monk Shōichi oshō 聖一和尚.” As I compare the citation from the Myōshinshō mid Edo period through the lens of the Itsudō Kanchū’s 乙堂喚丑 Shōbōgenzō with some sentences in a manuscript of the Shōmyōji called Myōshin 明心, which does zokugenkōgi 正法眼蔵続絃講議. The work is cast as a critique of Tenkei Denson’s 天桂 not mention its author’s name, I find that the Myōshinshō and the Myōshin are almost 伝尊 (1648–1735) Shōbōgenzō benchū 正法眼蔵弁註. Under the influence of Dōgen’s 道 identical in content. However, we cannot accept Shōichi as its author without a little 元 Bendōwa 弁道話, building on the germ of the expression “wondrous practice rooted doubt since his historical record and other texts referring to him do not mention either in innate realization” (honshō myōshu 本証妙修) he investigated the Aspiration to

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Awakening. students from the Nichiren sect studying abroad. Although Itsudō examined Tenkei’s critique of the Aspiration to Awakening in detail, it is not clear how he himself thought. Furthermore, regarding their points of 120. The Curriculum of Nichiren Seminaries in the Early Modern Period agreement and disagreement, Tenkei emphasized the idea of unity (ichinyo 一如), and Kimura Chūichi wove together the transmission of the Dharma and the attainment of Buddhahood with the Aspiration to Awakening, while Itsudō stressed a process of practice. This paper considers the curriculum to be studied concerning Nichiren’s 日蓮 teachings in the seminaries (danrin 檀林) of the Nichiren sect. Each sect of Japanese 118. The Influence of the Wumen guan on the Medieval Sōtō Sect Buddhism made a curriculum to be studied in its seminaries. The curriculum of the Nichiren religious community focused on mastering Tendai doctrine. Nichiren’s Tatsuya Kōdō teachings were left for last and for self-study. The reason that study of Nichiren The Mumonkan shō 無門関抄 kept in the Tanimura Collection in Kyoto University is the doctrine was put off is that first that in order to understand Nichiren one must study lecture report on the Wumen guan 無門関 by the Sōtō sect monk named Ten’ei Shōtei Tendai doctrine, but also that Nichiren’s teachings and community were under official 天英祥貞, active in the Muromachi period. It is the oldest lecture report on the text in pressure at that time. Therefore, Tendai teachings were emphasized in the curriculum. existence. By studying the Mumonkan shō, we can investigate the thought of Ten’ei Shōtei and the actual situation of practicing Wumen guan in the medival Sōtō sect. The 121. A Study of the Formation of the Engoku jitsugishō: Considerations on the Wumen guan was extensively studied by monks, and the theories of schools interacted Term “Jigu sanzen” with each other. As a result, I conclude that the importance of Kōan Zen 公案禅 Miura Wakō increased in the Sōtō sect. The use of the expression “Jigu sanzen” 事具三千 (Three Thousand Realms 119. The Study Abroad of Nichiren Sect Monk in Modern Era Encompassed in One Thought) as a theoretical term begins in the Tendai of the Kamakura period. It was used in the meaning that all creatures possess Buddha Annaka Naofumi realization. The Nichiren sect’s first priest to study abroad was Matsuki Bunkyō 松木文恭, a pupil The first use of “Jigu sanzen” in Nichiren doctrine was in Tenmoku’s 天目 Engoku of Arai Nissatsu 新居日薩. Arai promoted the modernization of Nichiren Buddhism, jitsugishō 円極実義抄. The expression is used in the meaning “the reality aspect of the and Matsuki studied English in Shanghai in 1886, and later went to the U.S. In those honmon 本門” (second half of the Lotus Sutra). However, it is not natural to believe that days, Arai engaged in educational reform of the Nichiren sect and organized subjects the term was used immediately after Nichiren’s 日蓮 passing. such as English and mathematics in the educational structure of Nichiren Buddhism, After the Engoku jitsugishō, the expression “Jigu sanzen” is not seen until Nichiryū 日 aiming at educational enrichment. Moreover, he had his pupils study not only at the 隆 (1385–1464) of the 15th century (in the Muromachi period) more than 100 years after educational facilities of the Nichiren sect but also at Keiō Gijuku 慶応義塾. Arai Tenmoku. Nichiryū uses the expression often. recognized the educational importance of the times, and we may conclude that he had Perhaps Nichiryū converted the expression from a Tendai term to one of Nichiren Matsuki study abroad so that his pupil could acquire Western knowledge, and pursue doctrine. Therefore, we can conclude that the Engoku jitsugishō was written by a person language study. This paper considers the conduct of Matsuki and the regulations for influenced by Nichiryū in the 15th century.

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122. A Study of Five Significant Categories of Propagation of the Lotus Sutra: that the ultimate goal of medical practice is to attain complete enlightenment because Referring to the Explanation of the Category of Teaching in Nichiren’s medicine was originally granted by the Buddha. This paper reviews the content of the Works in the Kamakura Period book and discusses the Buddha as a guardian for medicine. According to the book, those who practice medicine reflecting on their own mind without relying on superficial Fukaya Keiko knowledge can reach the state of enlightenment that cannot be explained by words, Nichiren 日蓮 said that we, as people born in Japan and far from India during the Latter and meet the Buddha for treatment. The book indicates that the Buddha gives humans Age of the Dharma era, were in violation of the Buddha’s teachings and that our various medicines and, moreover, these medicines are symbolically allocated in the existence was marked by spiritual sin. My research questions in what way Nichiren imaginary world created by the Buddha. This paper reveals that the Buddha described preached salvation from spiritual sin. in the Shūi tontoku is the guardian for medical treatment, and the being who leads to I focus on the Five Principles (gogi 五義) because it is possible to see explanations of enlightenment. these Five Principles in Nichiren’s writings and in his teachings that belief in the Lotus Sutra will lead to spiritual salvation. 124. Meanings of bian, bianxiang, and bianwen Research on the teachings of Nichren tends to divide his writings into three periods: Karashima Seishi the Kamakura 鎌倉, Sado 佐渡, and Minobu 身延 periods. This study considers the descriptions of his teachings in Nichiren’s Kamakura period. My investigations into the meaning of bian 変 in Chinese translations (the earliest Through this study, I reached the following conclusions: (1) Nichiren identified the example of which dates back to 489), which have parallels in the Indian and Tibetan Lotus Sutra as the best teaching in Buddhism, and (2) he preached that if one recites the languages, reveal that it was used to mean “design; figure; mural painting.” The word Daimoku 題目, it has the same effect as one having trained in all of Buddhist teachings bian was used also in the meanings of “a figure; statue,” “a relief,” and “a (mural) by listening and study. painting” in the non-translation texts of the pre-Tang periods. In the non-translation texts from the Tang dynasty, the word bian was used to mean “a (mural) painting on a 123. The Buddha as a Guardian for Medicine: On the Shūi tontoku Buddhist theme.” Bianxiang 変相, meaning the same as bian, came to be used from the 8th century and Shindō Hiroshi was probably coined to express the latter more clearly. The Shūi tontoku 酬医頓得 is a medical book passed down for generations in a family of The Sanskrit word citra, meaning “an image, painting, relief” as well as “strange, physicians in Nagoya, thought to have been compiled by Tashiro Sanki 田代三喜 (1465– wonderful,” corresponds semantically very well to bian. The Chinese named Indian 1544). The book was substantially influenced by Buddhism and it gives information on flamboyant colourfully-painted artwork, which was totally different from their own how Buddhism or monks were involved in medicine in the Muromachi period. Buddhist traditional artwork and, hence, “unusual, strange,” bian. influences in the book are seen at several points. First, it describes the Medicine Bianwen 変文, found also as part of the titles of several Dunhuang manuscripts, Buddha, known as Bhaiṣajyaguru, as the origin of medical treatment. Second, it explains means probably “a script for a painting” used by story-telling monks. the relation between the five solid organs and the five essential elements and expounds on the structure of human body and the cause of illness from the viewpoint of Buddhism, based on traditional Chinese medicine theory. Further, the book points out

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125. Metals in Vedic Literature described. In a tale from the Kathāsaritsāgara, we can find evidence of a supernatural force (divyavidyā) named pratiloma-anuloma chanting, but which spells those entail is not Yamada Tomoki clear. Wilhelm Rau (1974) comprehensively discussed metals in Vedic literature. (Rau, Metalle PG could be used temporarily and koṭihoma also might have been replaced by the und Metallgeräte im vedischen Indien, 1974) “grahayajña” (a rite for planets), as a tranquil rite, with the rise of astrology. However, In this paper, focusing especially on the base metals “áyas-,” I investigate their usage the reverse chanting method was likely considered to having the effect of magic. in every stage of Vedic literature, referring widely to recent studies. In the RV, áyas- is solely used as a general term for the base metals and there is no 127. On the Dates of Candrānanda and Bhāviveka: The “Two-Finger” Illustration reference to its concrete name. In the stage of the Atharvaveda, áyas- is divided into two He Huanhuan types, “black” (śyāmá-) and “red” (lóhita-), and other base metals like tin “trapú-” or lead “sīsa-́ ” become known. The situation in the YSm is almost the same, however, the word This essay offers an analysis of what I will call the “two-finger” illustration, which lohá-, the substantive for copper, is first used in a passage of the VS and TS. Bhāviveka discusses in the Vaiśeṣikatattvaviniścaya chapter of the Tarkajvālā, the auto- A pair of passages in the black YSp (KS and MS) suggestively tells the property of pure commentary on his Madhyamakahṛdaya[kārikā], wherein he introduces and criticizes the copper; its high thermal conductivity. In the stage of ŚB, áyas- is no longer classified by theories of the Vaiśeṣika school. Going through the early Vaiśeṣika literature, I noticed color, and on the other hand, we can determine that it connotes specifically iron in that these two-finger (dvyaṅgula, two fingers in a unit form, or finger-pair) illustrations some passages. only occur in Candrānanda’s Vṛtti, and that they do so in a very clear and straightforward manner. As I will point out, what is a mystery, and what is indeed 126. The Pratilomagāyatrī: Gāyatrīmantra Chanted in Reverse Order and Koṭihoma somewhat perplexing, is the fact that the references to this illustration in the Tarkajvālā are not at all immediately intelligible. This circumstance will be addressed in this essay, Ishii (Hamamoto) Yuri in which I will also offer an interpretation and propose a solution to the issue at hand. The hymn known as sāvitrī or gāyatrī (RV 3.62.10) is the most sacred and popular mantra In addition, the relative chronology of Bhāviveka and Candrānanda, as well as their from the Vedas. The mantra is also considered a kind of white magical spell for good contemporaries around the sixth century India, will also be discussed. luck or removal of all sin and impurity. However, in the Atharvavedapariśiṣṭa (AVP) chap. 31 “anulomakalpa” and chap. 34 “koṭihoma” (a tranquil rite), there is a topic concerning 128. A Re-examination of the Definition of Universal in the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika “pratilomagāyatrī” (PG) chanted in reverse order and used to kill enemies as black magic. Hirano Katsunori Correlating AVP and the description of PG in the R̥gvidhāna (Rgvidh), PG’s curse effect in Rgvidh is harsher than in AVP, and AVP teaches us rules of chanting and rites A study of the word universal (sāmānya) in the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika school shows a change specifically. in its definition. The difference is that the older definition includes the problematic While the Agnipurāṇa and the Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa (VDUP) have a chapter titled qualification of “the cause of the notion of commonality” (anuvṛttipratyayahetu), while “R̥gvidhāna,” there is no adoption in regards to the topic about PG. In VDUP 1.165 there the later (new) definition is composed of three qualifications—oneness (ekatva), is a description for the reverse gāyatrī against enemies. eternality (nityatva), and the state of being inherent in many individual entities In Tantric literature, the Vīṇāśikhatantra, a reverse mantra other than the gāyatrī is (anekasamavetatva). The reason why the problematic qualification was eliminated from

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─ 1393 ─ （356） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （357） the new definition is logically unsatisfactory, since not all notions of commonality are far hāya-ti has been explained as analogous to other -ya-present forms—jñāya-te, caused by universals. However, even such an unsatisfactory over-statement does not khyāya-te, and so on—or as a remodeling based on the present jahā-̆ ti. In this paper, I explain its elimination, since it applies to the three qualifications of the new definition suggest that hīya-ti and hāya-ti have an oppositional relation with the present jahā-̆ ti too. This paper argues and builds a hypothesis for its elimination. Oneness along with and the causative hāpe-ti, respectively. That is, jahā-̆ ti (vt.) : hīya-ti (vi.) and hāpe-ti (vt.) : the state of being inherent in many individual entities, both of which are parts of the hāya-ti (vi.) each form a coherent pair morphologically and semantically. new definition, cause the notion of commonality. Therefore, if “the cause of the notion of commonality” were included in the new definition, then the definition would be too 131. The Meanings and Types of Paññatti Based on the Puggalapaññattiaṭṭhakathā verbose a description. Thus, the elimination may have occurred for the sake of brevity. Han Sang Hee A significant effect of the new definition is that it now succeeds in showing that universal is a cause of the notion of commonality. According to the Puggalapaññattiaṭṭhakathā, paññatti means exposition and establishment, showing a dhamma restricted by a certain category by giving a name 129. A Sense of the Unity of All Things in Jain Āgamas and establishing the dhamma as the thing which has the name. This is nāmapaññatti, the paññatti by the meaning that it designates something (paññāpanaṭṭhena paññatti). Watanabe Kenji The six paññattis in Pāli, khandhapaññatti, etc., and from the Aṭṭhakathā like According to Jain dogmatics, souls are uncreated, imperishable. Every soul is an vijjamānapaññatti, etc. belong in this category. On the other hand, upādāpaññatti individual entity, independent of the others. But in the oldest Āgamas, we find passages according to an opinion of Ācariya is paññatti by the meaning that it is designated, only which show a sense of the unity of all things. In this small paper, I would like to indicate avijjamānapaññatti belonging in this category. These two paññattis that have different a comparable passage which seems to have been overlooked so far. characters and roles from each other are fixed as two kinds of paññatti in the We find the following correspondences. Abhidhammāvatāra and Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha. While the object of the paññatti which The Jain Āgama Dasaveyāliya-sutta IV, 9a reads as follows: savva-bhūy’appa-bhūyassa is designated (paññāpiyattā paññatti) is only a thing which does not exist, the paññatti (a man who identifies himself with all beings). And the Hindu Bhagavad Gītā V, 7c: sarva- which designates (paññāpanato paññatti) is applied not only to things that exist but bhū’ātma-bhūt’ātmā (whose self has become the self of all beings). also to those that do not exist. Thus these two kinds of paññatti are not in a correspondent relation in which indicates meaning (attha) and name (nāma) in 130. On the Verbs hīya-ti and hāya-ti in Pāli designating a dhamma.

Inaba Yuima 132. On Suicide in Pāli Buddhist Literature: Looking at the Relationship between In Sanskrit, the reduplicated present of the root hā- is jáhā-/jáh- “to leave, abandon,” the Vinayas and the Nikāyas the -ya-present hīyá-/hīya-té “to fall, fall behind, be lost,” and the causative hāpaya-ti “to Uchida Midori cause to leave, give up.” In Pāli, the reduplicated present becomes jahā-̆ ti, and a new -ya-present hāya-ti made to the full grade root is frequently used, although the form In this paper, I propose that there is an inconsistency between the Vinayas and the hīya-ti which corresponds to hīyá-/hīyá -te also exists. How is this new -ya-present Nikāyas in Pāli literature by showing examples from both. Because some episodes formation to be understood, and how are the two -ya-presents in Pāli distinguished? So relating to suicide in Nikāyas are not found in the Vinayas and some episodes relating to

─ 1394 ─ （356） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （357） the new definition is logically unsatisfactory, since not all notions of commonality are far hāya-ti has been explained as analogous to other -ya-present forms—jñāya-te, caused by universals. However, even such an unsatisfactory over-statement does not khyāya-te, and so on—or as a remodeling based on the present jahā-̆ ti. In this paper, I explain its elimination, since it applies to the three qualifications of the new definition suggest that hīya-ti and hāya-ti have an oppositional relation with the present jahā-̆ ti too. This paper argues and builds a hypothesis for its elimination. Oneness along with and the causative hāpe-ti, respectively. That is, jahā-̆ ti (vt.) : hīya-ti (vi.) and hāpe-ti (vt.) : the state of being inherent in many individual entities, both of which are parts of the hāya-ti (vi.) each form a coherent pair morphologically and semantically. new definition, cause the notion of commonality. Therefore, if “the cause of the notion of commonality” were included in the new definition, then the definition would be too 131. The Meanings and Types of Paññatti Based on the Puggalapaññattiaṭṭhakathā verbose a description. Thus, the elimination may have occurred for the sake of brevity. Han Sang Hee A significant effect of the new definition is that it now succeeds in showing that universal is a cause of the notion of commonality. According to the Puggalapaññattiaṭṭhakathā, paññatti means exposition and establishment, showing a dhamma restricted by a certain category by giving a name 129. A Sense of the Unity of All Things in Jain Āgamas and establishing the dhamma as the thing which has the name. This is nāmapaññatti, the paññatti by the meaning that it designates something (paññāpanaṭṭhena paññatti). Watanabe Kenji The six paññattis in Pāli, khandhapaññatti, etc., and from the Aṭṭhakathā like According to Jain dogmatics, souls are uncreated, imperishable. Every soul is an vijjamānapaññatti, etc. belong in this category. On the other hand, upādāpaññatti individual entity, independent of the others. But in the oldest Āgamas, we find passages according to an opinion of Ācariya is paññatti by the meaning that it is designated, only which show a sense of the unity of all things. In this small paper, I would like to indicate avijjamānapaññatti belonging in this category. These two paññattis that have different a comparable passage which seems to have been overlooked so far. characters and roles from each other are fixed as two kinds of paññatti in the We find the following correspondences. Abhidhammāvatāra and Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha. While the object of the paññatti which The Jain Āgama Dasaveyāliya-sutta IV, 9a reads as follows: savva-bhūy’appa-bhūyassa is designated (paññāpiyattā paññatti) is only a thing which does not exist, the paññatti (a man who identifies himself with all beings). And the Hindu Bhagavad Gītā V, 7c: sarva- which designates (paññāpanato paññatti) is applied not only to things that exist but bhū’ātma-bhūt’ātmā (whose self has become the self of all beings). also to those that do not exist. Thus these two kinds of paññatti are not in a correspondent relation in which indicates meaning (attha) and name (nāma) in 130. On the Verbs hīya-ti and hāya-ti in Pāli designating a dhamma.

─ 1395 ─ （358） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （359） suicide in the Vinayas are not found in the Nikāyas, we can see that the Vinayas and the vaibhāṣikas’ claim in the dispute appearing in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and the Nikāyas have different roles in the Buddhist literature, which should be taken into corresponding passage in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya (Chinese version) was modified consideration when we interpret some stories in both collections. to reinforece the claim of the Sautrāntikas. To illustrate these contradictory statements, I will examine a series of episodes From this fact, we can establish a close relationship between the Shisong lü and regarding suicide in the section of Pārājika three in the Vinayas, which led to the Kāśmīra-vaibhāṣikas, and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya and the Sautrāntikas. Buddha indirectly circumscribing suicide to maintain order in the sangha. Secondly, in contrast with the first episode, the episode from the Saṃyutta-nikāya regarding three 134. Parallel Stories of Kṣāntivādin monks who committed suicide but are declared by the Buddha to have achieved nirvana Okada Mamiko (Shinsui) seems to point to the conclusion that the suicide of monks is permissible, because the purpose of the Saṃyutta-nikāya is to teach the Buddha’s doctrine. Thirdly, also from the The Kṣāntivādin legend is a family of stories about a preacher and practitioner of Saṃyutta-nikāya, I will explain two stories in which Mahā-Kassapa harshly criticized forbearance whose limbs and other body parts were cut off by a cruel king named Ānanda. Even though Mahā-Kassapa’s statement includes a falsehood, Mahā-Kassapa Kalab(h)u (and the analog thereof) or Kali. We can find this tale in many Buddhist texts, himself was not to blame and this episode is not found in the Vinayas. both in Pāli and Sanskrit literature, and also in the Chinese translation scriptures. There has been no study that tried to gather parallel texts thoroughly and to compare motifs 133. A Systematic Classification of the Vinayas Belonging to the Sarvāstivādins in an exhaustive manner. Therefore, this article aims to present a list of complete Based on the Differences in the Commentary to the Śikṣāpada parallel texts of the Kṣāntivādin legend, and to represent the correlation among each text by a classification diagram. To sum up the main points of the motif comparisons, Sasaki Shizuka we can conclude that the Kṣāntivādin legend is largely separated into two categories. It seems to be strange that two different Vinayas, the Shisong lü 十誦律, Ten Recitation The first group says that the former birth of the cruel king was Devadatta, and the Vihana, and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, are extant but belong to the same sect, the second Kauṇḍinya, and the latter has the unique plot of milk which has flowed out from Sarvāstivādins. The issue of how we should place them in the historical development of the wound instead of blood. the Sarvāstivādins is particularly meaningful with respect to the investigation of the history of Buddhism, but no clear result has so far been found because of a lack of 135. A Prototype of the Practice in Indian Pure Land Buddhism: In Relation to the information; we have only some vague traditions. Four Wheels In this article, the author presents information which clearly shows that the Shisong Nakamikado Keikyō lü and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya were related with the Kāśmīra-vaibhāṣikas and Sautrāntikas respectively. Looking at Pure Land Buddhism from the point of the Four-Wheels (Skt. Catvāri deva- A passage in the Vinaya is quoted in a dispute between the Sautrāntikas and Kāśmīra- manuṣyāṇāṃ cakrāṇi), we can see the relation between this concept beginning in Early vaibhāṣikas described in the Karmanirdeśa of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. The Buddhism and the contents of practice in later Pure Land Buddhism. In this sense, a corresponding passage can be found in both the Shisong lü and the Mūlasarvāstivāda prototype of Pure Land Buddhism may be traced back to Early Buddhism. Vinaya and, as a result of a detailed investigation, it turned out that the corresponding The collation with the texts of early stages, including those of various śrāvaka- passage in the Shisong lü was modified for the purpose of reinforcement of the Kāśmīra- schools, where the Four-Wheels is accepted and developed, still remains as a problem,

─ 1396 ─ （358） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （359） suicide in the Vinayas are not found in the Nikāyas, we can see that the Vinayas and the vaibhāṣikas’ claim in the dispute appearing in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and the Nikāyas have different roles in the Buddhist literature, which should be taken into corresponding passage in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya (Chinese version) was modified consideration when we interpret some stories in both collections. to reinforece the claim of the Sautrāntikas. To illustrate these contradictory statements, I will examine a series of episodes From this fact, we can establish a close relationship between the Shisong lü and regarding suicide in the section of Pārājika three in the Vinayas, which led to the Kāśmīra-vaibhāṣikas, and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya and the Sautrāntikas. Buddha indirectly circumscribing suicide to maintain order in the sangha. Secondly, in contrast with the first episode, the episode from the Saṃyutta-nikāya regarding three 134. Parallel Stories of Kṣāntivādin monks who committed suicide but are declared by the Buddha to have achieved nirvana Okada Mamiko (Shinsui) seems to point to the conclusion that the suicide of monks is permissible, because the purpose of the Saṃyutta-nikāya is to teach the Buddha’s doctrine. Thirdly, also from the The Kṣāntivādin legend is a family of stories about a preacher and practitioner of Saṃyutta-nikāya, I will explain two stories in which Mahā-Kassapa harshly criticized forbearance whose limbs and other body parts were cut off by a cruel king named Ānanda. Even though Mahā-Kassapa’s statement includes a falsehood, Mahā-Kassapa Kalab(h)u (and the analog thereof) or Kali. We can find this tale in many Buddhist texts, himself was not to blame and this episode is not found in the Vinayas. both in Pāli and Sanskrit literature, and also in the Chinese translation scriptures. There has been no study that tried to gather parallel texts thoroughly and to compare motifs 133. A Systematic Classification of the Vinayas Belonging to the Sarvāstivādins in an exhaustive manner. Therefore, this article aims to present a list of complete Based on the Differences in the Commentary to the Śikṣāpada parallel texts of the Kṣāntivādin legend, and to represent the correlation among each text by a classification diagram. To sum up the main points of the motif comparisons, Sasaki Shizuka we can conclude that the Kṣāntivādin legend is largely separated into two categories. It seems to be strange that two different Vinayas, the Shisong lü 十誦律, Ten Recitation The first group says that the former birth of the cruel king was Devadatta, and the Vihana, and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, are extant but belong to the same sect, the second Kauṇḍinya, and the latter has the unique plot of milk which has flowed out from Sarvāstivādins. The issue of how we should place them in the historical development of the wound instead of blood. the Sarvāstivādins is particularly meaningful with respect to the investigation of the history of Buddhism, but no clear result has so far been found because of a lack of 135. A Prototype of the Practice in Indian Pure Land Buddhism: In Relation to the information; we have only some vague traditions. Four Wheels In this article, the author presents information which clearly shows that the Shisong Nakamikado Keikyō lü and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya were related with the Kāśmīra-vaibhāṣikas and Sautrāntikas respectively. Looking at Pure Land Buddhism from the point of the Four-Wheels (Skt. Catvāri deva- A passage in the Vinaya is quoted in a dispute between the Sautrāntikas and Kāśmīra- manuṣyāṇāṃ cakrāṇi), we can see the relation between this concept beginning in Early vaibhāṣikas described in the Karmanirdeśa of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. The Buddhism and the contents of practice in later Pure Land Buddhism. In this sense, a corresponding passage can be found in both the Shisong lü and the Mūlasarvāstivāda prototype of Pure Land Buddhism may be traced back to Early Buddhism. Vinaya and, as a result of a detailed investigation, it turned out that the corresponding The collation with the texts of early stages, including those of various śrāvaka- passage in the Shisong lü was modified for the purpose of reinforcement of the Kāśmīra- schools, where the Four-Wheels is accepted and developed, still remains as a problem,

─ 1397 ─ （360） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （361） but at least we can point out an apparent similarity of the concept of the First-Wheel, which leads to the conclusion that all versions of the Viś and the Akṣ are derived from choosing the circumstance of practices, which was to be reconstructed as the concept the same Sanskrit original. What draws our attention is that the text of the Viś, except of rebirth, as reflected in the texts of the Yogācāras, and that Sukhāvatī is the very for some scribal errors, is in exact agreement with that of the Akṣ. (2) It is noteworthy suitable circumstance for the practice of śamatha-vipaśyanā. that the Viś and the Akṣ, which share several similarities in structure with the Foshuo zhuangyan putixin jing 仏説荘厳菩提心経 (T no. 307, vol. 10) and the Foshuo da fangguang 136. The Five Destinies and Six Destinies in the Lotus Sutra pusa shidi jing 仏説大方広菩薩十地経 (T no. 308, vol. 10), contain features that point to the possibility that the two Chinese translations predate the compilation of the Viś and Maegawa Ken’ichi the Akṣ. (3) The fact that we can find a large number of coincidences in wording Previous studies show that the Lotus Sutra adopts the concept of six destinies (ṣaḍ-gati) between the Viś and the Akṣ strongly suggests the possibility that both the Viś and the except the latter half of the 5th chapter (Oṣadhī-parivarta), which mentions five Akṣ were translated into Tibetan by the same translator, Ye shes sde. destinies (pañca-gati) once. But these studies neither explore related expressions concerning gatis thoroughly nor pay attention to differences among Sanskrit 138. On the Theory of “Not Saying a Single Word” in the Tathāgataguhyasūtra manuscripts and Chinese translations. In this paper, our careful research on almost all Wang Junqi the materials related to gatis in the Lotus Sutra shows that more chapters of the sutra can be interpreted to accept the concept of five destinies. The Tathāgataguhyasūtra (TG) is a Mahāyāna sūtra frequently cited by śāstras, e.g., the Prasannapadā, Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra, etc., for its theory (A) that the Buddha never said a 137. On the Textual Relationship between the *Viśuddhabhūmidhāraṇī in the single word during the period from his enlightenment to his death. In this paper, firstly Suvarṇaprabhāsa and the *Āryākṣayamatiparipṛcchā in the Ratnakūṭa I shall discuss the relationship between this theory and the early Buddhist canons, and show briefly how TG used old ideas to construct its theory of “not saying a single Ölziijargal word.” I would also like to discuss the theory (B) that Buddha’s voice (śabda) originated It has been pointed out that there are a number of structural and terminological from the ether (ākāśa) in TG, and illustrate that theory (B) is adopted by TG mainly for similarities between the Sa rnam par spyong (*Viśuddhabhūmidhāraṇī, Viś) in the the purpose of reconciling the Buddha’s not saying a single word with Buddha’s Tibetan translation of the Suvarṇaprabhāsa by Jinamitra, Śīlendrabodhi, and Ye shes sde exposition of the teachings. and the ’Phags pa blo gros mi zad pas shus pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo (*Āryākṣayamatiparipṛcchā, Akṣ) in the Tibetan translation of the Ratnakūṭa by 139. Misunderstandings of Avijñapti among Modern Japanese Scholars Surendrabodhi and Ye shes sde. This paper considers that the similarities and Aohara Norisato differences in structure and wording between the Tibetan translations of the Viś and the Akṣ and their parallels in Chinese translations; it also considers whether these Nearly 90 years ago, Katō Seishin 加藤精神, the Buddhist scholar, pointed out that structural and terminological similarities between the Viś and the Akṣ can account for many Japanese scholars had some misunderstandings about avijñapti or non- the possibility of their translations into Tibetan being due to by the same translator. expression, one of the distinguishing doctrines of the Sarvāstivāda. The opinion he A perusal of the texts reveals the following: (1) The fundamental structure of the Viś claimed as a misunderstanding is that “the avijñapti plays a karmic role as a medium and the Akṣ closely follows that of their parallels found in the Chinese translations, force between cause and its future result,” while he suggested the correct

─ 1398 ─ （360） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （361） but at least we can point out an apparent similarity of the concept of the First-Wheel, which leads to the conclusion that all versions of the Viś and the Akṣ are derived from choosing the circumstance of practices, which was to be reconstructed as the concept the same Sanskrit original. What draws our attention is that the text of the Viś, except of rebirth, as reflected in the texts of the Yogācāras, and that Sukhāvatī is the very for some scribal errors, is in exact agreement with that of the Akṣ. (2) It is noteworthy suitable circumstance for the practice of śamatha-vipaśyanā. that the Viś and the Akṣ, which share several similarities in structure with the Foshuo zhuangyan putixin jing 仏説荘厳菩提心経 (T no. 307, vol. 10) and the Foshuo da fangguang 136. The Five Destinies and Six Destinies in the Lotus Sutra pusa shidi jing 仏説大方広菩薩十地経 (T no. 308, vol. 10), contain features that point to the possibility that the two Chinese translations predate the compilation of the Viś and Maegawa Ken’ichi the Akṣ. (3) The fact that we can find a large number of coincidences in wording Previous studies show that the Lotus Sutra adopts the concept of six destinies (ṣaḍ-gati) between the Viś and the Akṣ strongly suggests the possibility that both the Viś and the except the latter half of the 5th chapter (Oṣadhī-parivarta), which mentions five Akṣ were translated into Tibetan by the same translator, Ye shes sde. destinies (pañca-gati) once. But these studies neither explore related expressions concerning gatis thoroughly nor pay attention to differences among Sanskrit 138. On the Theory of “Not Saying a Single Word” in the Tathāgataguhyasūtra manuscripts and Chinese translations. In this paper, our careful research on almost all Wang Junqi the materials related to gatis in the Lotus Sutra shows that more chapters of the sutra can be interpreted to accept the concept of five destinies. The Tathāgataguhyasūtra (TG) is a Mahāyāna sūtra frequently cited by śāstras, e.g., the Prasannapadā, Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra, etc., for its theory (A) that the Buddha never said a 137. On the Textual Relationship between the *Viśuddhabhūmidhāraṇī in the single word during the period from his enlightenment to his death. In this paper, firstly Suvarṇaprabhāsa and the *Āryākṣayamatiparipṛcchā in the Ratnakūṭa I shall discuss the relationship between this theory and the early Buddhist canons, and show briefly how TG used old ideas to construct its theory of “not saying a single Ölziijargal word.” I would also like to discuss the theory (B) that Buddha’s voice (śabda) originated It has been pointed out that there are a number of structural and terminological from the ether (ākāśa) in TG, and illustrate that theory (B) is adopted by TG mainly for similarities between the Sa rnam par spyong (*Viśuddhabhūmidhāraṇī, Viś) in the the purpose of reconciling the Buddha’s not saying a single word with Buddha’s Tibetan translation of the Suvarṇaprabhāsa by Jinamitra, Śīlendrabodhi, and Ye shes sde exposition of the teachings. and the ’Phags pa blo gros mi zad pas shus pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo (*Āryākṣayamatiparipṛcchā, Akṣ) in the Tibetan translation of the Ratnakūṭa by 139. Misunderstandings of Avijñapti among Modern Japanese Scholars Surendrabodhi and Ye shes sde. This paper considers that the similarities and Aohara Norisato differences in structure and wording between the Tibetan translations of the Viś and the Akṣ and their parallels in Chinese translations; it also considers whether these Nearly 90 years ago, Katō Seishin 加藤精神, the Buddhist scholar, pointed out that structural and terminological similarities between the Viś and the Akṣ can account for many Japanese scholars had some misunderstandings about avijñapti or non- the possibility of their translations into Tibetan being due to by the same translator. expression, one of the distinguishing doctrines of the Sarvāstivāda. The opinion he A perusal of the texts reveals the following: (1) The fundamental structure of the Viś claimed as a misunderstanding is that “the avijñapti plays a karmic role as a medium and the Akṣ closely follows that of their parallels found in the Chinese translations, force between cause and its future result,” while he suggested the correct

─ 1399 ─ （362） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （363） interpretation to be “a continuous function to restrain good and evil karma, abandoned supported by this research. in death at the latest.” This suggestion caused some controversies at the time, but afterward many Japanese researchers re-examined and approved his view as correct in 141. Vicikitsā in Abhidharma Literature: Researching Sarvāstivāda’s True its conclusion. Principle on the Mahāvibhāṣā In this paper, we elucidate the reason why those misunderstandings took place, Mizuno Kazuhiko considering the background of research in Japan. In Japanese traditional studies of the Abhidharmakośa, scholars handed down an explanation about avijñapti equal to Katō’s Buddhism shows the way from confusion to enlightenment. If we remove confusion, we interpretation, and we cannot find any misunderstandings in the descriptions can attain enlightenment. Thus confusion is vicikitsā, a kleśa. It is translated as “doubt” conforming to the tradition in those days. We find the misunderstandings mainly in (yi 疑), or “hesitation” (youyu 猶預). many untraditional representations from the standpoint of the theory of the bīja or the In this paper, I investigate the description of vicikitsā in order to research the true function of seeds, identifying the avijñapti with the bīja of the Vijñānavāda or principle in Abhidharma theory. As the method, I examined the kleśa scheme that Sautrāntika. However, in the Abhidharmakośa, Vasubandhu actually rejects the avijñapti contains vicikitsā such as saṃyojana, anuśaya, and nivaraṇa in the Mahāvibhāṣā (Chi. Da adopting the bīja theory, but he does not deal with the avijñapti as a substitute for the piposha lun 大毘婆沙論). bīja, which is obviously confirmed from the context. As a result, in most Abhidharma descriptions vicikitsā is defined hesitating to accept Many Buddhist scholars in Japan used to make light of the Sarvāstivāda doctrine the Four Noble Truths. The reason is considered to be that the Sarvāstivāda scheme of labelling Hīnayāna from the stance of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Such prejudiced kleśa, and the holy path is formed from the four truths. approaches prevented them from a rational critique of the Abhidharma texts. In contrast, a few descripts show that correcting vicikitsā consists in the observation of cause and effect in the three times, in other words, contemplating dependent arising. 140. The Doctrines of the Mahāsāṃghika in the Mahāvibhāṣā I think these ideas come from the practical methodology such as the five nivaraṇa, three disciplines, and so on. Ishida Kazuhiro In the end, the Sarvāstivāda truth theory divides into two, four truths and dependent The aim of this paper is an elucidation of the Mahāsāṃghika doctrines in the Apidamo arising. From this, it could be said that Abhidharma ideas contain both ideological and da piposha lun 阿毘達磨大毘婆沙論 and the Apitan piposha lun 阿毘曇毘婆沙論. A practical elements. previous work by Watanabe Baiyū collected all the doctrines which had been argued by many types of schools in two Chinese translations of the Mahāvibhāṣā. However, in his 142. Atiśa’s Teaching of the Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine: With Reference to Its work, almost all the doctrines were not satisfyingly examined. In this paper, when I Sources and dbu ma chen po examined the Mahāsāṃghika’s doctrines in the Apidamo da piposha lun and the Apitan Miyazaki Izumi piposha lun, I compared those doctrines with the Samayabhedoparacanacakra in order to comprehend the character of the Mahāsāṃghika. As a result, two points were revealed. Atiśa does not directly expound the teaching of tathāgatagarbha. However, as one of a One is the accuracy of Watanabe’s collection. The other is the necessity to reconsider very few examples, he mentions tathāgatagarbha in the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā when some Mahāsāṃghika doctrines. Especially relating with latter point, the evidence for maintaining that prātimokṣa is essential for receiving the Bodhisattva’s vow (bodhisattva- the prejudice that the Mahāsāṃghika is more progressive than the Sarvāstivāda is not saṃvara). Referring to tathāgatagarbha, he insisted that there is no distinction of gotra.

─ 1400 ─ （362） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （363） interpretation to be “a continuous function to restrain good and evil karma, abandoned supported by this research. in death at the latest.” This suggestion caused some controversies at the time, but afterward many Japanese researchers re-examined and approved his view as correct in 141. Vicikitsā in Abhidharma Literature: Researching Sarvāstivāda’s True its conclusion. Principle on the Mahāvibhāṣā In this paper, we elucidate the reason why those misunderstandings took place, Mizuno Kazuhiko considering the background of research in Japan. In Japanese traditional studies of the Abhidharmakośa, scholars handed down an explanation about avijñapti equal to Katō’s Buddhism shows the way from confusion to enlightenment. If we remove confusion, we interpretation, and we cannot find any misunderstandings in the descriptions can attain enlightenment. Thus confusion is vicikitsā, a kleśa. It is translated as “doubt” conforming to the tradition in those days. We find the misunderstandings mainly in (yi 疑), or “hesitation” (youyu 猶預). many untraditional representations from the standpoint of the theory of the bīja or the In this paper, I investigate the description of vicikitsā in order to research the true function of seeds, identifying the avijñapti with the bīja of the Vijñānavāda or principle in Abhidharma theory. As the method, I examined the kleśa scheme that Sautrāntika. However, in the Abhidharmakośa, Vasubandhu actually rejects the avijñapti contains vicikitsā such as saṃyojana, anuśaya, and nivaraṇa in the Mahāvibhāṣā (Chi. Da adopting the bīja theory, but he does not deal with the avijñapti as a substitute for the piposha lun 大毘婆沙論). bīja, which is obviously confirmed from the context. As a result, in most Abhidharma descriptions vicikitsā is defined hesitating to accept Many Buddhist scholars in Japan used to make light of the Sarvāstivāda doctrine the Four Noble Truths. The reason is considered to be that the Sarvāstivāda scheme of labelling Hīnayāna from the stance of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Such prejudiced kleśa, and the holy path is formed from the four truths. approaches prevented them from a rational critique of the Abhidharma texts. In contrast, a few descripts show that correcting vicikitsā consists in the observation of cause and effect in the three times, in other words, contemplating dependent arising. 140. The Doctrines of the Mahāsāṃghika in the Mahāvibhāṣā I think these ideas come from the practical methodology such as the five nivaraṇa, three disciplines, and so on. Ishida Kazuhiro In the end, the Sarvāstivāda truth theory divides into two, four truths and dependent The aim of this paper is an elucidation of the Mahāsāṃghika doctrines in the Apidamo arising. From this, it could be said that Abhidharma ideas contain both ideological and da piposha lun 阿毘達磨大毘婆沙論 and the Apitan piposha lun 阿毘曇毘婆沙論. A practical elements. previous work by Watanabe Baiyū collected all the doctrines which had been argued by many types of schools in two Chinese translations of the Mahāvibhāṣā. However, in his 142. Atiśa’s Teaching of the Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine: With Reference to Its work, almost all the doctrines were not satisfyingly examined. In this paper, when I Sources and dbu ma chen po examined the Mahāsāṃghika’s doctrines in the Apidamo da piposha lun and the Apitan Miyazaki Izumi piposha lun, I compared those doctrines with the Samayabhedoparacanacakra in order to comprehend the character of the Mahāsāṃghika. As a result, two points were revealed. Atiśa does not directly expound the teaching of tathāgatagarbha. However, as one of a One is the accuracy of Watanabe’s collection. The other is the necessity to reconsider very few examples, he mentions tathāgatagarbha in the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā when some Mahāsāṃghika doctrines. Especially relating with latter point, the evidence for maintaining that prātimokṣa is essential for receiving the Bodhisattva’s vow (bodhisattva- the prejudice that the Mahāsāṃghika is more progressive than the Sarvāstivāda is not saṃvara). Referring to tathāgatagarbha, he insisted that there is no distinction of gotra.

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This paper examines the passage and its sources and aims to clarify that Atiśa’s position 144. The View of the Pure Land in the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra: The Theory of on the non-distinctiveness of gotra seems typical of late Mādhyamikas such as Purifying the Land in the Yogācāra School Kamalaśīla. Thus the expression “dbu ma chen po” is related simply to the Mādhyamika Ueno Ryūhei in general, which contrasts with the Yogācāra doctrine in the same way as in the other passages in the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā, as I have argued elsewhere. The focus of this paper is an understanding of the theory of “purifying the land” as a Bodhisattva’s practice based on the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra (MSA) IX.43, XI.40, 44–46 and 143. A Consideration of the Meaning of the Term “bāhyenātmanā” in the Early XX–XXI.50. This makes a preliminary step to understand the comprehensive view of the Yogācāra-vijñapti-mātra School Pure Land in the Yogācāra school. Below is the conclusion. 1. The conversion of perceptions (udgraha or pañca-vijñāna) and their objects (artha Kitano Shintarō or pañca/ṣaḍ-viṣaya) enables Bodhisattvas to attain mastery over purifying the land The aim of this paper is to clarify the structure of cognition in the early Yogācāra- and to manifest their enjoyments. Furthermore, in the foundational conversion vijñapti-mātra school from an analysis of the term “bāhyenātmanā.” (āśraya-parāvṛtti), the mastery of Bodhisattvas is not limited to the land; purification of The texts of the early Yogācāra-vijñapti-mātra school show a very complicated the land is one of the multiple benefits. structure of cognition. For example, the structure of the following cognition called “the 2. Objects and perceptions are elements of unreal mental construction (abhūta- four manifestations” is shown in the Madhyāntavibhāga I. 3: (1) artha is the parikalpa) that appears with the nature of the grasped and the grasping (grāhya- manifestation of outside, (2) sattva is the manifestation of inside, (3) ātman is the grāhaka). By the conversion of the three elements of the grasped including objects, stained self-consciousness that cognizes sattva (= [2]), and (4) vijñapti are six which conjunctionally occurs with the conversion of ālaya-vijñāna, Bodhisattvas realize consciousnesses that cognize artha (= [1]). “The four manifestations,” mentioned above, the uncontaminated realm (anāsrava-dhātu) and by the conversion of the three are produced from ālaya-vijñāna. elements of the grasping including perceptions, four masteries are realized. In four The question is whether the structure of this cognition is not such as “The subject of ways, mastery to purify the land is attained in the eighth stage. the cognition cognizes the object of the cognition” in the Buddhist epistemology that is 3. By reaching the Buddha stage, Bodhisattvas attain mastery of creation (nirmāṇa) different from the thought of the early Yogācāra-vijñapti-mātra school. and transformation (pariṇāmana) of objects and they will have a perfect command to Vasubandhu says “ātmadharmopacāro hi vividho yaḥ pravartate, create something from nothing or to convert something to another. This ability is vijñānapariṇāme ’sau pariṇāmaḥ sa ca tridhā” in the Triṃśikākārikā 1. Sthiramati uses required for purifying the land. MSA adapts this from the Bodhisattvabhūmi which the term “bāhyenātmanā” in the commentary on this Triṃśikākārikā 1. In this case, regards it as one kind of supernatural power that Bodhisattvas master at the attainment ātman does not cognize dharma; it is not the subject of cognition. That ātman is in the eighth stage. cognized by the stained self-consciousness. 145. What is the Cessation of manovijñāna in the Laṅkāvatāra?

Zeng Roujia

“The cessation of the manovijñāna, or consciousness, with the function of conceptualization represents nirvana” (vikalpakasya manovijñānasya vyāvṛttir nirvāṇam),

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Zeng Roujia

“The cessation of the manovijñāna, or consciousness, with the function of conceptualization represents nirvana” (vikalpakasya manovijñānasya vyāvṛttir nirvāṇam),

─ 1403 ─ （366） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （367） says the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra (LAS. 126) which is one of the Mahayana scriptures composed This article will focus on the statement in the BS and discuss an explanation found in under the influence of Yogācāra thought. This statement, however, seems to be the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi, revealing that in the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī, confusing, because in the system of the Yogācāra thought nirvana seems at least not to tajja is understood in its basic meaning as “arisen from that,” which offers a suggestion be associated with the cessation of manovijñāna, but should be attained by the for the explanation of tajjo manaskāraḥ in the BS. conversion of the ālayavijñāna. Thus, some scholars attempted to interpret the meaning of the manovijñāna in this context. Funahashi Naoya was of the opinion that this 147. Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara in Nepal: Its Ritual Texts and Cloth manovijñāna plays the role of ālayavijñāna. On the contrary, Kubota Chikara reasoned Paintings that the function of manovijñāna is not distinguishable from the manas or self Sakuma Ruriko conscioussness. These understandings appear to be dependent on the premise that LAS explicates This paper will analyze the characteristics of Maṇḍalas, which are described in ritual Mahāparinirvāṇa. However, a few statements in LAS suggest that nirvana in the texts of the Aṣṭamī-vrata and depicted in cloth paintings, and discuss the relationships disputed statement does not indicate Mahāparinirvāṇa but rather the afflictive among them. Its three main points are summarized below. hindrances (kleśāvaraṇa). Thus, this paper aims to show a probable understanding of 1. The 49 deities enumerated in the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara can be found nirvana in this statement by considering the explanation of the śrāvakas and in the Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara-vrata-vidhi-kathā (AD 1981) and Sanskrit manuscripts of the pratytekabuddhas’ nirvana, which is described as the cessation of manovijñāna or Pūjākarmasaṃgraha (AD 1864) and the Aṣṭamī-vrata-vidhi (AD 1891). Some of the deities consciousness in LAS. in this Maṇḍala can be found in other texts as well. Attendants such as Tārā and Bṛkuṭī are mentioned in the Amoghapāśa-sādhana (P no. 4840). Other attendants including 146. A Reconsideration of the Expression tajjo manaskāraḥ in the Yogācārabhūmi Ajita, Aparājitā, and Mārasainyapramardaṇa can be found in the Āryāmoghapāśa-nāma- hṛdayaṃ mahāyāna-sūtram. Two Buddhas, namely Supratiṣṭhita[guṇa]maṇikūṭarāja- Yang Jie tathāgata and Samantaraśmyabhyudgataśrīkūṭārāja-tathāgata, are mentioned in the In the Pañcavijñānakāyasaṃprayukta-bhūmi, the first chapter of the Basic Section (BS) of Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka-sūtra. Further, Buddhas such as Suprakīrtitanāmadheyaśrī-tathāgata the Yogācārabhūmi, a statement, illustrated with an example of the arising of the visual and Indraketudhvajaśrī-tathāgata can be found in the Vinaya-viniścaya-upāli-paripṛcchā. consciousness, indicates that the arising of consciousness must be fully supplied with 2. The iconographical structure of the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara, which is three necessary factors, that is, the faculty of sense, the object, and the attention described in the ritual texts referenced above, can be found in 6 cloth paintings, one of (manaskāra, the function that directs consciousness towards its object). In the which is preserved at the Guimet Museum in Paris. statement, both the two expressions “attention” and “visual consciousness” are affixed 3. Because the 49 deities in the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara cannot be found in with the word tajja. Generally, tajja is regarded as a compound of tad + ja, with tad India and Tibet, we can point out that this Maṇḍala originated in Nepal. It also contains referring to the aforementioned statement. Thus tajja can be interpreted as “arisen elements of Indian Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism. from that.” Nevertheless, both the Chinese and Tibetan translations show different understandings when translating tajjo manaskāraḥ. Moreover, as Muroji Yoshihito points out, Vasubandhu explained tajja as “to make that arise” or “to arise in order of that.” Muroji also mentioned the statement in the BS, but did not pursue the matter further.

─ 1404 ─ （366） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （367） says the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra (LAS. 126) which is one of the Mahayana scriptures composed This article will focus on the statement in the BS and discuss an explanation found in under the influence of Yogācāra thought. This statement, however, seems to be the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi, revealing that in the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī, confusing, because in the system of the Yogācāra thought nirvana seems at least not to tajja is understood in its basic meaning as “arisen from that,” which offers a suggestion be associated with the cessation of manovijñāna, but should be attained by the for the explanation of tajjo manaskāraḥ in the BS. conversion of the ālayavijñāna. Thus, some scholars attempted to interpret the meaning of the manovijñāna in this context. Funahashi Naoya was of the opinion that this 147. Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara in Nepal: Its Ritual Texts and Cloth manovijñāna plays the role of ālayavijñāna. On the contrary, Kubota Chikara reasoned Paintings that the function of manovijñāna is not distinguishable from the manas or self Sakuma Ruriko conscioussness. These understandings appear to be dependent on the premise that LAS explicates This paper will analyze the characteristics of Maṇḍalas, which are described in ritual Mahāparinirvāṇa. However, a few statements in LAS suggest that nirvana in the texts of the Aṣṭamī-vrata and depicted in cloth paintings, and discuss the relationships disputed statement does not indicate Mahāparinirvāṇa but rather the afflictive among them. Its three main points are summarized below. hindrances (kleśāvaraṇa). Thus, this paper aims to show a probable understanding of 1. The 49 deities enumerated in the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara can be found nirvana in this statement by considering the explanation of the śrāvakas and in the Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara-vrata-vidhi-kathā (AD 1981) and Sanskrit manuscripts of the pratytekabuddhas’ nirvana, which is described as the cessation of manovijñāna or Pūjākarmasaṃgraha (AD 1864) and the Aṣṭamī-vrata-vidhi (AD 1891). Some of the deities consciousness in LAS. in this Maṇḍala can be found in other texts as well. Attendants such as Tārā and Bṛkuṭī are mentioned in the Amoghapāśa-sādhana (P no. 4840). Other attendants including 146. A Reconsideration of the Expression tajjo manaskāraḥ in the Yogācārabhūmi Ajita, Aparājitā, and Mārasainyapramardaṇa can be found in the Āryāmoghapāśa-nāma- hṛdayaṃ mahāyāna-sūtram. Two Buddhas, namely Supratiṣṭhita[guṇa]maṇikūṭarāja- Yang Jie tathāgata and Samantaraśmyabhyudgataśrīkūṭārāja-tathāgata, are mentioned in the In the Pañcavijñānakāyasaṃprayukta-bhūmi, the first chapter of the Basic Section (BS) of Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka-sūtra. Further, Buddhas such as Suprakīrtitanāmadheyaśrī-tathāgata the Yogācārabhūmi, a statement, illustrated with an example of the arising of the visual and Indraketudhvajaśrī-tathāgata can be found in the Vinaya-viniścaya-upāli-paripṛcchā. consciousness, indicates that the arising of consciousness must be fully supplied with 2. The iconographical structure of the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara, which is three necessary factors, that is, the faculty of sense, the object, and the attention described in the ritual texts referenced above, can be found in 6 cloth paintings, one of (manaskāra, the function that directs consciousness towards its object). In the which is preserved at the Guimet Museum in Paris. statement, both the two expressions “attention” and “visual consciousness” are affixed 3. Because the 49 deities in the Maṇḍala of Amoghapāśa-lokeśvara cannot be found in with the word tajja. Generally, tajja is regarded as a compound of tad + ja, with tad India and Tibet, we can point out that this Maṇḍala originated in Nepal. It also contains referring to the aforementioned statement. Thus tajja can be interpreted as “arisen elements of Indian Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism. from that.” Nevertheless, both the Chinese and Tibetan translations show different understandings when translating tajjo manaskāraḥ. Moreover, as Muroji Yoshihito points out, Vasubandhu explained tajja as “to make that arise” or “to arise in order of that.” Muroji also mentioned the statement in the BS, but did not pursue the matter further.

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148. The Problem of the Complier of the Vajrapādasārasaṃgrahapañjikā and the the relationship between Ratnākaraśānti and the latter has never been illuminated. Beginning of the Kālacakra Circle According to the present author’s detailed research on RP, it was found that RP, without making clear its sources, quotes not only the *Ātmasādhanāvatāra by Shizuka Haruki Buddhaśrī[jñāna]pāda, but also two important texts of the Ārya School, namely the The emergence and propagation of the Kālacakratantra doctrine was a great event in Piṇḍīkrama (vv. 73–74, v. 76; vv. 79–80, v. 82; vv. 85–86, v. 88) by Ārya Nāgārjuna and the the latter phase of Indian Buddhist history. Standing against antinomian trends that Svādhiṣṭhāna[krama]prabheda (v. 36) by Āryadeva, and that RP also refers to the dominated some Buddhist groups in those days, the flag bearers of that doctrine Pradīpoddyotana (Ṣaṭkoṭivyākhyā) by Candrakīrti of the Ārya School. Ratnākaraśānti’s brought some new systems into the Vajrayāna world, which consisted of tantra- works acknowledged as authentic by the present author, however, have no description oriented bhikṣus and lay yogins. of the Ārya School. A commentary on the Hevajratantra named Vajrapādasārasaṃgrahapañjikā (Pañjikā, As a result of the present author’s detailed comparative research on Ratnākaraśānti’s hereafter) was compiled based on the basic philosophy of the Kālacakratantra circle. tantric works, it can be acknowledged that the Vajratārāsādhana, the Rahaḥpradīpa, the First, this paper examines the problem of the complier of that text (Some believe that *Kusumāñjali, the Muktāvalī, the Bhramahara, the Hevajrasahajasadyoga, the Guṇavatī, the the Pañjikā was composed by Nāropa). Secondly, it discusses the period of the Mahāmāyāsādhana, and the Khasamā are authentic. In these all works, Ratnākaraśānti appearance of the Kālkacakra group. As the contemporary Italian scholar Claudio places emphasis on the Yogācāra system and some texts have many passages parallel Cicuzza says, if the Laghutantraṭīkā written by Vajrapāṇi, one of the Cakrasaṃvaratantra with the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa, a main work of Ratnākaraśānti. RP, on the other hand, commentaries, upon which the Pañjikā is based, and to which it refers several times, was has no reference to the Yogācāra system, rather quoting many Mādhyamika texts the earliest text of the Kālacakra doctrine, it is highly plausible that a new system of written by Nāgārjuna and so on. organizational principles (an integrated system of bhikṣu-supremacism and RP is unique in Ratnākaraśānti’s works in that it has some descriptions of the Ārya meritocracy) was introduced into the Vajrayāna by Vajrapāṇi through group-oriented School and has no reference to the Yogācāra system. Considering that RP is an practices (caryā) such as the gaṇacakra. Furthermore, the appearance of the ritual called authentic work of Ratnākaraśānti, it must be noted that Ratnākaraśānti shows strong vīrabhojya, the sisterhood ritual of the gaṇacakra, can be ascribed to Vajrapāṇi himself. correlation with the Ārya School. This fact demonstrates that Ratnākaraśānti succeeds not only to the Jñānapāda School but also to the Ārya School. Further research 149. An Examination of the *Ratnapradīpa, a Commentary on the Kṛṣṇayamāri- including the texts of the Ārya School is needed for comprehensive study of tantra: Its Relationship with the Ārya School, a Branch of the Guhyasamāja- Ratnākaraśānti’s works. tantra 150. On the Rushi lun Ōmi Jishō Ono Motoi In the present paper, the present author will offer a first examination of the *Ratnapradīpa (abbr. RP), a commentary on the Kṛṣṇayamāri-tantra. According to the The Rushi lun 如実論, which was translated into Chinese by Paramārtha (Chi. Zhendi 真 colophon of its Tibetan translation, RP is attributed to Ratnākaraśānti. The Jñānapāda 諦), is regarded an important text for understanding the history of Buddhist logic School and Ārya School were the most influential branches of the Guhyasamāja-tantra in before Dignāga. However, due to the lack of the text’s original Sanskrit or a Tibetan India. Ratnākaraśānti has been estimated to be a successor of the former only, whereas translation, research on this treatise has hitherto progressed only slowly, despite the

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─ 1407 ─ （370） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （371） fact that many excellent scholars, including Giuseppe Tucci, Ui Hakuju, and Erich so-called “full-blown omniscience,” developed in the tradition following Dharmakīrti, is Frauwallner, have discussed it in the past. More recently, the study of the Sanskrit also here. manuscript of the Pramāṇasamuccayaṭīkā chapters 3–4 and 6 that has been undertaken by Katsura Shōryū and his colleagues, as well as Eli Franco’s research on the so-called 152. The Bhagavat’s Wish to Speak and Compassion in the Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā Spitzer manuscript, have shed new light on the understanding of the early history of Satō Chigaku Buddhist logic. On the basis of the results of this more recent research, this paper aims to reconsider the historical position of the Rushi lun by clarifying some basic problems This paper examines the relationship between the Bhagavat speaking while holding regarding this work: its original title, the issue of its incompleteness, and its discriminative conceptions and his compassion based on the idea of the “two kinds of authorship. This paper comes to three conclusions: (1) In contrast to the opinions of conceptions” found in the Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā (TSP). To speak one must Tucci and Frauwaller, there is no evidence in Sanskrit literature upholding the conceptualize. The Bhagavat conceptualizes in order to preach to sentient beings hypothesis that the original Sanskrit title of the Rushi lun was Tarkaśāstra; (2) The through words, which he does based on compassion. TSP says that the cause of him assumption of Ui and Frauwallner that the Rushi lun is a translation of only part of the speaking is his wish to speak, and that this wish could be due to desire but compassion complete original Sanskrit text is uncertain; (3) It is not impossible to presume that the as well. This idea appears to have been shaped by Pramāṇavārttika(svavṛtti) 1.12. TSP also author of the text that has become the Rushi lun was Vasubandhu, who composed it in considers the relationship between conceptions and the wish to speak, and classifies his early period, before writing the Vādavidhi. the former into two kinds: afflicted conceptions and positive conceptions that are conducive to benefitting sentient beings. The idea that the Buddha enters into a 151. Material for Considering Dharmakīrti’s Analysis of Buddhahood: On the conceptualizing state and preaches for the benefit of sentient beings can also be found Argument about the Final Moment of an Arhat’s Mind in the Tattvāvatāravṛtti.

Sakai Masamichi 153. Historical Sources for the Six-Gatekeeper Paṇḍitas of Vikramaśīla and Their So far much scholarly attention has been paid to Dharmakīrti’s contention, expressed in Textual Problems his Pramāṇavārttika, second chapter (PV 2), verses 31 to 33, that the cause for the Kanō Kazuo Buddha’s becoming a pramāṇa is his knowledge of the four noble truths and not his knowledge of everything, i.e., his omniscience. However, in the Pramāṇaviniścaya, The Six Gatekeeper Paṇḍitas (mkhas pa sgo drug) are, according to Tāranātha (1575– second chapter (PVin 2), there is a striking discourse in this regard, that is, the 1635), preeminent scholars of Vikramaśīla around the 10–11th century, i.e., discourse about the final moment of an arhat’s mind. It is questioned there whether the Ratnākaraśānti, Vāgīśvarakīrti, Prajñākaramati, Nāropa, Ratnavajra, and Jñānaśrīmitra. final moment has causal efficacy. In the course of this discussion Dharmakīrti reveals The notion is found in a number of Tibetan historical sources. The present paper aims that knowing each and every dharma is a prerequisite for the Buddha’s knowledge of to clarify two points: (1) Does the notion “Six Gatekeeper Paṇḍitas” have an Indic what is to be done and what is not to be done, i.e., the four noble truths. This seems to origin? (2) Which text first referred to the notion? In order to clarify point (1), I contradict his previous position in PV 2. In this paper, I concentrate on examining this investigated five categories: whether the notion was known by (a) the Paṇḍitas argument in PVin 2. I argue that it is possible to think Dharmakīrti’s real intention is themselves, (b) their direct disciples, (c) Tibetan contemporaries, (d) later Indic here, not in PV 2. And, it appears that the origin of the notion of sarvasarvajña, i.e., the traditions, or (e) later Tibetan traditions. Among them, (b) and (c) are testified to by the

─ 1408 ─ （370） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （371） fact that many excellent scholars, including Giuseppe Tucci, Ui Hakuju, and Erich so-called “full-blown omniscience,” developed in the tradition following Dharmakīrti, is Frauwallner, have discussed it in the past. More recently, the study of the Sanskrit also here. manuscript of the Pramāṇasamuccayaṭīkā chapters 3–4 and 6 that has been undertaken by Katsura Shōryū and his colleagues, as well as Eli Franco’s research on the so-called 152. The Bhagavat’s Wish to Speak and Compassion in the Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā Spitzer manuscript, have shed new light on the understanding of the early history of Satō Chigaku Buddhist logic. On the basis of the results of this more recent research, this paper aims to reconsider the historical position of the Rushi lun by clarifying some basic problems This paper examines the relationship between the Bhagavat speaking while holding regarding this work: its original title, the issue of its incompleteness, and its discriminative conceptions and his compassion based on the idea of the “two kinds of authorship. This paper comes to three conclusions: (1) In contrast to the opinions of conceptions” found in the Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā (TSP). To speak one must Tucci and Frauwaller, there is no evidence in Sanskrit literature upholding the conceptualize. The Bhagavat conceptualizes in order to preach to sentient beings hypothesis that the original Sanskrit title of the Rushi lun was Tarkaśāstra; (2) The through words, which he does based on compassion. TSP says that the cause of him assumption of Ui and Frauwallner that the Rushi lun is a translation of only part of the speaking is his wish to speak, and that this wish could be due to desire but compassion complete original Sanskrit text is uncertain; (3) It is not impossible to presume that the as well. This idea appears to have been shaped by Pramāṇavārttika(svavṛtti) 1.12. TSP also author of the text that has become the Rushi lun was Vasubandhu, who composed it in considers the relationship between conceptions and the wish to speak, and classifies his early period, before writing the Vādavidhi. the former into two kinds: afflicted conceptions and positive conceptions that are conducive to benefitting sentient beings. The idea that the Buddha enters into a 151. Material for Considering Dharmakīrti’s Analysis of Buddhahood: On the conceptualizing state and preaches for the benefit of sentient beings can also be found Argument about the Final Moment of an Arhat’s Mind in the Tattvāvatāravṛtti.

─ 1409 ─ （372） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （373） colophon of Ratnākaraśānti’s Madhyamakālaṃkāropadeśa (D no. 4085), which refers to 155. On the Founder of dBu ma thal ’gyur pa (*Prāsaṅgika): With Reference to the Ratnākaraśānti as the foremost of sgo srung chen po bzhi (probably a notion preceding dGe lugs pa’s Tradition mkhas pa sgo drug) and that of Prajñākaramati’s Abhisamayālaṃkāravṛttipiṇḍārtha (D no. Nishizawa Fumihito 3795), which mentions Prajñākaramati as nub kyi sgo glegs. These expressions in the colophons are of the 11th century, in case they are not later additions. As for point (2), It is well-known that the tradition of Mādhyamika was divided into two, the so called one of the earliest sources is ’Brog mi’s biography in the Chos ’byung me tog snying po Rang rgyud pa (*Svātantrika) and Thal ’gyur pa, through the controversies among sbrang rtsi’i bcud of Nyang ral Nyi ma’i ’od zer (ca. 1124–1192). ’Brog mi’s biography Buddhapālita, Bhāviveka, and Candrakīrti on the issue of how to establish emptiness written by Grags pa rgyal mtshan, which is probably even earlier than Nyang ral’s (Skt. śūnyatā). It is noteworthy that the scholars of the dGe lugs pa of later periods were version, does not mention mkhas pa sgo drug, and almost all other later biographies split into two groups on the issue of which of Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti should be of ’Brog mi’s refer to the notion. This suggests that Nyang ral’s version is the one of the regarded as the founder (Tib. shing rta’i srol ’byed, lit., one who [first] makes a wheel earliest that mentions this notion among ’Brog mi’s biographies. track, i.e., opens a way) of the Thal ’gyur pa, although they shared the same interpretation on the founder of the Rang rgyud pa. In this small essay, I have 154. A Study of the shus chen gyi lo tsa pa dPal brtsegs investigated this issue mainly based on the discussion found in the lCang skya grub mtha’, and drawn the following conclusions. Harada Satoru 1. Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) explained in his Legs bshad snying po that the Ka/sKa ba dPal brtsegs was a prominent great translation master of the Tubo kingdom, Mādhyamika was divided into the Rang rgyud pa and Thal ’gyur pa through the shus chen gyi lo tsa pa, and became one of the three so-called masters called Ka/sKa above-mentioned controversies of the three Indian scholars. He did not clearly Cog Shaṅ gsum in later times. Earlier I studied Buddhist texts mentioned in colophons mention, however, which of Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti should be regarded as of the Tibetan Buddhist canon (sDe dge edition) focusing on the ḥDul baḥi sde snod the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. (nos. 483–513), dBu maḥi bstan bcos (nos. 573–605), rNam par śes paḥi bstan bcos (nos. 2. mKhas grub rje (1385–1438) established Buddhapālita as the first person who 614–654), and others which are described in the dkar chag lDan/lHan dkar/kar ma (Dk.). advocated the doctrine of the Thal ’gyur pa in his sTong thun chen mo. He also did In this paper, I want to look at those who translated Sanskrit Buddhist texts into not clearly establish, however, Buddhapālita as the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. Tibetan by considering the colophons which discuss the translator’s role. The 3. These facts left room for further discussions on the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa to translation activities of dPal brtsegs are focused in the second quarter of the 9th c., and later dGe lugs pa scholars. he compiled the Dk. in AD 836. So after AD 836, until the Tubo kingdom collapsed in AD 4. Paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa (1478–1554) first clearly mentioned that the founder 842, if his activities continued, we must consider the Buddhist scriptures described in of the Thal ’gyur pa is Buddhapālita, probably based on a statement of the sTong dkar chag ḥPhaṅ thaṅ ma, compiled in AD 842 or a later year of the dog, khyi lo, to thun chen mo. consider his overall translation activities. 5. On the other hand, Se ra rje btsun pa (1469–1544), who was contemporary with Paṇ According to the above, I arranged dPal brtsegs’s colophons, contained in Dk. nos. 10– chen, established Candrakīrti as the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. According to Se 458, and organized the information concerning problems involved in the history of the ra rje btsun pa, the following two requirements must be fulfilled for the founder of translations of the Tubo kingdom, considering the Indian mkhan po, the translation the Thal ’gyur pa: (1) the first is to show that Nāgārjuna’s final understanding teachers for junior lo tsa pa, and the translation system. abides in the doctrine of the Thal ’gyur pa and (2) the second is to show that the

─ 1410 ─ （372） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （373） colophon of Ratnākaraśānti’s Madhyamakālaṃkāropadeśa (D no. 4085), which refers to 155. On the Founder of dBu ma thal ’gyur pa (*Prāsaṅgika): With Reference to the Ratnākaraśānti as the foremost of sgo srung chen po bzhi (probably a notion preceding dGe lugs pa’s Tradition mkhas pa sgo drug) and that of Prajñākaramati’s Abhisamayālaṃkāravṛttipiṇḍārtha (D no. Nishizawa Fumihito 3795), which mentions Prajñākaramati as nub kyi sgo glegs. These expressions in the colophons are of the 11th century, in case they are not later additions. As for point (2), It is well-known that the tradition of Mādhyamika was divided into two, the so called one of the earliest sources is ’Brog mi’s biography in the Chos ’byung me tog snying po Rang rgyud pa (*Svātantrika) and Thal ’gyur pa, through the controversies among sbrang rtsi’i bcud of Nyang ral Nyi ma’i ’od zer (ca. 1124–1192). ’Brog mi’s biography Buddhapālita, Bhāviveka, and Candrakīrti on the issue of how to establish emptiness written by Grags pa rgyal mtshan, which is probably even earlier than Nyang ral’s (Skt. śūnyatā). It is noteworthy that the scholars of the dGe lugs pa of later periods were version, does not mention mkhas pa sgo drug, and almost all other later biographies split into two groups on the issue of which of Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti should be of ’Brog mi’s refer to the notion. This suggests that Nyang ral’s version is the one of the regarded as the founder (Tib. shing rta’i srol ’byed, lit., one who [first] makes a wheel earliest that mentions this notion among ’Brog mi’s biographies. track, i.e., opens a way) of the Thal ’gyur pa, although they shared the same interpretation on the founder of the Rang rgyud pa. In this small essay, I have 154. A Study of the shus chen gyi lo tsa pa dPal brtsegs investigated this issue mainly based on the discussion found in the lCang skya grub mtha’, and drawn the following conclusions. Harada Satoru 1. Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) explained in his Legs bshad snying po that the Ka/sKa ba dPal brtsegs was a prominent great translation master of the Tubo kingdom, Mādhyamika was divided into the Rang rgyud pa and Thal ’gyur pa through the shus chen gyi lo tsa pa, and became one of the three so-called masters called Ka/sKa above-mentioned controversies of the three Indian scholars. He did not clearly Cog Shaṅ gsum in later times. Earlier I studied Buddhist texts mentioned in colophons mention, however, which of Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti should be regarded as of the Tibetan Buddhist canon (sDe dge edition) focusing on the ḥDul baḥi sde snod the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. (nos. 483–513), dBu maḥi bstan bcos (nos. 573–605), rNam par śes paḥi bstan bcos (nos. 2. mKhas grub rje (1385–1438) established Buddhapālita as the first person who 614–654), and others which are described in the dkar chag lDan/lHan dkar/kar ma (Dk.). advocated the doctrine of the Thal ’gyur pa in his sTong thun chen mo. He also did In this paper, I want to look at those who translated Sanskrit Buddhist texts into not clearly establish, however, Buddhapālita as the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. Tibetan by considering the colophons which discuss the translator’s role. The 3. These facts left room for further discussions on the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa to translation activities of dPal brtsegs are focused in the second quarter of the 9th c., and later dGe lugs pa scholars. he compiled the Dk. in AD 836. So after AD 836, until the Tubo kingdom collapsed in AD 4. Paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa (1478–1554) first clearly mentioned that the founder 842, if his activities continued, we must consider the Buddhist scriptures described in of the Thal ’gyur pa is Buddhapālita, probably based on a statement of the sTong dkar chag ḥPhaṅ thaṅ ma, compiled in AD 842 or a later year of the dog, khyi lo, to thun chen mo. consider his overall translation activities. 5. On the other hand, Se ra rje btsun pa (1469–1544), who was contemporary with Paṇ According to the above, I arranged dPal brtsegs’s colophons, contained in Dk. nos. 10– chen, established Candrakīrti as the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. According to Se 458, and organized the information concerning problems involved in the history of the ra rje btsun pa, the following two requirements must be fulfilled for the founder of translations of the Tubo kingdom, considering the Indian mkhan po, the translation the Thal ’gyur pa: (1) the first is to show that Nāgārjuna’s final understanding teachers for junior lo tsa pa, and the translation system. abides in the doctrine of the Thal ’gyur pa and (2) the second is to show that the

─ 1411 ─ （374） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （375）

doctrine of the Rang rgyud pa is incorrect. the Xu datang neidian lu 続大唐内典録, the Xu gujin yijing tuji 続古今訳経図紀, the Xu ji 6. This controversy between Paṇ chen and Se ra rje btsun pa, whose works were gujin fodao lunheng 続集古今仏道論衡, and the Ji zhujing lichan yi 集諸経礼懺儀. These adopted as the textbooks (yig cha) of ’Bras spungs blo gsal gling and Se ra byes five catalogues amount to a total of 25 scrolls (巻). The Kaiyuan shijiao lu, compiled in colleges respectively, caused the followers of the dGe lugs pa to split into two year 18 of the Kaiyuan 開元 era, i.e., 730 CE, is widely regarded as a representative opus groups on the issue of the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. of the genre. It has had a far-reaching influence on the history of Buddhist bibliography 7. lCang skya rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786), based on this controversy of Paṇ chen and all across East Asia. Se ra rje btsun pa, took the interpretation of Se ra rje btsun pa by criticising that of Zhisheng’s work has not been immune, however, to criticism. His reliability has been Paṇ chen as that of “rang re’i mkhas pa kha cig” (a scholar of our [dGe lugs pa]). questioned, for instance, on account of inconsistencies such as the contradictory lCang skya accepted the above-mentioned two requriements for the founder of the notations concerning the Shoulengyan jing 首楞厳経. To be more precise, the testimony Thal ’gyur pa in his Grub mtha’. of the Kaiyuan shijiao lu on the text is different from that of the Xu gujin yijing tuji. 8. On the other hand, ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721), whose works were adopted Recent research suggests, however, that such inconsistencies cannot be attributed to as the textbooks of ’Bras spungs sgo mang college, shared the same interpretation Zhisheng himself. The old Japanese manuscript versions of these two catalogues, which as Paṇ chen, although lCang skya insisted that he shares the same interpretation are among their earliest textual witnesses, do not contain any of the inconsistencies on as ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. the Shoulengyan jing which appear in the later recensions. We can hence safely assume that the so-called “inconsistencies” are later scribal corruptions which resulted in the 156. Chapter 14 of the Mongolian Translation of the Lalitavistara process of textual transmission. My investigation yields, therefore, the following conclusions: Yang Xiaohua 1. The so-called inconsistencies between the Kaiyuan shijiao lu and the Xu gujin yijing This paper discusses the Mongolian translation of chapter 14 of the Lalitavistara. tuji derive from their textual transmission. Referring to the original Sanskrit, its focus is on a comparison between the Tibetan and 2. By the same token, the different accounts concerning the Shoulengyan jing which Mongolian texts, discussing portions that are not translated in a word-by-word manner. appear in various catalogues do not constitute proof that the text is apocryphal. In the Mongolian translation, there are cases of word order adjustment, Sanskrit 3. The criticism of Zhisheng is unjustified. We can confidently re-assess Zhisheng’s transliteration of names, translated words for which no Sanskrit exists, differences in reliability as a serious and cautious compiler of Buddhist catalogues. added or deleted words, disagreement with the source, and so on. In this regard, the author offers some hypotheses for the causes of these phenomena. 158. Zhanran’s Doctrine of “the Buddha-nature of Insentient Beings” and a Reconsideration of the Buddhist View of Life 157. A Re-appraisal of Zhisheng, the Tang Dynasty Compiler of Buddhist Tong Sau Lin Catalogues Jingxi Zhanran 荊渓湛然, the ninth patriarch of the Tiantai School, is well-known for Lin Min advocating the doctrine of “the Buddha-nature of insentient beings.” By raising the Zhisheng 智昇 is well-known for his seminal contribution to Buddhist catalogues. His question about the Buddhist view of life, this paper examines Zhanran’s criticism of the scholarly output includes not only the famous Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釈教録 but also notion that Buddhahood has a substantial nature which only sentient beings can

─ 1412 ─ （374） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （375） doctrine of the Rang rgyud pa is incorrect. the Xu datang neidian lu 続大唐内典録, the Xu gujin yijing tuji 続古今訳経図紀, the Xu ji 6. This controversy between Paṇ chen and Se ra rje btsun pa, whose works were gujin fodao lunheng 続集古今仏道論衡, and the Ji zhujing lichan yi 集諸経礼懺儀. These adopted as the textbooks (yig cha) of ’Bras spungs blo gsal gling and Se ra byes five catalogues amount to a total of 25 scrolls (巻). The Kaiyuan shijiao lu, compiled in colleges respectively, caused the followers of the dGe lugs pa to split into two year 18 of the Kaiyuan 開元 era, i.e., 730 CE, is widely regarded as a representative opus groups on the issue of the founder of the Thal ’gyur pa. of the genre. It has had a far-reaching influence on the history of Buddhist bibliography 7. lCang skya rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786), based on this controversy of Paṇ chen and all across East Asia. Se ra rje btsun pa, took the interpretation of Se ra rje btsun pa by criticising that of Zhisheng’s work has not been immune, however, to criticism. His reliability has been Paṇ chen as that of “rang re’i mkhas pa kha cig” (a scholar of our [dGe lugs pa]). questioned, for instance, on account of inconsistencies such as the contradictory lCang skya accepted the above-mentioned two requriements for the founder of the notations concerning the Shoulengyan jing 首楞厳経. To be more precise, the testimony Thal ’gyur pa in his Grub mtha’. of the Kaiyuan shijiao lu on the text is different from that of the Xu gujin yijing tuji. 8. On the other hand, ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721), whose works were adopted Recent research suggests, however, that such inconsistencies cannot be attributed to as the textbooks of ’Bras spungs sgo mang college, shared the same interpretation Zhisheng himself. The old Japanese manuscript versions of these two catalogues, which as Paṇ chen, although lCang skya insisted that he shares the same interpretation are among their earliest textual witnesses, do not contain any of the inconsistencies on as ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. the Shoulengyan jing which appear in the later recensions. We can hence safely assume that the so-called “inconsistencies” are later scribal corruptions which resulted in the 156. Chapter 14 of the Mongolian Translation of the Lalitavistara process of textual transmission. My investigation yields, therefore, the following conclusions: Yang Xiaohua 1. The so-called inconsistencies between the Kaiyuan shijiao lu and the Xu gujin yijing This paper discusses the Mongolian translation of chapter 14 of the Lalitavistara. tuji derive from their textual transmission. Referring to the original Sanskrit, its focus is on a comparison between the Tibetan and 2. By the same token, the different accounts concerning the Shoulengyan jing which Mongolian texts, discussing portions that are not translated in a word-by-word manner. appear in various catalogues do not constitute proof that the text is apocryphal. In the Mongolian translation, there are cases of word order adjustment, Sanskrit 3. The criticism of Zhisheng is unjustified. We can confidently re-assess Zhisheng’s transliteration of names, translated words for which no Sanskrit exists, differences in reliability as a serious and cautious compiler of Buddhist catalogues. added or deleted words, disagreement with the source, and so on. In this regard, the author offers some hypotheses for the causes of these phenomena. 158. Zhanran’s Doctrine of “the Buddha-nature of Insentient Beings” and a Reconsideration of the Buddhist View of Life 157. A Re-appraisal of Zhisheng, the Tang Dynasty Compiler of Buddhist Tong Sau Lin Catalogues Jingxi Zhanran 荊渓湛然, the ninth patriarch of the Tiantai School, is well-known for Lin Min advocating the doctrine of “the Buddha-nature of insentient beings.” By raising the Zhisheng 智昇 is well-known for his seminal contribution to Buddhist catalogues. His question about the Buddhist view of life, this paper examines Zhanran’s criticism of the scholarly output includes not only the famous Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釈教録 but also notion that Buddhahood has a substantial nature which only sentient beings can

─ 1413 ─ （376） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （377） embrace. On the basis of his critique of illusory thoughts in relation to the substance of maintenance of quiescence and alertness, sudden faith and direct serving with the Buddha-nature, Zhanran articulates that not only sentient beings but also insentient “capping phrase,” he asserted that Pure Land Buddhism is relatively easy. Therefore, ones have Buddha-nature. monks who have not attained enlightenment yet should follow this method of practice at the end. 159. Buddha Names in Documents of the Sanjie Movement and Interactions His method of practice mainly focused on mindfulness of Buddha. As he devoted among Buddhist Scriptures: Focusing on the Qijie foming jing himself to Pure Land Buddhism, he abandoned previous practice methods such as doctrine and meditation. Rather he fully concentrated to the practice of invocation of Ishigaki Akiko the name of a Buddha. The Qijie foming jing 七階仏名経, produced by the Sanjie movement and founded on Paeg’am entirely embraced the practice of invocation of the name of a Buddha, of the tathāgatagarbha thought, is a scripture that was used in the movement’s six daily rituals type of Shandao 善導, and admired the stage of ten kinds of mindfulness (shinian 十念) for worship of buddhas. The portion of this scripture that was compiled in the earliest and one-pointed concentration on undisturbed recitation of the Buddha’s name. stage is not oriented toward the peace and stability of the state, but rather the In Korea, he is one of the rare figures who advocates invocation of the name of a individual elimination of sins and attainment of buddhahood. This analysis also leads to Buddha and the Pure Land of the West. He had great respect for Lushan Huiyuan 廬山 clarification of Sanjie thought and its transformations during the Sui through Tang 慧遠 and the White Lotus Society (白蓮結社) that inspired him to form a society by periods, as well as the Buddhist beliefs and understandings of the laypeople who himself. supported it. He was an exceptional Pure Land Buddhism scholar of the Chosŏn era, a devotee of This essay demonstrates that the Qijie foming jing contains sections that were mindfulness of the Buddha, and a practitioner of invocation of the name of a Buddha. completed during the lifetime of the movement’s founder Xinxing 信行, and sections Therefore, the Paeg’am chŏngt’o ch’an gave an impetus to the revival of Pure Land that were added in later generations. Further, its introduction of buddha names whose Buddhism in the late Chosŏn era and became a foundation for Pure Land faith in earliest extant example is the writings of Zhiyi 智顗, as well as its use of the Zhancha present day Korea. shan’e yebao jing 占察善悪業報経 (which contains Daoist thought and circulated widely) during the process of its compilation clarifies, evidence that the scripture sought to 161. The Understanding of Jingyingsi Huiyuan in the Sipchip’um sagi by Sŏlpa adopt a position of compromise between elite and popular levels of Buddhist society. Sangŏn

Kim Cheon-hak 160. The Paeg’am chŏngt’o ch’an by Paeg’am Sŏngch’ong in the Chosŏn Era The late Chosŏn period in the 18th century is known as “The Era of Huayan” and the Han Bokwang (Taesik) primary object of study at the time was the Huayan jing shuchao 華厳経疏鈔 by The Paeg’am chŏngt’o ch’an 栢庵浄土讃 is a collection of 100 poems praising Pure Land Qingliang Chengguan 清涼澄観. The extensive commentaries on the Daśabhūmika-sūtra Buddhism written by Paeg’am Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聡 (1631–1700) in his later years. in the Huayan jing shuchao still remain to the present, and the study by Sŏlpa Sangŏn 雪 He decided to devote himself to Pure Land Buddhism as he agonized his own 坂尚彦 (1707–1791) had a powerful influence on later research. The Chaphwabu 雑貨腐 approaching death, and questioned how a practitioner should meet his death. by Sŏlpa refers to a Daśabhūmika commentary, Sipchip’um sagi 十地品私記. Here the After his abundant experiences of three gates practice the approach of equal author mentioned Jingyingsi Huiyuan 浄影寺慧遠 several times, mostly to criticize

─ 1414 ─ （376） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （377） embrace. On the basis of his critique of illusory thoughts in relation to the substance of maintenance of quiescence and alertness, sudden faith and direct serving with the Buddha-nature, Zhanran articulates that not only sentient beings but also insentient “capping phrase,” he asserted that Pure Land Buddhism is relatively easy. Therefore, ones have Buddha-nature. monks who have not attained enlightenment yet should follow this method of practice at the end. 159. Buddha Names in Documents of the Sanjie Movement and Interactions His method of practice mainly focused on mindfulness of Buddha. As he devoted among Buddhist Scriptures: Focusing on the Qijie foming jing himself to Pure Land Buddhism, he abandoned previous practice methods such as doctrine and meditation. Rather he fully concentrated to the practice of invocation of Ishigaki Akiko the name of a Buddha. The Qijie foming jing 七階仏名経, produced by the Sanjie movement and founded on Paeg’am entirely embraced the practice of invocation of the name of a Buddha, of the tathāgatagarbha thought, is a scripture that was used in the movement’s six daily rituals type of Shandao 善導, and admired the stage of ten kinds of mindfulness (shinian 十念) for worship of buddhas. The portion of this scripture that was compiled in the earliest and one-pointed concentration on undisturbed recitation of the Buddha’s name. stage is not oriented toward the peace and stability of the state, but rather the In Korea, he is one of the rare figures who advocates invocation of the name of a individual elimination of sins and attainment of buddhahood. This analysis also leads to Buddha and the Pure Land of the West. He had great respect for Lushan Huiyuan 廬山 clarification of Sanjie thought and its transformations during the Sui through Tang 慧遠 and the White Lotus Society (白蓮結社) that inspired him to form a society by periods, as well as the Buddhist beliefs and understandings of the laypeople who himself. supported it. He was an exceptional Pure Land Buddhism scholar of the Chosŏn era, a devotee of This essay demonstrates that the Qijie foming jing contains sections that were mindfulness of the Buddha, and a practitioner of invocation of the name of a Buddha. completed during the lifetime of the movement’s founder Xinxing 信行, and sections Therefore, the Paeg’am chŏngt’o ch’an gave an impetus to the revival of Pure Land that were added in later generations. Further, its introduction of buddha names whose Buddhism in the late Chosŏn era and became a foundation for Pure Land faith in earliest extant example is the writings of Zhiyi 智顗, as well as its use of the Zhancha present day Korea. shan’e yebao jing 占察善悪業報経 (which contains Daoist thought and circulated widely) during the process of its compilation clarifies, evidence that the scripture sought to 161. The Understanding of Jingyingsi Huiyuan in the Sipchip’um sagi by Sŏlpa adopt a position of compromise between elite and popular levels of Buddhist society. Sangŏn

─ 1415 ─ （378） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （379） him. However, Sŏlpa did not see the Shidi lun yiji 十地論義記 by Huiyuan. Therefore, his do not think that Ŭich’ŏn’s activities and understanding had any direct relation with understanding of Huiyuan was only possible through Chengguan. For that reason, he the idea of “sect.” I suppose that his understanding of “patriarch” greatly influenced reveals limitations of understanding about Huiyuan in studies on Huayan in the late the “sectarianization” of the Buddhist community in the Koryŏ period (918–1392) after Chosŏn dynasty. the 12th century.

162. A Study on Religious Precepts during the Latter Period of the Chosŏn 164. A Comparative Study of the Bieyi Za ahan jing in the Koryŏ Canon and the Dynasty Chosŏng Canon

Lee Jarang Park Yongjin

The general understanding of Buddhism’s status during the Chosŏn dynasty is that the The first edition of the Koryŏ 高麗 canon was later succeeded by the second edition, period was a dark age for the religion. The Chosŏn regime respected and advocated after the first version of the wood-blocks were lost in a fire at the time of the Mongol Confucianism and, as a result, severely oppressed Buddhism. However, kŭmsŏngmun 金 invasion. The Chosŏng 趙城 edition was used as the basis for the later Hongfa 弘法石文 (epigraphs) and pimun 碑文 (epitaphs) from the Chosŏn dynasty reveal quite few edition of the Yuan dynasty. Sugi 守其, the editor-in-chief of the second Koryŏ edition, cases of receiving pigu kye 比丘戒 (religious precepts given to Buddhist monks and left his collation notes to the new carving of the canon. In order to elucidate the range nuns). Also, many Buddhist scriptures on religious precepts that were published of amendments that reflect preceding revisions of the Kaibao 開宝 canon in terms of its between the late 17th century and the late 18th century have recently been discovered. contents and entries, and also the issue of the affinity of Buddhist scriptures, I chose In this study, with reference to earlier research we argue that the established the Bieyi Za ahan jing 別訳雑阿含経 as an object of this comparative study. The Bieyi Za understanding of religious precepts during the late Chosŏn period should be ahan jing of the Northern Song canon lineage consists of 16 fascicles, and that of the reconsidered. Southern canon lineage, 20 fascicles. Differences were compared and similarities were analyzed among the lineage of the Kaibao–Koryŏ–Chosŏng, Qidan 契丹, and Southern 163. Taegak Kuksa Ŭich’ŏn’s Understanding of Patriarchs and “Sect” canons such as the Qisha 磧砂 and others.

Park Kwangyoun 165. The Reprint of the Sŏn’ga kwigam and Its Effect on Japan Ŭich’ŏn 義天 (1055–1101) established nine patriarchs under the influence of Jinshui Ogawa Hirokazu Jingyuan 晋水浄源 (1011–1088) of the Song dynasty, and venerated Wŏnhyo 元暁 and Ŭisang 義相 as founders of the school. This understanding of Ŭich’ŏn on the patriarchs The Sŏn’ga kwigam 禅家亀鑑 was written by Ch’ŏnghŏ Hyujŏng 清虚休静 (1520–1604). brought many influences and changes. The other religious groups also established their However, this book was reprinted not only in Korea but also in Japan five times in the Dharma-lineage, and used the titles of schools which emphasize their patriarch. In 17th century. These materials give us information about how Hyujŏng was evaluated by addition, the school titles named after their patriarchs such as Punhwang chong 芬皇宗 Japanese people and the Korea–Japan exchange of Buddhism in the 17th century. and Namsan chong 南山宗 appeared. As background to this publication in Japan of the Sŏn’ga kwigam, I emphasize the There were many arguments whether Ŭich’ŏn had an understanding of “sect,” and question of authenticity of the story of Kāśyapa smiling at the flower held up by the whether “chong” 宗 meant sect when mentioned in the Taegak Kuksa jip 大覚国師集. I Buddha, and the emphasis Tianwang Daowu 天王道悟 (737–819) placed on the Linji

─ 1416 ─ （378） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （379） him. However, Sŏlpa did not see the Shidi lun yiji 十地論義記 by Huiyuan. Therefore, his do not think that Ŭich’ŏn’s activities and understanding had any direct relation with understanding of Huiyuan was only possible through Chengguan. For that reason, he the idea of “sect.” I suppose that his understanding of “patriarch” greatly influenced reveals limitations of understanding about Huiyuan in studies on Huayan in the late the “sectarianization” of the Buddhist community in the Koryŏ period (918–1392) after Chosŏn dynasty. the 12th century.

162. A Study on Religious Precepts during the Latter Period of the Chosŏn 164. A Comparative Study of the Bieyi Za ahan jing in the Koryŏ Canon and the Dynasty Chosŏng Canon

Lee Jarang Park Yongjin

─ 1417 ─ （380） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （381） lineage. 167. On the Three Causal Vows for Birth in the Pure Land in the Wuliangshou jing

Ogata Yoshihide 166. A Review of the Shape of Modern Japanese Buddhism from the Viewpoint of Korean Buddhism: The Examination on Sueki Fumihiko’s Mei-ken setsu and In this paper, I discuss the significance of the three vows in the Wuliangshou jing 無量寿 the Comparison with Korean Buddhism 経, which are identified to be causes for sentient beings’ birth in Amitābha’s Pure Land. In order to save everyone equally, according to the sutra, Amitābha Buddha transfers Lee Tae-seung his Name, which contains every virtue necessary for sentient beings’ salvation. Those The progress of Buddhism in Early Modern Japan was confronted by a difficult and who received his Name, therefore, will rejoice in their salvation by Amitābha simply by complicated situation caused by Shinto-centralism, the new religious policy enforced entrusting his working. On the other hand, according to the passages of the Eighteenth by the Meiji government. Because the policy attempted to separate Buddhism from Vow, those who cannot rejoice in their salvation by Amitābha cannot be saved. In order Shinto, the devastation and persecution of Buddhism were extensive. The policy was to guide all sentient beings, including those who cannot rejoice in his salvation, called Haibutsu kishaku 廃仏毀釈. Although Japanese Buddhism underwent hard times Amitābha prepares a skillful means by transforming them to be able to rejoice in their in this period, it returned to a higher status in the social system and became an salvation in his Pure Land, which is the role given to the Nineteenth and Twentieth important center of society. Sueki Fumihiko 末木文美士, an expert on Japanese Vows. Buddhism, describes the complicated situation of Modern Japanese Buddhism referring to the dual nature of Modern Japanese Buddhism. Sueki offered his Mei-ken setsu 冥顕 168. Indian and Buddhist Studies into the Future: Toward a Reconstruction of a 説, that describes the external aspect of Modern Japan as Ken 顕, the bright side of Network of Research Resources society, and the internal is the Mei 冥, the dark side of society. Through the theory of Nagasaki Kiyonori Mei-ken setsu, Sueki explores the internal aspect of modern Buddhism as vanished in the external in terms of modernization in the Meiji era. The typical system of internal To make research methods efficient, various products have been developed since the Buddhism insisted upon by Sueki is the funeral system. Though a number of people era of paper media, such as facsimile editions, microfilms, catalogues, concordances, criticized this funeral system, Sueki said that it made an important contribution to and articles, and these have formed a network of research resources. Recently, they revive and to economize Buddhism in Early Modern Japan. Alongside the have gradually been replaced with digital resources. However, digital resources not only understanding of the internal aspect of Modern Buddhism in Japan, the funeral system include several issues by their nature, but also reveal intrinsic problems in research of Buddhism is important for understanding the meaning of death. Therefore, the resources which had been implicitly ignored in paper media. To hand down Indian and theory of Mei-ken setsu implies that the understanding of the funeral tradition of Buddhist studies into the future, we should address them seriously. Japanese Buddhism is related to the resolution of a big human problem, death. Korean Buddhism also was confronted with the same problem, that is, the practice of funeral 169. An Essay to Define Social Activity Assessments by Buddhists rites and the understanding of death as a social issue. Ikegami Yosei

This paper discussed the possibility of setting guidelines and assessment items for social activities by Buddhists. The activities are grouped into three categories. Although

─ 1418 ─ （380） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （381） lineage. 167. On the Three Causal Vows for Birth in the Pure Land in the Wuliangshou jing

This paper discussed the possibility of setting guidelines and assessment items for social activities by Buddhists. The activities are grouped into three categories. Although

─ 1419 ─ （382） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （383） it was pointed out that there are some problems in these activities, to overcome these H. A very simple prototype of the so-called praṇidhi paintings can be traced to the problems, it is demonstrated here that in the discourses of the Buddhist nikāya wall paintings of the Buddhist grottoes near Kucha, i.e., Kizil, Kumutra, etc., but the literature we can find content that can quite possibly be diverted to items of internal latter paintings were so artificially and naturally damaged that we can hardly assessment. understand their narrative meaning exactly. I. Reconsidering the Buddhism of the Northern route of Chinese Turkistan, in areas 170. Reconsidering Buddhism at Bezeklik Cave Temples in Karakhoja: Circulation such as Kucha and Turfan, we can know that the Sarvāstivādin or Mūlasarvāstivādin of praṇidhi Paintings and Worship of Avalokiteśvara School flourished there and Mahāyāna Buddhism was believed in as is shown in historical records and excavations. Murakami Shinkan J. The 13 praṇidhi paintings and other paintings which had originally been in cave A. Six years ago, thanks to an antiquarian I could see and get photos of faithful copies of temple no. 9 at Bezeklik, and are now only available in photos in A. von Le Coq’s edition, wall paintings which had belonged to cave temple no. 9 at Bezeklik (Albert Grünwedel’s are a nearly perfect copy, and so should be considered as newly found scale copies of numbering)．All of them are said to be from Kaesong in North Korea．These are 10 these lost wall paintings. praṇidhi paintings, a picture of Goddess Ḍākiṇī (Chi. Tuzhini 荼枳尼), portraits of three abbots (都統, Tutung) with Chinese names, three venerable teacher monks with 171. 祭式名を隠した祭式記述―― Maitrāyaṇī Sa m̐ hitā I 9（caturhotr̥ 章）―― Sanskrit names, three Uigur noblemen, and two Uigur noble women, together with 天野恭子 another 19 Korean Buddhist wall paintings. B. Among the 10 praṇidhi paintings, six correspond to ①，②，④，⑥，⑪，⑭ of 最古層の祭式文献の一つである Maitrāyaṇī Sam̐hitā（MS）の I 9 章は，caturhotr̥ the praṇidhi paintings published by A. von Le Coq, Chotscho (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 祭文についての章と言われている．そこでは，caturhotr̥ 祭文が主要な śrauta 祭式 1913). But four of the praṇidhi paintings are reversed just as a reflected image in a において用いられることが述べられているが，caturhotr̥ 祭文は I 9 章以外の祭式 mirror, with the exception of the inscriptions. These are shown here as －①,－②,－③, 記述においては全く言及されない．おそらく主要な śrauta 祭式が記述された時点 and－⑪ which correspond to ①, ②, ③, and ⑪ of the original praṇidhi paintings では caturhotr̥ 祭文の使用は受け入れられていなかったと推察される．また，I 9 published by A. von Le Coq. 章には，何の祭式か同定されてこなかった，未解明の儀礼行為が記されている． C. The copies of the wall paintings of cave temple no. 9 at Bezeklik would have been 本稿では，I 9 章に記される儀礼行為が，sattra，dvādaśāha，mahāvrata という introduced to Koryŏ in the late 13th or in the 14th century when Koryŏ became a vassal 一連の祭式に相当することを論じる．これらの祭式は，MS の主要部分が成立し state of the Yuan dynasty. た段階では正統 śrauta 祭とは見なされていなかった，特殊な祭式である．MS I 9 D. The origin of Tutung and abbot’s change of social roles through successive の記述と，主に Kāṭhaka-Sam̐hitā の sattra 章（KS 33–34）の記述を対照させて，対 centuries. 応関係を指摘する． E. Worship of Avalokiteśvara. この考察により，MS I 9 が sattra，dvādaśāha，mahāvrata の儀礼を記すことは明 F. Meditative practices and the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経. らかであるが，MS I 9 はこれらの祭式の名前を明かさない．それは，これらの祭 G. The Poetical translation into Uigur of the Guan Wuliangshou jing by Kki Kki (Chi. 式が正統 śrauta とは違う異文化的背景を持つことに，起因すると考えられる．す Naonao 巙巙, 1295–1345) circulated in the Yuan dynasty, when Uigur Buddhism was in なわち，非正統祭式を正統 śrauta 祭式記述という枠組みに嵌め込んで記述しよう its glory, until it was expelled by Islamic forces in the next century. としたことが，I 9 章の記述の特殊性を生んだと考えられる．

─ 1420 ─ （382） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （383） it was pointed out that there are some problems in these activities, to overcome these H. A very simple prototype of the so-called praṇidhi paintings can be traced to the problems, it is demonstrated here that in the discourses of the Buddhist nikāya wall paintings of the Buddhist grottoes near Kucha, i.e., Kizil, Kumutra, etc., but the literature we can find content that can quite possibly be diverted to items of internal latter paintings were so artificially and naturally damaged that we can hardly assessment. understand their narrative meaning exactly. I. Reconsidering the Buddhism of the Northern route of Chinese Turkistan, in areas 170. Reconsidering Buddhism at Bezeklik Cave Temples in Karakhoja: Circulation such as Kucha and Turfan, we can know that the Sarvāstivādin or Mūlasarvāstivādin of praṇidhi Paintings and Worship of Avalokiteśvara School flourished there and Mahāyāna Buddhism was believed in as is shown in historical records and excavations. Murakami Shinkan J. The 13 praṇidhi paintings and other paintings which had originally been in cave A. Six years ago, thanks to an antiquarian I could see and get photos of faithful copies of temple no. 9 at Bezeklik, and are now only available in photos in A. von Le Coq’s edition, wall paintings which had belonged to cave temple no. 9 at Bezeklik (Albert Grünwedel’s are a nearly perfect copy, and so should be considered as newly found scale copies of numbering)．All of them are said to be from Kaesong in North Korea．These are 10 these lost wall paintings. praṇidhi paintings, a picture of Goddess Ḍākiṇī (Chi. Tuzhini 荼枳尼), portraits of three abbots (都統, Tutung) with Chinese names, three venerable teacher monks with 171. 祭式名を隠した祭式記述―― Maitrāyaṇī Sa m̐ hitā I 9（caturhotr ̥ 章）―― Sanskrit names, three Uigur noblemen, and two Uigur noble women, together with 天野恭子 another 19 Korean Buddhist wall paintings. B. Among the 10 praṇidhi paintings, six correspond to ①，②，④，⑥，⑪，⑭ of 最古層の祭式文献の一つである Maitrāyaṇī Sam̐hitā（MS）の I 9 章は，caturhotr̥ the praṇidhi paintings published by A. von Le Coq, Chotscho (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 祭文についての章と言われている．そこでは，caturhotr̥ 祭文が主要な śrauta 祭式 1913). But four of the praṇidhi paintings are reversed just as a reflected image in a において用いられることが述べられているが，caturhotr̥ 祭文は I 9 章以外の祭式 mirror, with the exception of the inscriptions. These are shown here as －①,－②,－③, 記述においては全く言及されない．おそらく主要な śrauta 祭式が記述された時点 and－⑪ which correspond to ①, ②, ③, and ⑪ of the original praṇidhi paintings では caturhotr̥ 祭文の使用は受け入れられていなかったと推察される．また，I 9 published by A. von Le Coq. 章には，何の祭式か同定されてこなかった，未解明の儀礼行為が記されている． C. The copies of the wall paintings of cave temple no. 9 at Bezeklik would have been 本稿では，I 9 章に記される儀礼行為が，sattra，dvādaśāha，mahāvrata という introduced to Koryŏ in the late 13th or in the 14th century when Koryŏ became a vassal 一連の祭式に相当することを論じる．これらの祭式は，MS の主要部分が成立し state of the Yuan dynasty. た段階では正統 śrauta 祭とは見なされていなかった，特殊な祭式である．MS I 9 D. The origin of Tutung and abbot’s change of social roles through successive の記述と，主に Kāṭhaka-Sam̐hitā の sattra 章（KS 33–34）の記述を対照させて，対 centuries. 応関係を指摘する． E. Worship of Avalokiteśvara. この考察により，MS I 9 が sattra，dvādaśāha，mahāvrata の儀礼を記すことは明 F. Meditative practices and the Guan Wuliangshou jing 観無量寿経. らかであるが，MS I 9 はこれらの祭式の名前を明かさない．それは，これらの祭 G. The Poetical translation into Uigur of the Guan Wuliangshou jing by Kki Kki (Chi. 式が正統 śrauta とは違う異文化的背景を持つことに，起因すると考えられる．す Naonao 巙巙, 1295–1345) circulated in the Yuan dynasty, when Uigur Buddhism was in なわち，非正統祭式を正統 śrauta 祭式記述という枠組みに嵌め込んで記述しよう its glory, until it was expelled by Islamic forces in the next century. としたことが，I 9 章の記述の特殊性を生んだと考えられる．

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172. アグニ逃走神話と ukhā 土器の土探索 173. リグヴェーダにおける心臓（hārdí /hrd̥ -）と定型句「讃歌を形作る（√takṣ）」について伊澤敦子竹崎隆太郎 Agnicayana はレンガを積んで祭壇を築くことを目的とする祭式であるが，それ以前に最重視されるのは ukhā 土器の作成である．祭火を入れて運ぶ土器を作るリグヴェーダ（R̥ V）における心臓の主要機能には以下がある：（1）大工仕事とに当って，まず大切なのはその為の土を掘り出すことであり，その土は特別なもしての讃歌形成，（ 2）ソーマの純化としての讃歌形成，（ 3）精神活動の座，（4）のでなければならない．ここで Agni を探す行為と土を求め掘り出す行為が結びつ感情の座，（5）損傷されうる生命の核，（6）インドイラン時代に遡る定型句 Skt. くのだが，下敷きになっているのは Agni の逃走神話である．本論では，この神話 hr̥dā ́ mánasā とその変形．このうち本稿では（1）を扱う．がどう関わりアレンジされていくかを見ていく．詩作を表現する際に，言葉・詩節・讃歌を√takṣ < 印欧祖語 *√tetḱ「（大工仕事にまず，神話について概観すると，3 人の兄達が供物を神々に運ぶ途中でいなくよって）形作る」という語を用いる発想は，印欧語の古い詩の言葉（Indogermanische なってしまったのを見て，Agni が恐れをなし逃げてしまい，水や草木の中に隠れ Dichtersprache）の伝統に遡り，ヴェーダ語の mántra- √takṣ はアヴェスター語にてしまうが，最終的に神々によって探し出される．隠れ場所は様々で，水，植物，も，vácas- √takṣ はアヴェスター語と古代ギリシア語にも対応表現がある．しかし石，暗闇等が挙げられる． R̥ V では上記 mántra- と vácas- 以外にも「讃歌」を意味する多くの語が √takṣ の目的次に ukhā 作成に関する部分について，1. Savitr̥への献供，2. 木製のくわについ語として用いられており，R̥ V の時代においてもまだ生きた定型表現であった．て，3. 馬とろばを連れて穴に向かう，4. 穴で馬に土を踏ませる，5. 穴の周囲に線 R̥ V の詩人はこの定型表現に「心臓」という要素を付け加えた．定型句「讃歌を形を描く，6. 土を掘りだす，7. 穴に水を注ぐ，8. 土を集める，9. 土にヤギの毛など作る（√takṣ）」が心臓（ hārdí /hr̥d-）と共に用いられる R̥ V 中の五例，特に R̥ V 3.39.1 を混ぜる，10. ukhā の成型，11. ukhā を焼く，のうち，特に神話との関わりが明瞭における詩人が自分自身の詩作活動を描写している部分から，（1）アイデア matí- な部分である 1, 2, 3, 4, 6 を検討する．が（2）心臓によって形作（√takṣ）られて（3）讃歌の言葉（stóma-, mántra-, havíṣ- 神々の Agni 探索に当てはまるのが，ukhā 土器の為の土を求める行為であり，など様々）に出来上がり，これが（4）心臓から駆け出して（5）称賛の対象たる新たな点火に相当するのが，土を掘り出す作業である．但し，黒 Yajurveda Saṁhitā 神格へ向かう（R̥ V 中の他箇所より（6）神格の心臓に届く），という R̥ V 詩人の体によれば，Agni を見つけたのは Prajāpati となっている．また，Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā 験していた詩作過程が分かる．と Kāṭhaka-Saṁhitā では，掘り出した土を集める際に唱えられるマントラの中で最初に火を鑽出したとされる Atharvan が Prajāpati と見なされる．しかし，祭壇 174. chandovat sūtrāṇi bhavanti と chandovat kavayaḥ kurvanti を Prajāpati と同一視する Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa では，Agni 探索で Prajāpati に言及 ――ヴェーダ語用法に対するバーマハの考え―― されることはない．また，土を掘り出す行為主体は，神々と Prajāpati に帰される川村悠人が，その行為は抽象化され，最初に火を鑽出したとされる Atharvan は prāṇa と置き換えられる． 7 世紀頃，カシミールで活躍したと目される詩学者バーマハは，Kāvyālaṅkāra 唱えられるマントラに関して，Savitr̥，Aśvin，Pūṣan という太陽との関わりが深第 6 章冒頭部で詩文（kāvya）制作におけるパーニニ文法学の知識の重要性を説いい神々の名が挙げられる句が何度か唱えられる点や，Aṅgiras への言及が繰り返さた後，同章第 23 詩節以降，詩人がなすべき言語使用となすべきでないそれについれる事実に鑑みて，Vala 神話の影響も考慮に入れる必要があろう．て多角的な議論を展開している．Kāvyālaṅkāra 6.27cd 句では，詩文におけるヴェーダ語使用が禁止される． KA 6.27cd: chandovad iti cotsargān na cāpi cchāndasaṁ vadet |

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さらに，chandovat という一般原則に依拠してヴェーダ語を述べることも許され以降の詩論家達は彼の思想に言及せずにラサ論を語る事はできなかった．しかし，ない．アビナヴァグプタ以降の詩論家達には独自の思想性がない，とする Jeffrey この chandovat の原則は，文法家パタンジャリが論及する次の二原則と関わる． Moussaieff Masson と Madhav Vasudev Patwardhan（1970）の見解には疑問を提示せ 1. chandovat sūtrāṇi bhavanti「諸スートラはヴェーダ語に準ずる」ざるを得ない．Venkataraman Raghavan（1978）や Sheldon Pollock（1998, 2016）が 2. chandovat kavayaḥ kuruvanti「詩人達はヴェーダ語のような［言葉を］発する」指摘するように，パラマーラ王であったボージャ（11 世紀）など，アビナヴァグバーマハの時代と地域における詩文と文法の連関を探る上で貴重な資料となるプタ以降にも独自のラサ論を展開した詩論家が存在したからである．また，バク Kāvyālaṅkāra 第 6 章については，V. M. Kulkarni による有益かつ包括的な概説があティ（信愛）の思想とラサ論を融合し，独自のバクティ・ラサ論を展開したジーる．しかし残念ながら，当該の chandovat の原則は詳論されておらず，バーマハヴァ・ゴースヴァーミー（16 世紀）も注目に値する．この論文ではジーヴァのがどのような思想的背景のもと上述の言をなすにいたったのかは明らかにされな『プリーティサンダルバ』111 章に焦点をあて，アビナヴァグプタ以降のラサ論のいまま現在に至る．この問題の考察が本稿の目的である．発展の一部を解明する．その過程で Pollock（2016）におけるジーヴァのバク上記二原則が登場する Bhāṣya の分析から，バーマハの主張の背後にあるものをティ・ラサ論理解に対する修正も提示する．以下のように描くことができる．まずもって，パーニニのヴェーダ語規則によってのみ説明され得る語形を美文作品中で使用することは許容され得ない．それら 176. 新ニヤーヤ学研究の歴史と展望――方法論の観点から―― の規則は美文作品の領域では適用不可だからである．この種の語形は，パーニニ和田壽弘文典中のどの規則もそれを説明できないという意味において，正しくないものと見られるべきである．原則 1 はこの種の語形を正当化するものではない．何故な新ニヤーヤ学の研究方法として（1）哲学的方法と（2）歴史的方法が主に採らら，この原則はパーニニのスートラ中での言葉遣いに対してのみ有効だからであれてきた．（1）は，新ニヤーヤ学の「古典テキスト」を，綱要書や限られた註釈る．この原則が効力を発揮する場を美文学領域にまで拡張することは許されない．書やインドの学術伝統の中で保持された見解を基に，合理的に解釈することを目このことは，Aṣṭādhyāyī 1.1.1: vr̥ddhir ād aic における語形 aic に対するパタンジャ指す．ダニエル・インガールズ以来，多くの研究者が採ってきており，哲学とのリの議論の文脈から明白である．他方，詩文作家の習性に触れる原則 2 もまた，比較研究へと向かうことが多く，さらには新ニヤーヤ学の哲学的特徴を探求する言葉の正しさを保証するものとはなり得ない．パタンジャリが同原則を望ましく傾向が強い．この立場の問題点は，歴史的連続性を確保できない可能性や，離れないもの（na hy eṣeṣṭiḥ）とし，ヴェーダ語の特徴を有する詩文作家の表現を文章た時代の主張を結びつけてしまう可能性があることである．の欠陥（doṣa）と見るからである．以上より，バーマハはパタンジャリの論説に一方（2）の立場を採る研究者は多くなく，エーリッヒ･フラウワルナーがその忠実に従っていると言えよう．代表である．新ニヤーヤ学の体系を確立した 14 世紀のガンゲーシャの前後の歴史が明確でない段階では，歴史的研究を行うのは相当困難である．問題点は，歴史 175. 近世南アジアにおけるバクティ・ラサ論について的連続性を重視するために，新ニヤーヤ学の特徴について沈黙してしまうことである．置田清和二つの方法を併せて採用したのは，ステファン･フィリップスである．彼は歴史サンスクリット詩学におけるラサ論は 4 世紀前後に書かれたとされる『ナー的文脈の中で新ニヤーヤ学の発生を捉えようとした．歴史性を踏まえつつ，そのティヤ・シャーストラ』によって初めて言及され，9 世紀カシミールに登場した哲学的特徴を考察したのである．アビナヴァグプタによって思想的基盤が与えられた．従って，アビナヴァグプタ我が国では，宇野惇，宮元啓一，石飛道子による綱要書研究が主流を占めた．

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─ 1425 ─ （388） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （389）

新ニヤーヤ学の「古典テキスト」に研究段階を進めたのは，丸井浩，和田壽弘，本務とするミーマーンサー学派に必要な意味論であるといえる．規則を述べる言工藤順之，山本和彦，岩崎陽一である．かれらの研究方法については，二つの方葉は，それから実際に何が理解されるかに関わらず，そこから理解される「べき」法の内どちらに力点を置くかが異なる．意味を有していなければならない．そしてそれは，話し手の意図や聞き手の理解重要な点は，二つの方法はいずれかが正しいというものではなく，また，現実からは導出できない．の論文においては互いに排除し合うものでもないということである．今後は研究が蓄積されるにつれて，二方法を共に採るようになると思われる．現時点では， 178. 音素に基づく文意理解に関する諸学説の比較検討（2）よりも（1）に重点が傾きがちであるが，哲学の研究者との連携が充分になさ斉藤茜れているとは言い難い．哲学研究者との連携あるいは哲学的知識の吸収が，新ニヤーヤ学の哲学的意義を探求する上で不可欠であろう．ミーマーンサー学派の文意論の大成者 Kumārilabhaṭṭa は，著書 Ślokavārttika Vākyādhikaraṇa において，文意が語意から生じることを主張し，その過程をさま 177. 言葉の「意味」とは何か――ガンゲーシャの普通名詞意味論の検討―― ざまに検討し，それ以降の文意論の展開に大きな影響を与えた．その議論の途中 vv. 110–117 において，「音素を文意理解の原因とする」説が登場し，簡潔に否定さ岩崎陽一れる．この音素→文意論は，Śālikanātha の Prakaraṇapañcikā においても，Prabhākara 言葉が意味するもの，話し手がその言葉により意図するもの，聞き手が言葉か派の立場から，（恐らくスポータ論者と一緒くたにして）「最終音素→文意」説なら理解するもの――インドにおける古い時代の意味論では，これらは明確に区別いし「文想起→文意」説として，批判される．Vācaspatimiśra 著作 Tattvabindu でされていなかった．しかし，ニヤーヤ学派とミーマーンサー学派プラバーカラ派は，この Śālikanātha のテキストが多く使われており，例文も同じで，構成及び説の意味論論争においては，これらの差異が大きな意味をもつ．ニヤーヤ学派は，の定義は多少異なれど，大筋は殆ど変らない．一方，Vācaspati との年代関係が議言葉から直接的に（推理を介さずに）理解されるものはその言葉の意味であると論されてきた Jayantabhaṭṭa は Nyāyamañjarī 6.2 において，「音素を文意理解の原因いう前提に立つ．一方，プラバーカラ派は，言葉から直接的に理解されるからととする」説に対して，更に詳細な検討を試みる．そして彼の「音素→文意」論でいって，それが言葉の意味であるとは限らないと主張する．本稿では，新ニヤーは，ミーマーンサー系統の痕跡のない，Jayanta 独自の議論が展開される．このよヤ学派のガンゲーシャ（14c）が『タットヴァ・チンターマニ』で展開する意味論うに，スポータ理論を批判するという一点で共通するこれらの学匠は，文意の考論争の分析を通して，言葉の「意味」についての各学派の見解を検討する．え方の違いにより，音素に対して採った戦略が異なる．本稿では，Kumārila からそこで議論されるのは，普通名詞の意味は普遍か個物かという，古くから論じ Vācaspati への議論の発展と，Jayanta が提供する資料から得られる議論を比較しられてきた問題である．ガンゲーシャとプラバーカラ派のいずれも，普遍と個物ながら，音素→単語と，単語（語意）→文意の狭間に位置する媒介としての音素は同時に，直接的に言葉から理解されると認める．（バッタ派はそれを認めない．） →文意論の内容を考察する．しかし，プラバーカラ派は，個物は言葉の意味ではないという．この立場においては，「言葉の意味とはその言葉から理解されるものである」という考えは支持さ 179. 『ニヤーヤ・リーラーヴァティー』における主宰神論証れない．では，彼らにとって言葉の「意味」とは何なのか．ガンゲーシャのテキ日比真由美ストにおいては，その明確な定義は与えられない．しかし，彼らは言葉の意味を，その言葉から理解されるべき，言葉がそれ自体で意味するものと捉えていたと考古来インドでは主宰神に関する哲学的な議論が盛んに交わされてきた．なかでえると，彼らの議論をうまく説明できる．そしてこれは，ヴェーダの儀軌解釈をも，主宰神を奉ずるニヤーヤおよびヴァイシェーシカ学派と，無神論的立場にた

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つミーマーンサー学派や仏教徒との間で繰り広げられた主宰神の存在論証をめぐ察する．その一つは yogipratyakṣa と mānasapratyakṣa としてしばしば論じられるる論争は，激しい応酬を重ねることで各々の論理学や認識論に関する諸理論の展二つの知をヨーガ派の pramāṇa 論に取り入れる努力を著者がする場面であり，も開にも大きく寄与する結果となった．本論文は，12 世紀頃にヴァッラバが著したう一つは著者が究極には pramāṇa は偽であると主張する場面である．『ニヤーヤ・リーラーヴァティー』（= NL）における主宰神論証を分析することで，最後に，『ヴィヴァラナ』作者の pramāṇa は最終的には偽であるという立場とウダヤナ以降，ガンゲーシャ以前に展開されたニヤーヤおよびヴァイシェーシカ『ブラフマスートラバーシュヤ』の作者であるシャンカラの pramāṇa に対する懐学派の主宰神論の一端を明らかにする．疑的な態度とを比較する．ヴァッラバの提示する論証式は，大地などが結果であることにもとづいて，その作り手としての主宰神の存在を論証するものであり，ニヤーヤおよびヴァイ 181. マドゥスーダナ・サラスヴァティーのヴィシュヌ神解釈シェーシカ学派による主宰神の存在論証の基本形といえる．そして NL の主宰神眞鍋智裕論は，この論証式の妥当性をめぐる論理学的な議論に終始する．全知者性などの主宰神の諸属性についての神学的な議論はなされず，また，ウダヤナが力説した，マドゥスーダナ・サラスヴァティー（ca. 16th cent.）は，アドヴァイタ・ヴェーヴェーダ作者としての主宰神の存在論証が言及されることもない．ダーンタ学派の学匠であり，またヴィシュヌ神信仰者でもある．そのため，彼はヴァッラバによる主宰神論証は，先行するニヤーヤおよびヴァイシェーシカ学アドヴァイタ教学とヴィシュヌ派教学とを統合しようとしている．派の思想家が扱った論点のなかから，「結果の作り手は身体を具えた者に限定され彼は，その著作 Paramahaṃsapriyā（PP）において，ヴィシュヌ派の一派であるない」という主張に関わるものだけを集中的に取り上げ，コンパクトに整理したパンチャラートラ派の vyūha 説をアドヴァイタ教学によって基礎づけている．そものといえる．また，仏教徒側の文献を読み込み，その内容を元に議論を洗練さの際に，vyūha 説で説かれるヴィシュヌ神の四つの姿のうち，ヴァースデーヴァせた形跡が見られる．既出の論点を扱いながらも，その提示方法や応答の詳細に神をブラフマンに，サンカルシャナ神を，ブラフマンが制約された姿である主宰は独自性が見出せ，新ニヤーヤ学派的な論議（vāda）上のテクニックも確認できる．神に割り当てている．一方マドゥスーダナは，PP や Bhagavadgītāgūḍhārthadīpikā では，クリシュナ神をヴァースデーヴァ神の化身であると述べると同時に，クリシュ 180. Pātañjalayogaśāstravivaraṇa 作者の認識論ナ神を主宰神であるとも述べている．ところで，サンカルシャナ神とクリシュナ神はともにヴァースデーヴァ神の変張本研吾容であり，また主宰神であると説かれているが，両神は全く同じ神格なのであろ『ヨーガスートラ』とその注釈『ヨーガバーシュヤ』（両者を一つとしてうか．あるいは両神には何か違いがあるのであろうか．本稿では，マドゥスーダ Pātañjalayogaśāstra ）に対するシャンカラに帰せられる復註 Pātañjalayogaśā‐ ナのサンカルシャナ神理解とクリシュナ神理解を検討することにより，この両神 stravivaraṇa は Pātañjalayogaśāstra 1.7 に対する注釈において自身の pramāṇa 論を展の関係がどのようなものであるのか，ということを明らかにした．開する．本稿は，その中で『ヴィヴァラナ』の著者が pratyakṣa を論じる箇所を取その結果，マドゥスーダナは同一の主宰神を，三神一体説における主宰神と化り上げる．身としての主宰神とに区別し，その違いと役割に応じてサンカルシャナ神とクリまず，新たに作成中の批判校訂版に基づき Vivaraṇa の pratyakṣa 論の構造をアシュナ神という別々の神格として説いている，ということが導き出された．ウトラインとして提示し，どのように Vivaraṇa の作者が自らの論を展開するために『バーシュヤ』のテキストを織り込んでいるかを見ていく．その中でさらに『ヴィヴァラナ』の作者が独自の哲学を展開している場面を観

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182. 日本における 1990 年代以降のジャイナ教研究 21–22 を「クマーリラ説」として引用している．カルナカゴーミン他が ĀM の一赤松明彦連の偈を「ジャイナ教説」として紹介する際に ŚV（Vanavāda）23 を介在させて 1965 年春にパリのコレージュ・ド・フランスで行われたルートヴィヒ･アルスいるのは，ĀM 59 の構造をより明確に提示し，その内容理解を補完するためであっドルフの講義は，西欧のみならず日本のジャイナ教研究にとっても，転換点を画たと考えられる．するものであった．それは，ジャイナ教研究を，仏教研究のための補助的学問の ĀM と ŚV に見られる類似の偈を比較した結果，クマーリラが ĀM の記述を参照地位から，インド学において独自の広がりと価値をもった研究分野へと押し上げしアレンジを加え，当該の偈を著した可能性が高いことが判明した．少なくともるものであった．この講義録は，「ジャイナ教研究――その現状と未来の課題」とジャイナ教徒ヴァーディラージャスーリの記述はこの可能性を支持する．サマンして直後に出版されたが，これに示唆を得てジャイナ教研究を進めることになっタバドラとクマーリラの前後関係は明らかではないものの，少なくとも両者は普た日本の研究者もいたのである．この講義録には，ジャイナ教研究に関わるおお遍と特殊に関する理論に関して共通した見解を保持していたといえよう．また仏よそ 10 項目の課題（主として，聖典類の文献学的研究，語義研究に関連する）が教論書の記述に従えば，ジャイナ教徒とミーマーンサー学派によって主張された示されている．本稿では，ジャイナ教研究の分野で，1990 年代以降に日本で公表存在論（特に普遍と特殊の関係）はサーンキヤ学派のそれと類似の構造をもってされた研究業績の中から，その 10 項目の課題のうちの 6 項目に対応するもので，いることがわかる．特に日本語で書かれた優れた成果を紹介した．本稿が意図するところは，内容的には極めて価値のあるものでありながら，国際的に必ずしも十分には知られてい 184. ジャイナ教白衣派聖典の注釈文献研究ない現代日本のジャイナ教研究の成果について，その一部にせよ広く世界の学界 ――注釈家マラヤギリと古注釈『チュールニ』の関係について―― に知らせようとするものである．上田真啓

183. Āptamīmāṃsā 第 59 偈をめぐる諸問題ジャイナ教出家者の滅罪儀礼や教団運営を規定するテキスト『ヴャヴァハーラ・スートラ』には，歴史的に古いものから順に，1)『ニリュクティ』（プラークリッ志賀浄邦ト語）， 2)『バーシュヤ』（プラークリット語）， 3)『チュールニ』（プラークリッジャイナ教徒サマンタバドラ（6 世紀頃）による Āptamīmāṃsā（以下 ĀM）は，ト語とサンスクリット語）， 4)『ティーカー』（サンスクリット語）の 4 つが存在他学派（特に仏教徒）がジャイナ教徒の見解を紹介し批判する際に，頻繁に引用している．上記の 4 つの注釈文献のうち，最初の 2 つは，注釈文献とは言いながされる作品である．仏教論書の他，他学派（例えばニヤーヤ学派）やジャイナ教らも実際には『スートラ』の補助文献的な役割を持っていたと考えられ，これら徒自身による引用状況も考慮に入れると，第 59 偈が最もよく引用されていることもまた，さらなる注釈を必要とするいわば『スートラ』に準ずるような性格をもっがわかる．同偈は，ジャイナ教徒に特有の見解である多面的実在論（anekāntavāda）たテキストと言える．『チュールニ』は，これら『スートラ』と『ニリュクティ・とその根拠を端的に示す内容となっている．バーシュヤ』に対する注釈であり，プラークリット語とサンスクリット語が混在仏教徒が ĀM 59 を引用する場合，多くの論書では「ジャイナ教徒」（digambara）した散文から成る．最後の『ティーカー』もまた，『チュールニ』同様，『スートの見解として引用されているが，例えばジターリの Jātinirākr̥ti では「ジャイナ教ラ』『ニリュクティ・バーシュヤ』に対する注釈である．つまり，『スートラ』『ニ徒とミーマーンサー学派」が一まとめにされ，両派の説が混在する中で ĀM 59 のリュクティ・バーシュヤ』に対する注釈文献には 2 種類のテキストが存在する訳引用がなされている．またシャーンタラクシタ・カマラシーラは ĀM 59 自体を引であるが，分量的にはこの『ティーカー』の方が多く，整然とした議論が展開さ用することはないものの，それとほぼ内容の Ślokavārttika（以下 ŚV）（ Vanavāda）れているために『スートラ』と『ニリュクティ・バーシュヤ』の解読には，注釈

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としては一般的にはこれが使用される．これまでジャイナ教聖典研究においては，とともに，行為主体を表す要素として第一格語尾をとる語が見られうると指摘す『スートラ』本文そのものの解読が第一の目的であったため，『スートラ』理解にる．すなわち tena bhūyate というような構文だけではなく so bhūyate というよう対する有用性の観点から，『ティーカー』が重視されてきた．しかし，注釈文献のな文章が存在すると考えられている．また，Saddanīti §594 では行為主体を表示す歴史的展開という観点からすれば，歴史的に先行する『チュールニ』の重要性はべき場合に，行為主体が動詞によって既に表示されている場合には，第一格語尾看過できない．本発表では，この観点から『チュールニ』を捉え，これが『ティーが導入され，動詞・kita（Skt. kṛt）接辞によって未だに表示されていない場合にカー』のいわば原型のような存在であったということを，両者の比較を通じて示は，第三格語尾が導入されると規定される．この点は Pāṇini 文法学の体系とは異すことを目的とする．なるものである．従って so bhūyate という構文では，一見すると動詞によって bhāva のみが動詞によって表されているのに，行為主体を意味する第一格語尾が 185. パーリ語経典貝葉写本のデータベース開発導入されているかのような矛盾した状態が見られることになる．Aggavaṃsa は， ――コム文字とタム文字のディーガ・ニカーヤ貝葉写本解読法と転写法につ bhāvapada というものは第一義的には行為主体を示すものであり，間接的に bhāva いて―― が意味されるという解釈を示す．それはあたかも，行為にとっての拠り所である人間を保持しているに過ぎない蓆が，間接的に「動作の保持者」と呼ばれているスチャーダー・シーセットタワォラクンが如くである．これによって，§594 の規定との矛盾が解消されうる．貝葉写本は長い間パーリ語経典の内容を伝承する主な手段として使用されており，仏教研究にとって貴重な資料である．しかし，貝葉写本の多くはよく保存さ 187. 「其罪畢已」――日蓮と常不軽菩薩―― れず，しかも研究または取り扱いに実用的なフォーマットで記録されなかった．鈴木隆泰近代の学者たちによるパーリ語研究は長い歴史を持ちながらも，パーリ語経典の貝葉写本のデータベースの作成は，まだ体系的に行われることがなく，パーリ語『法華経』の「常不軽菩薩品」に登場する常不軽という名の出家菩薩は，増上慢と仏教学の分野では比較的新しいものである．の四衆にひたすら成仏の授記をし続け，そのことで彼らから誹謗，迫害を受けた．この論文では，関連情報の収集に基づきデータベース開発から得られる知識に増上慢の四衆は常不軽を誹謗・迫害した罪で死後無間地獄に堕ちたが，自ら罪をおお言及し，貝葉写本の曖昧な文字を解読と転写する方法に関連する課題を示す．タ畢え已わった後に常不軽と再会し，彼から『法華経』を教示され（＝成仏の授記イに保存されるコム文字とタム文字貝葉写本を中心に，ディーガ・ニカーヤ写本を受け），無上菩提へ向かう者となったとされる．ところが羅什訳の『妙法華』のそおおそざいひっちの解読やそのデータ入力の解決策を提示する．み，死時に臨んで常不軽が「其の罪，畢え已わって」（其罪畢已）としている．しかし，なぜ彼に罪があるのか，あるとすれば何の罪なのかが解明されないまま， 186. Saddanīti における bhāvapada について今日に至っていた．従来看過されていた事実として，Suzuki Takayasu は「常不軽菩薩品」に二種類渡邉要一郎の誹謗者が表されていることを明らかにした．二種類とは『法華経』に出会う前“ 12 世紀に学僧 Aggavaṃsa によって著述されたパーリ文法学文献 Saddanīti では，の，『法華経』という仏語なしに無効な授記をしていた常不軽”（常不軽 ①）を誹自動詞語根に bhāva（動作）のみを意味すべきときに導入される接辞 ya と謗した者たち（誹謗者 ①）と，『法華経』に出会った後の，『法華経』という仏語“ parassapada/attanopada を付与して作られた語（例えば bhūyate など）が bhāvapada をもって有効な授記をしていた常不軽”（常不軽 ②）を誹謗した者たち（誹謗者と称されている．Aggavaṃsa は幾つかのパーリ文献のなかでは，この bhāvapada ②）であり，後者の誹謗者 ② のみが，『法華経』説示者を誹謗した罪で堕地獄す

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る．ところが『妙法華』のみ，常不軽 ② が『法華経』を説示していたという記述パーリ語の偈文部分にも，歴史的な語根アオリスト aṭṭhā が散見される（Sn 429; を欠いており，常不軽 ①と常不軽 ② との差違が判別しがたくなっている． Jātaka I 188,12 等）．他方，パーリ語散文では一般に s- アオリスト形 aṭṭhāsi を示し，『法華経』の主張（『法華経』抜きに如来滅後に一切皆成の授記はできない．だその用例数は圧倒的である．からこそ，如来滅後にはこの『法華経』を説いて如来の名代として授記をせよ．プラークリットでは一般に，過去形としてアオリスト形を用いる．sthā の場合，如来のハタラキを肩代わりせよ）から判断して，常不軽 ① と常不軽 ② の差違は s-アオリスト形が担ったものであろう．Mahāvastu は偈文でも散文でも s- アオリ『法華経』にとって本質的であり，原典レベルで「其罪畢已」に相当する記述がスト形 asthāsi を示す．『法華経』偈文にもこの語形が散見される．あったとは考えられない．羅什の参照した「亀茲（クチャ）の文」が特殊であっ散文部分で，『法華経』Kern-Nanjio 校訂本（KN）ないし Wogihara-Tsuchida 校訂たため，常不軽 ① と常不軽 ② との差違が判別しがたく，誹謗者 ① と誹謗者 ② 本（WT）が一貫して “歴史的な” 語根アオリスト形を示す一方，中央アジア伝本を分ける必要が，漢訳段階で生じたものと考えるのが妥当である．しかし，そのが s-アオリスト形 asthāsīt を示すことは示唆的である．この一貫性が崩れるのは，ために「其罪畢已」という文章を編み出したのは，羅什が『妙法華』訳出以前に Kashgar 写本 253b5 asthāt（= KN 263,15; WT 226,13）のみである．この箇所は提婆達『金剛般若経』を知っていたためと考えられる．多品に属する．この事象は，提婆達多品が他の箇所と言語層を異にし，新層に属この「其罪畢已」という一節が，日本の日蓮に絶大な影響を与えた．日蓮宗のすることを傍証するものと考えることができる開祖である日蓮は，以前に念仏者・真言者であったため，「其罪畢已」の「罪」を恐らく原『法華経』は sthā に s- アオリストを用いる言語環境にあり，偈文にお過去の謗法罪と理解した上で，自らを常不軽と重ね合わせ，〈法華経の行者〉としいては韻律の制約もあって，各伝本共通に古風な語形を残したものであろう．中ての自覚を確立し，深めていった．央アジア伝本が散文においても s- アオリスト語形を維持した一方，ネパール系伝もし『妙法華』に「其罪畢已」の一節がなかったとしたら，日蓮は〈法華経の本はパーニニ（II 4,77）が教える古典サンスクリット的なアオリスト＝語根アオリ行者〉としての自覚を確立できず，その結果，『法華経』に向き合う姿勢を変えたストで置き換えたものと解釈できる．可能性が高い．あるいは『法華経』信仰を捨てていた可能性まで考えられる．『開仏教梵語文献におけるアオリストについては，従来，語根アオリストと s- アオ目抄』に見られる，「なぜ自分には諸天善神の加護がないのか」「自分は〈法華経リストとの差異について注目されることは少なかったように思われる．この様なの行者〉ではないのか」の解答の源は，「其罪畢已」以外には見出せないからで調査を個々の語に即して行えば，『法華経』成立史に係る知見を新たにする事例がある．見出される可能性があろう．もし『妙法華』に「其罪畢已」の一節がなかったとしたら，中世以降今日に至る日本仏教は，現在とは大きく違った姿をしていたであろう．まさに，「大乗経典 189. Gopadatta 作 Saptakumārikāvadāna に見られる alaṃkāra についてが外的世界を創出」（下田正弘）した好例である．『妙法華』に存するたった一個山崎一穂のフレーズ「其罪畢已」が，今日の日本の宗教界のみならず，社会の一側面を創出したのである． Saptakumārikāvadāna（SKA）は西暦 5 世紀から 8 世紀の間に活動した仏教詩人 Gopadatta によって著された，クリキン王の七人の娘の物語を扱った美文作品であ 188. 梵文『法華経』にみえる asthāt/asthāsīt の異読についてる．Gopadatta は SKA を著すにあたり，大衆部系説出世部の律蔵に伝わる並行話を題材としたと考えられるが，作品中で様々な文体の飾り（alaṃkāra）を用いて笠松直いる．本論は音の飾り（śabdālaṃkāra），特に同音節群の反復技法に注目し，SKA Veda 語では RV 以来，動詞 sthā のアオリストは語根アオリストで作る（asthāt）．がどのような文学作品の影響のもとで著されたかという問題を考察するものであ

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─ 1435 ─ （398） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （399）

191. 律文献中の砂糖についてる．井上綾瀬 SKA は 130 詩節からなる．うち同音節群の反復技法が用いられている詩節は八詩節ある．これら 8 つの用例は（a）yamaka，（ b）lāṭānuprāsa，（ c）pseudo- 漢訳律文献では，砂糖を表す際に「石蜜」という翻訳がしばしば使われる．し yamaka，（ d）（ a）と（b）の融合形に分類され，それぞれを分析すると，次のよかし，紀元前後のインドには，サトウキビの絞汁を 1/4 に煮詰めた糖液（phāṇita/ うな特徴が明らかになる．（ 1） lāṭānuprāsa の用例が yamaka の用例に比べ多い， phāṇita），含蜜糖（黒糖，guḍa/gauḍa/guḷa），粗糖の結晶が浮いた廃糖蜜（khaṇḍa/ （2）この両者は厳密に区別されていない．（3）両者の融合形の用例には正確な同 khaṇḍa），廃糖蜜（matsyaṇḍikā/*macchaṇḍikā），薄い色の粗糖（śarkarā/sakkharā，音反復がなされていないものがある．さらに薄い色 vimala/vimala）などが存在し，「砂糖」は複数存在した．サンスク以上の事実を踏まえると，Gopadatta が詩論家達によって yamaka に関する厳密リット語やパーリ語で残る律文献には，phāṇita，guḍa，śarkarā，vimala が砂糖とな定義が与えられる前に SKA を著した可能性が考えられる．しかし SKA の文体のして示され，仏教教団にも複数の砂糖が知られていた確認ができる．しかし，教特徴及び韻律の用例から判断しこの可能性は排除される．興味深いことに，SKA 団内では砂糖は全て「薬」として使用された為，厳密な砂糖の種類を言及する必に見られる同音節群の反復技法の用例は戯曲作品，特に Bhavabhūti（8 世紀）の要はそもそもなかった．そのため，漢訳律文献において複数の砂糖をひとつの「石 Uttararāmacarita に見られる用例と類似する．同作品に見られる 20 例の同音節群の蜜」という単語に訳しても「砂糖＝薬」の原則故に問題が無かった．そのため，反復技巧のうち，僅か 5 例が yamaka に分類されるのに対し，残る用例は全て漢訳律文献中の「石蜜」という訳語が示す砂糖は複数ある．漢訳律文献中の「石 lāṭānuprāsa 或いは pseudo-yamaka に分類される．以上から，Gopadatta は 7–8 世紀蜜」が，どの砂糖にあたるかは文脈や規則の内容から総合的に判断しなければな頃の戯曲詩人達の作品を知っており，彼等が用いた技法を SKA に取り入れた可能らない．性が考えられる． 192. ボン教の想蘊説 190. 『律経』と『根本説一切有部律』熊谷誠慈米澤嘉康チベットには古来よりボン教なる宗教が存在していたが，元来，高度な哲学を『根本説一切有部律』は，「律（経）分別」（Vinaya-vibhaṅga），「律事」（Vinaya- 持っていなかったボン教は，7 世紀に伝来した仏教から思想的影響を強く受けた． vastu），「律雑事」（Vinaya-kṣudraka），「ウッタラグランタ」（Uttaragrantha）といボン教に対する仏教思想の影響のうち，密教的側面については，すでにサムテン・う 4 部構成であることが知られている．本稿は，徳光（Guṇaprabha）著とされるカルメイ氏などが，チベット仏教ニンマ派からの影響について指摘をしている．『律経』（ Vinayasūtra）に対する『律経自註』（ Vinayasūtravṛtty-abhidhāna-svavyā‐ また，御牧克己氏によるボン教学説綱要書研究などとともに，顕教的な側面につ khyāna）において，『根本説一切有部律』の構成について言及している箇所，すないても研究が開始されている．わち，第 1 章「出家事」第 98 経の註釈を取り上げ，「律事」ならびに「ウッタラボン教のアビダルマについては，ダン・マーティン氏が概要を紹介している．グランタ」の構成についての記述を紹介するものである．なお，当該箇所は『律筆者は五蘊説に着目し，ボン教の五蘊説がヴァスバンドゥ著『五蘊論』の影響を経』「出家事」研究会によってテキストならびに和訳が出版されているが，近年の非常に強く受けていることを特定した（Kumagai Seiji, “Bonpo Abhidharma Theory 研究成果における指摘にしたがい，本稿では一部訂正を施している． of Five Aggregates”『印度学仏教学研究』64, no. 3 (2016): 150–157）．ただし，『五蘊論』の五蘊説をボン教がそのまま踏襲したわけではなく，『俱舎論』や『阿毘達磨集論』などの影響も受けながら，ボン教独自の五蘊説を構築していったとことが

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─ 1437 ─ （400） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （401）

判明した．ティが指摘することになる．本稿では，五蘊説の中でも「想蘊」の概念に注目し，インド仏教からの影響と眼が暗闇の中で作用を為しているかどうかというような作用説の問題は，睡眠いう側面に焦点を当てた上で，ボン教における「想蘊」の概念の独自性ならびにから覚醒する時や滅尽定から出る際の問題にも繫がる議論である．一見，アーラ仏教思想との共通性について検証した．ボン教は三種の想（小想・大想・無量想）ヤ識の存在論証において三世実有説批判が展開されるのは不思議ではあるが，そを設定し，それを三界（欲界・色界・無色界）に対応させているが，この対応関の背景思想には作用説の問題があった可能性もあると考える．係は，仏教の『大般涅槃経』や『入阿毘達磨論』などにも確認される．他方，「一切知者の想」を「無量想」に加える点などは，仏教文献には確認できず，ボン教 194. 『中論頌』第 18 章第 2 偈とそれに対する『プラサンナパダー』の注釈独自の可能性が高い．さらに，ボン教の内部でも，無量想の扱いには若干の相異新作慶明があることも判明した．すなわち，ボン教は仏教と類似する想蘊説を提示しながらも，ボン教独自の側面も持ち，さらにボン教内部においても時代によって異なチャンドラキールティ（Candrakīrti）作『プラサンナパダー』（ Prasannapadā, る説を生み出していったという事実が本稿で明らかにされた． PsP）は，今日唯一完本の形でサンスクリット原典の参照が可能なナーガールジュナ作『中論頌』（Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, MMK）に対する注釈である．MMK の偈頌 193. スティラマティ『五蘊論釈』が論及する三世実有説についてのみのサンスクリットテキストの存在は，近年まで知られておらず，La Vallée Poussin（LVP）による PsP 校訂テキストに引用される MMK が，MMK のテキスト清水尚史として使用されていた．しかし，近年，葉少勇によって MMK の写本が同定され， 2013 年に Jowita Kramer 博士によってサンスクリット語の校訂テキストが出版同校訂テキストが出版された．一方，PsP に関しては，今日でも多くの研究者のされた『五蘊論釈』（ Pañcaskandhakavibhāṣā）は，アーラヤ識の注釈箇所において間で LVP 校訂本が用いられているが，近年では，LVP のテキストを見直す研究の説一切有部の三世実有説の批判を展開する．本稿では主に『俱舎論』（Abhidharma‐ 存在が知られるようになっている．筆者もその 1 人であり，第 18 章の校訂テキス kośabhāṣya）と比較することで，作用説の観点から両議論の違いを明確にする．トを作成した．『俱舎論註』（ Abhidharmakośavyākhyā）に従うと，説一切有部は『俱舎論』にお先行研究で指摘されている通り，偈頌のみのテキストにおける MMK 18.2 と PsP いて，作用（kāritra）を karman とは解せず，与果・取果という原因としての作用に引用される MMK 18.2 では，「我所」に相当する語について，前者では “ātmanīya” を立てた．スティラマティの『五蘊論釈』において有部は，従来の作用の定義でと，後者では “ātmanīna” とテキストが異なることが報告されている．また，同じある与果・取果に変更を加え，作用を取果のみとする．それによって，『俱舎論』く，先行研究では，当該偈を注釈する PsP についての言及もなされているが，依などにおいて指摘されていた過去の作用が存在してしまうという不合理を乗り越然として考察の余地があるように思われる．本稿では，筆者が PsP 第 18 章の校訂える作用説となっている．テキスト作成過程で明らかとなった MMK 18.2 とそれに対する PsP の注釈について『五蘊論釈』の中で論及されている有部の作用説は変更が加えられたことによ考察する．り，問題の焦点は作用と法との関係性となる．過去の作用が存在しない以上，「同じもの」とも言えなければ，時間設定の根拠となる作用と法とを「異なるもの」 195. 中観派における Akutobhayā の位置づけと青目釈『中論』の独自性とも言えず，「異ならないもの」という曖昧な表現をすることになる．そして，作安井光洋用と法自性との関係性から同一であるとか別異であるという点から作用と法との関係性は示されないことを主張するが，無自性となってしまう矛盾をスティラマ Akutobhayā（ABh）と青目釈『中論』（青目註）はいずれも Mūlamadhyamaka‐

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─ 1439 ─ （402） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （403）

kārikā（MMK）の注釈書であり，MMK 注釈書の中でも最古層のものとされていているが，『プラサンナパダー』では śubha と aśubha と viparyāsa という並列複合る．ABh はチベット語訳のみが現存しており，青目註は鳩摩羅什による漢訳のみ語として解釈されており，諸註釈者とチャンドラキールティには解釈に異同が確が存在する．この両注釈書はチベット語訳と漢訳という言語上の相違がありなが認される．本稿ではチャンドラキールティの複合語解釈とそれを前提にした彼のらも，その内容に多くの共通点が見られる．第 23 章理解を考察する．また，ABh と共通した記述が見られるのは青目註だけではなく，Buddhapālita チャンドラキールティは第 23 章の主題を「煩悩」とし，第 23 章は「原因に縁っの注釈（BP），Prajñāpradīpa（PP）， Prasannapadā（PSP）においても ABh が広く引用て生じる煩悩の無自性性」（1，2 偈），「煩悩が帰属する拠り所の否定」（3，4 偈），されている．さらに，そのような ABh の引用パターンを類型化すると BP，PP，「煩悩と心の同時生起の否定」（5 偈），「煩悩の原因の否定」（6 偈〜22 偈），「煩悩 PSP に共通して ABh と同様の記述が認められ，漢訳である青目註にのみ相違が見を滅する方法の否定」（23，24 偈）の 5 つの視点から煩悩の存在を否定する章とられるという例が少なからず見受けられる．してこの章を理解する．6 偈から 23 偈を「煩悩の原因の否定」として解釈する際そのような青目註の独自性については同書の序文において，羅什が青目註を漢に前提となっているのが彼の複合語解釈であり，śubhaṃ と aśubhaṃ と viparyāsāḥ 訳する際，その内容に加筆，修正を施したと僧叡によって記されている．そのたそれぞれを一偈に説かれる貪欲（rāga）・瞋恚（ moha）・愚痴（ dveṣa）の原因としめ，青目註に見られる独自の解釈については，訳者である羅什の意図が反映されて対応させている．ている可能性も考えられる．彼の複合語解釈は他の『中論』註釈者と異なるものであり，彼の第 23 章理解によって，今回は上記の類型に該当する例として MMK 第 18 章第 6 偈とその注釈示される「煩悩」という第 23 章の主題も「顚倒の考察」という章題の示す主題とを挙げ，考察を試みた．この偈頌に対する注釈では BP，PP，PSP が ABh の解釈を異なるものである．しかし，彼の śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ 解釈を前提とした第 23 章援用している．このことから ABh は中観派において MMK を注釈する際の伝統的理解には章全体を統一的に理解しようとする意図があると考えられ，そこからは解釈の典拠として扱われていたという結論に至った．伝統的に伝えられてきた章題や先行する註釈者たちの理解にかならずしも左右さ他方，青目註のみが ABh とは異なった独自の解釈を示している．これについてれない彼の註釈態度がうかがわれる．は偈頌の漢訳に明らかな意訳が認められることから，その注釈部分についても訳者である羅什によって書き換えられているという可能性を検討した． 197. 『中観五蘊論』に説かれる心不相応行についての考察

横山剛 196. 『中論』第 23 章における śubhāśubhaviparyāsa 解釈 ――チャンドラキールティの理解を中心として―― 月称の『中観五蘊論』は中観派の論書でありながら諸法の体系を解説することを趣旨とする特異な小論であり，アビダルマに対する中観派の理解を伝える貴重小坂有弘な資料である．同論の中で行蘊の解説は大きな分量を占め，法体系の特徴が顕著「顚倒の考察」（Viparyāsaparīkṣā，Phyin ci log brtag pa，観顚倒品）という章題に表れる箇所である．心相応行については『入阿毘達磨論』との構成の類似が指で知られる『中論』第 23 章では冒頭の第一偈を含む，三つの偈で śubha（浄）と摘され，先行研究において注目を集めてきた．一方，心不相応行については未だ aśubha（不浄）と viparyāsaḥ（顚倒）の三つの単語からなる śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ 本格的な研究がみられない．そこで本論文では『中観五蘊論』に説かれる心不相という複合語が確認されるが，この語に関する情報は非常に限られ，この語の語応行について考察し，同論に説かれる十九法の中から有部が説く心不相応行とし義の決定を困難にしている．『無畏論』，『仏護註』，『般若灯論』において，この語て一般的な十四法以外の五法に注目して，同論がこれらの法を説く理由を明らかは śubha と aśubha との viparyāsaḥ (sdug dang mi sdug pa’i phyin ci log)，と解釈されにする．

─ 1440 ─ （402） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （403）

─ 1441 ─ （404） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （405）

まずは『中観五蘊論』に説かれる十九法を示し，十四法以外の五法が依得，事書が誰によって著されたかは現時点では全く不明であるが，写本の書写に用いら得，処得の三得と縁和合と縁不和合の対概念という二種類の教理からなることをれた文字はグプタ書体の名残を留めた，8–9 世紀に遡るブラーフミー文字であり，紹介する．続いて，衆賢の『順正理論』における心不相応行の解説に注目し，衆この写本に書かれた注釈書が唯識思想家の活躍した時代に遡る注釈書であること賢が和合を実体として心不相応行に含め，さらに蘊得など施設の法も心不相応行を示唆している．に含めていることを指摘する．そして『中観五蘊論』における三得については，このような有部の後期論書の教理を踏襲して心不相応行として説かれた可能性を 199. 『思所成地』体義伽陀における止観指摘する．続いて縁和合と縁不和合については，有部の心不相応行における和合阿部貴子や不和合が僧団の和合や分裂の原因を意味する法であることを指摘し，『中観五蘊論』に説かれる因縁の集合の意味する縁和合が『順正理論』に説かれる和合とは『瑜伽師地論』の『思所成地』Cintāmayībhūmi には，体義伽陀 Śarīrārthagāthā と異なる概念であると考えられることを指摘する．そして『中観五蘊論』の縁和合いわれる 41 の偈頌の集成とその註釈部分を含んだ章がある．この偈頌部分に関しと縁不和合が，有部の和合と不和合よりも，瑜伽行派の法体系における和合と不てはすでに梵本校訂と出典に関する研究が為されているが，註釈部分の校訂は未和合に近い概念であることを指摘し，この二法に関しては『中観五蘊論』が瑜伽だ公表されておらず，梵本に基づく思想研究も行われていない．行派の法体系から影響を受けている可能性を指摘する．体義伽陀の註釈部分に見られる大きな特徴は，止観による三毒の滅を広説する点と，修習により清浄なる識を獲得し，さらに識と身体的存在 ātmabhāva を完全 198. 『瑜伽師地論』摂決択分の梵文注釈書断簡についてに断ずることを説く点である．本稿では特に止観に関わる第 3，4，15，36 項―― テキスト校訂は別稿に譲る――を考察しその所説を『声聞地』と比較した．その崔珍景結果，以下の点を指摘する．『瑜伽師地論』を構成する 5 つのセクションのうち，唯識思想史を解明する上体義伽陀の止観に関する項には，『声聞地』に基づく箇所が見られる．しかし厳で，内容的に重要な「摂決択分」（ Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī）に関連する梵文貝葉写本密に『声聞地』に従っているとは思えない．なぜなら（1）体義伽陀は，『声聞地』の断簡 3 葉がラサに保存されている．3 葉はかつてチベットのシャル寺所蔵の写に見られない説明，すなわち纒と随煩悩を滅して軽安を得ること，麁重と身体的本であったが，北京大学所蔵の写本写真を調査した葉少勇（Ye Shaoyong）教授に存在の関係，慈心に基づく止を示す．（2）一方『声聞地』が詳述する内容，すなよって発見，同定されたもので，そのうち 2 葉は摂決択分自体の写本であるが，わち五停心観，名称に過ぎないという観想方法，止観による転依 āśrayaparivṛtti の残る 1 葉は摂決択分に対する未知の注釈書の断簡である．筆者は葉少勇教授より獲得は一切言及していない．（3）また『声聞地』と同じ偈頌を引用するが，尽所資料の提供を受け，これら 3 葉の解読研究を行っている．本稿では，3 葉の中か有性・如性有性といった同じ言葉を用いつつも異なった解釈を付している．ら未知の注釈書断簡を取り上げ，断簡全体の概要を紹介するとともに，特にアーしたがって体義伽陀は，基本的な表現を『声聞地』と共有しながらも，『声聞ラヤ識と転識をめぐる四句分別について注釈する部分に焦点を当てて，その解読地』に特有の思想――比較的新しい層もある――に言及せず，身体的存在と識の結果を報告した．この 1 葉がカヴァーする摂決択分の本文は摂決択分冒頭部のアー関係に一層の関心を向けていると推測できる．ラヤ識に詳細な定義を与える箇所であり，袴谷憲昭教授の論文「Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī におけるアーラヤ識の規定」の中で示されたテキストの末尾部分，およびそれに続く「識身遍知」の冒頭部に対応するが，ここに引かれる本文によって，袴谷憲昭教授による和訳および梵文単語の想定も一部修正することができる．この注釈

─ 1442 ─ （404） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （405）

─ 1443 ─ （406） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （407）

200. 初期唯識文献における他者の分別解釈され，如何なる役割を担うかを明らかにするものである．高橋晃一 PPU におけるアーラヤ識解釈は伝統的な瑜伽行派の文献に依拠するものである．瑜伽行派は唯識思想を主張し，外界の認識対象の実在性を否定したことはよく特に『唯識三十論』等にみられる「一切の習気・種子を保持するもの」としての知られている．当然のことながら，その外界の中には他の衆生の存在も含まれる．アーラヤ識解釈を重要視し，そのアーラヤ識を根底におきながら悟りへの階梯をしかし，大乗仏教は衆生救済を標榜しているので，唯識という立場に立ち，他者示す．ただし，『唯識三十頌』第 5 偈 a 句 “tasya vyāvṛttir arhatve” という転依の解釈の存在を自己の認識の所産と見なすことは，大乗の基本的な理念と抵触するようについては，PPU は『唯識三十論』と異なる解釈を行う．この相違は，「一切の習に思われる．気・種子を保持するもの」としてのアーラヤ識を重要視するラトナーカラシャーこれに対して，唯識への悟入は瑜伽行派の思想において到達点ではなく，衆生ンティの立場を反映したものと考えられる．の教導という目的に到達するための過程に過ぎないとする見解がある．これを踏 PPU においてアーラヤ識は「一切の習気・種子を保持するもの」として論じらまえて唯識文献を見なおすと，例えば『成唯識論』では，資糧位・加行位・通達れ，その種子の消滅システムによる転換，つまり転依が，ラトナーカラシャーン位・修道位・究竟位の修行の階梯のうち，第二番目の加行位で所取・能取を離れティの悟りへの階梯として示される．そして，これが PPU の『唯識三十頌』第 5 た唯識性を了解し，通達位以降でさらなる真理へと昇華させると同時に，衆生を偈 a 句解釈にも反映されているものと理解され，さらに中観派に対する批判の重唯識性の理解に導くことが説かれている．また，『摂大乗論』も加行道において唯要な役割をなすのである．識へ悟入した後，菩薩の十地の初地にあたる歓喜地に入り，六波羅蜜に集約される菩薩行の実践が行われることになると説いている．このように瑜伽行派の思想 202. 『菩薩地』における修行階位についてにおいて，唯識性は修行の完成の境地ではなく，菩薩行の入り口である．そして， Vo Thi Van Anh その菩薩行においては，教導されるべき他者との関わりが重要な意味を持っている．瑜伽行者の修行の完成と他の衆生の存在の関わりについて，最も端的に述べて大乗仏教の修行階位は，従来，基本的に『十地経』に説かれる十階位であるといるのは『摂大乗論』であろう．それによれば，一人の修行者が唯識性を証得し理解されている．しかし，初期瑜伽行派の修道階位は，特に『菩薩地』の段階でたとしても，他の人々の判断（分別）がはたらいている限り，外界に相当する器はそのように断言できない．その根拠は，同文献における修行階位に「住品」の世間が消滅することはないという．その背景に『瑜伽師地論』「摂決択分」がある階位と「地品」の階位の二種類があるからである．ことはすでに指摘されているが，「摂決択分」でも，他の衆生の存在によって器世さらにまた，周知のように，修行階位の内どれが重要な階位かという点に関し間が意味づけられている．唯識思想を研究する上で，他者の存在に着目することて，瑜伽行派は初地を重要とするが，『十地経』が重要とするのは初地ではない．は重要な意義があると考える．なぜ瑜伽行派が初地を重要な階位・聖位とするのかという疑問を解明するには，『菩薩地』の修行階位を考察すべきである．本稿で考察した結果，同文献における 201. Prajñāpāramitopadeśa におけるアーラヤ識階位説について，「住品」と「地品」との二者の内，「地品」の七地説が主流であると言える．またその七地説の内，初地に対応する浄勝意楽地（śuddhādhyāśaya- 早島慧 bhūmi）という階位の位置づけに注目し，凡夫から聖者になるという意味を有す瑜伽行派の中心思想であるアーラヤ識は，ダルマキールティの登場以降，インる浄勝意楽地の特異性から，修行者にとって，初地，すなわち聖者になる最初のド撰述文献史上極端に言及されることがなくなる．本稿は，そのアーラヤ識がラ階位が重要視されるものであると知られる．これによって，なぜ瑜伽行派は初地トナーカラシャーンティの主著 Prajñāpāramitopadeśa（PPU）において，どのようにを重要とするのかが理解でき，初期同学派の修行階位の確立の一背景を明示で

─ 1444 ─ （406） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （407）

─ 1445 ─ （408） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （409）

204. チベット文献において言及される世親の『法華論』きた．望月海慧

203. 知覚の作用としての niścaya 世親（Vasubandhu）の『法華論』は，二つの漢訳が現存するのみであり，その ―― Pramāṇasamuccaya 1.9b に対するダルマキールティの解釈―― 原典は現存せず，インド資料からその痕跡を確認することはできない．また，そのチベット語訳については，現存しないものの，目録にはその記録が残されてい三代舞る．すなわち，『デンカルマ目録』にはないものの，『パンタンマ目録』と後伝記 niścaya の語は通例「確定」「決定」等と訳され，分別との密接な関わりを有すの bCom ldan ral gri（1227–1305）による目録に記録されている．ただし，Bu ston る．したがって，無分別なるものとして知覚を定義付けている以上，ダルマキー（1290–1364）の目録では，同論は「探されるべきもの」の項目に収められており，ルティにとって知覚が niścaya の機能をもつとは考えにくい．しかしながら，彼 13 世紀中頃には失われていたことを示している．また，中国でまとめられた『至の著作 Pramāṇavārttika（PV）の第 3 章において，知覚の作用を意味すると思しき元録』には，二つの漢訳とともにチベット語訳が存在したことを示している．こ (vi)niścaya の用例が見られ，それはディグナーガの Pramāṇasamucaya（PS）1.9b にれらの根拠は単一の情報に由来するものであろうが，『法華論』のチベット語訳が由来するものである．本研究では，PS 1.9b に対するダルマキールティの解釈につかつて存在したことを示している．ただし，それは必ずしもインドで書かれた原いて，PV と後の著作 Pramāṇaviniścaya（PVin）とを比較しながら検討した．典の存在までを示唆するものではないが，チベット人は世親の『法華論』の存在その結果，少なくとも PV 3.339 においては，自己認識と同じものを指すことかを認識していたことは明らかである．ら，対象の確定（arthaviniścaya）が知覚の作用と見なされていることが確認され，また，テンギュルの経疏部に漢文からのチベット語訳として収録されている基 PV 3.341 および 345 で用いられる (vi)niścaya についても同様の可能性が考えられの『法華玄賛』のチベット語訳からも『法華論』のチベット語訳断片を収集するる．しかし，PVin においては，これらの用例は全て pratipatti，pratīti，vyavasthiti ことができる．基は法相宗の立場から『法華経』を解説しており，そこに世親のといった，知覚の認識作用を指すものとしてより穏当な語に置き換えられている．『法華論』が言及されることは当然である．その一方で，抄訳であるチベット語訳さらに，PV 3.347 では，明らかに知覚の後に生じる確定知の作用を指すものとしは，引用に対する翻訳を省略する傾向にある．その中で，チベット語訳におけるて niścaya の語が用いられているが，PVin において該当部分は省略されている．「論云」（ ’grel pa las）の 50 例をすべて確認してみた．その最初の用例において，以上のことから，ダルマキールティは PVin において，問題となる niścaya の用例著者名が言及されない「准論」を，チベット語訳者は「ヴァスバンドゥにより」を取り除き，確定知が関わらない形で議論を整理したと言うことができよう．と翻訳している．このことから，チベット語訳者は「論」を『法華論』と認識しその一方で，PV 3.349 に該当する PVin において新たに加えられた kāryatas（結ていたことがわかる．また，その 41 例を『法華論』に確認することができ，これ果から）という文言は，このような筆者の予想を妨げる可能性がある．確かに，らの言及は，漢訳からではあるものの，『法華論』のチベット語訳断片となる．これまで広く参照されてきたダルモーッタラやデーヴェーンドラブッディの解釈によれば，この句は，知覚とその結果である確定知との因果関係に基づいて理解 205. 大英図書館所蔵スタインコレクションのカラホト出土カギュ派関係写本されることになる．しかし，ジュニャーナシュリーバドラが示すように外的対象井内真帆と知覚との因果関係によって解釈すれば，確定知との関わりは排除される．大英図書館所蔵のスタインコレクションに所収されるカラホト出土チベット語文献の目録（Tsuguhito Takeuchi and Maho Iuchi, Tibetan Texts from Khara-khoto in the Stein Collection of the British Library, Studia Tibetica, no. 48 ［Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, 2016］）の

─ 1446 ─ （408） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （409）

204. チベット文献において言及される世親の『法華論』きた．望月海慧

─ 1447 ─ （410） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （411）

出版により，カラホト出土のチベット語文献についてその全容が明らかになりつると，そのうちの二つは，少なくともプトンが指摘するような文章では存在しなつある．カラホトは西夏王国（1038–1227）の要塞であり，チベット語の他に漢語いことが分かる．つまり，プトンが問題視している『律摂』中の記述は，現在我々や西夏語の写本や出土品が出土している．著者は目録の出版に携わる中でカラホが目にする『律摂』には確認し難いのである．本稿は，プトンの『律摂』に対すト出土のチベット語文献についていち早く研究する機会を得た．その中でカダムる概説の全文・全訳を提示するとともに，当該の二つの記述に焦点をあて，その派関係の写本の存在を明らかにし，これまで明らかではなかったカダム派と西夏二つに関するプトンの記述と現存する『律摂』中の記述の相違を具体的に示し，の関係について明らかにした．さらにこの度，上記の目録の出版にあたり，カラかつその相違の由来を考察するものである．ホト出土のチベット語文献の中にカギュ派に関するいくつかの蔵外文献，ミラレパ（Mi la ras pa, 1028/1040–1111/1123）の伝記（カタログナンバー 229）とジクテ 207. チベット語訳華厳経の Bathang 写本についてンゴンポ（’Jig rten mgon po Rin chen dpal, 1143–1217）の著作（カタログナンバー朴賢珍 232, 270, 274）の写本を見出すことができた．本論文はこれらの新たに比定されたカラホト出土のカギュ派関係の写本について紹介するものである． Newark Museum 所蔵の Bathang 写本カンギュルは，ツェルパ系にもテンパンマ系にも属されない地方カンギュルの一つで，16 世紀あるいは 15–16 世紀に筆写さ 206. プトンの『律摂』に対する不信感れたと推定されている．同カンギュルの vol. 7（nga）と vol. 8（a）にチベット語訳華厳経（全体 45 章）の第 44「離世間品」と第 45「茎荘厳品」の二章が収録さ岸野亮示れている．近年，Helmut Eimer による同カンギュルのカタログが出版されており，いわゆる『仏教史』の著者として名高いチベットの大学匠プトン（1290–1364）同経についてもデルゲ版と比較対照する形で基礎調査が行われた．本稿ではそのが，仏典に関する膨大な知識を有していたことはよく知られている．その知識は，成果を踏まえながら，巻の構成，経名，訳語について，他の諸本と比較対照し，経典や論術書だけでなく，チベットに伝わった律である「根本説一切有部律」 Bathang 写本の特徴を明らかにした．調査結果をまとめると，以下のとおりである．（MSV）にも及んでいたようである．例えば，既出の彼の著作集には MSV やその 1. Bathang 写本は，巻の構成において，第 44 章はプダク写本・ツェルパ系に一関連文献について論じた著作が，少なくとも八つ収録されている．『律の総説』（東致し，第 45 章は独自の形を持つが，全般的にテンパンマ系に近い．北 no. 5185）は，その一つである．この著作には，そのタイトルが示唆する通り， 2. Bathang 写本は，章末や各巻のはじめにおいて，Sangs rgyas phal po che より古プトンが見聞きした MSV およびその関連文献一つ一つに対する，彼の短い概説がい経名 Sangs rgyas rmad ga cad を用いる．この題名は，テンパンマ系には見出連続的に含まれているのだが，中でも，ヴィシェーシャミトラ著の『律摂』（D no. されない． 4105; T no. 1458）についての概説は興味深い．というのも，そこでプトンは，『律 3. *pratisaṃvid の訳語について，Bathang 写本は第 44 章ではプダク写本・テン摂』が，MSV およびグナプラバ著の『律経』（D no. 4117）には見られない記述をパンマ系に一致する．一方，第 45 章では全 20 例中，最初の 2 例はプダク写少なくとも五つ含んでいることを指摘し，その五つを具体的に挙げ，最終的には本・テンパンマ系に，残りの 18 例はツェルパ系に一致する．「『律摂』には，信を置くべきではない」と，そのテキストの正統性を明確に否定 4. *citta/*cetas に対する訳語について，Bathang 写本は第 44 章ではプダク写本・しているからである．プトンのこの見解は，チベットの仏教伝承においては，いテンパンマ系に，第 45 章ではツェルパ系に一致する．つの頃からか『律経』が―― MSV 以上に――偏重される一方で『律摂』が顧みら 5. Bathang 写本は，第 44 章における *buddhāvataṃsaka の訳語として，sangs rgyas れた形跡は殆ど確認されない，という事実を勘案すると，非常に興味深い．また rmad ga cad を用いる．一方，他の諸本は『翻訳名義大集』に規定されている更に興味深いことに，その五つの記述の有無を現存する『律摂』の中に探ってみ sangs rgyas phal po che を用いる．

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─ 1449 ─ （412） Abstracts Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 65, No. 3, March 2017 （413）

208. 刹那滅論証方法に関するチョムデンリクレルの理解発見されたことにより，大部分が復元されるなど，研究が進んでいる．崔境眞文軌疏には，唯識比量やそれに類する論理式（以下，唯識比量等）が見られる「不依存の論証因」（ ltos med kyi rtags）と「拒斥する論証因」（ gnod pa can gyi が，玄奘の名前は出されず，いずれの場合も誤りを含む例として言及される．基 rtags）は，諸法の刹那滅性を論証するために，Pramāṇaviniścaya やその他の自著のは世間相違の説明のなかで唯識比量に言及するが，文軌は極成・所依不成・同法中でダルマキールティが展開した論証内容に由来する術語である．インド仏教論相似・無異相似などの説明において唯識比量等をとりあげ，世間相違においては理学ではそれぞれ，「不依存性」（nirapekṣatva）と「反所証拒斥論証」（sādhyaviparyaye 言及しない．また，唯識比量等に対する文軌の解釈は，後に元暁の『判比量論』 bādhakapramāṇam）という術語で知られている．この二つの論証法の関係とそれや玄応，順憬らの名前で引かれる解釈と共通している．ぞれの役割をめぐってチベット人学僧たちの間で少なからず異論が見られており，以上のことから，唯識比量は，玄奘が文軌らに対して過失の例として紹介したカダム派からゲルク派の時代に至るまでの間に思想史的な展開が見受けられる．ものが，後に基によって玄奘の作とされ，誤りのないものとして紹介されるよう本論文で取り上げるチョムデンリクレル（bCom ldan rig pa’i ral gri Dar ma rgyal になった，と予想される．これまでは唯識比量を世間相違の範囲で議論すること mtshan, 1227–1305）は，カダム派末期からゲルク派初期までの間に活躍した学僧が一般的であったが，今後はより広い文脈，特に基がとりあつかわない過類のなであるが，彼が著した Pramāṇaviniścaya に対する註釈が現存している．チョムデンかで唯識比量が議論されていることの意義を考える必要があるだろう．リクレルはその註釈で大方は既存の註釈の解釈に従いながらも，「拒斥する論証因」についてそれまでにはなかった新たな視点を提示しており，彼以降に著され 210. 元暁の仏教思想にみる関係性と固有性たチベット撰述の論理学書では彼の影響とみられる解釈が主流となっていく．本金鍾旭論文では，当該の二つの論証法に対する彼の理解を提示し，それが後代に，すなわちゲルク派にいくらかの影響を及ぼした可能性があることを指摘した．ニーチェ（Nietzsche）以降の現代哲学は，不変の本体から変化する過程を “関係性” の文脈から探求し，伝統的な哲学において実体として認められていた事柄 209. 唯識比量に対する文軌の態度を事件として看做し，同一性より差異という概念に注目している．こうした傾向はつまるところ，“関係性の中から固有性を求める” ことに帰せられる．なお，元師茂樹暁の思想では，縁起性の中から性自神解的な本性を求めることにこうした傾向が基『因明大疏』によれば，玄奘はインド滞在中，戒日王の無遮大会において「唯表れている．具体的に言えば，元暁は縁起的な関係性を代謝と決定性として理解識比量」（唯識の証明）とよばれるものを発表したとされる．この記事についてはし，それを心性論化して，人間の本性を一心の性自神解から求めている．なお，これまで疑われたことがなかったが，近年，日本古写経に基づく玄奘伝の再検討元暁以降に縁起的な関係に基づいて人間本来の固有性を探し求める試みは，韓国にともなって，唯識比量の作者についての疑義が提出されている．本稿では，『因仏教の展開過程において華厳と禅の調和に継承されている．明大疏』よりも先に成立したと考えられる文軌『因明入正理論疏』（文軌疏）において，唯識比量がどのように扱われているかを検討することで，唯識比量の作者 211. 中世真言僧における宋代翻訳経軌の受容――杲宝を中心に―― の問題について考えたい．亀山隆彦新羅人である可能性が指摘されている文軌は，文軌疏において玄奘から直接因明を学んだと述べる一方，基やその後継者から強く批判されたことで知られる．中国における仏典翻訳事業は，9 世紀半ばに一度途絶するが，それからおよそ文軌疏は，完本としては残っていないものの，趙城金蔵や敦煌文書などで断片が 160 年後，当時中国を治めていた宋の皇帝，太祖，太宗，あるいは真宗の手厚い

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援助により再興する．彼らは，当時の都に訳経院と呼ばれる施設を作り，そこに数多の梵文仏典を集積し，法天（Dharmadeva），天息災（Devaśāntika），施護（Dānapāla）といった僧をして，その翻訳にあたらせた．法天らは，11 世紀半ばまでに 263 部 573 巻の仏典を翻訳したと伝えられるが，武内孝善氏によると，その 47 パーセント，123 部は密教関連の経典ないし儀軌であった．また，それら翻訳された密教経軌の中には，『ヘーヴァジュラタントラ』や『秘密集会タントラ』といった，いわゆる後期密教に属するものも少なからず含まれていた．先行研究でも指摘されるように，非常に多くの，極めてバラエティに富む密教経軌が，10 世紀から 11 世紀にかけて一時に漢訳された．それらは中国のみならず，韓国や日本の仏教者にもひろく閲読されたと思われるが，本論では，これら宋代に翻訳された密教経軌の日本における受容について考察する．特に，真言密教僧がそれら経軌をどのように読み，また，いかなる影響を被ったか考えてみたい．真言僧が，宋代翻訳経軌をいかに受容したかという問題については，既に千葉正氏が論考を試みている．千葉氏は，鎌倉・室町時代を代表する東寺の学僧，杲宝の『アキシャ鈔』『秘蔵要文集』といった著作を検討し，それら文献中の教学議論において，施護あるいは天息災訳の密教経軌が，極めて重要な役割を担っていることを指摘する．筆者も，このような千葉氏の方法論にならい，杲宝の主要著作の一つである『大日経疏演奥鈔』に確認される宋代翻訳経軌の引用および解釈を検討し，上述の問題について考察を試みる．

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