THE CHINESE COMMUNITY IN NORTH QUEENSLAND Ms. C.R. May During the nineteenth century, the Chinese, who for several thousand years had been one of the most geographically Immobile populations in the world, suddenly began migrating to distant countries. This trend can be attributed partly to the parlous condition into which China had fallen owing to the decline of the ruling dynasty. When a dynasty In China deteriorated, as tended to happen every few himdred years. It was said to have lost the "mandate of Heaven", a type of divine right to govern, and thus an opportune moment had arrived for a rival to seize the throne. Indications that this mandate had been forfeited Included official corruption, manifested in extortionate rents and taxes, banditry, the appearance of contenders for the throne and general mlsgovemment which was felt keenly at the local level. Earning a living or growing sufficient food for one's needs became a precarious undertaking and people began to look further afield for a stable means of livelihood. Despite the poor quality of life in China at the time, however, those who migrated usually did so not for their own well-being but in order to Increase the prosperity of their Immediate family and clan. Consequently, money earned overseas was often remitted home to support relatives and the expatriate was expected to return also when his duties overseas were fulfilled. Not all immigrants to Australia were poverty-stricken. Some representatives of wealthy Hong Kong firms also migrated but these were more in the minority. It should be noted that practically all Chinese emigrants came from a relatively small area of South China. The great majority of those who migrated to Australia originated from the region surrounding Canton and the Pearl River delta. This was partly due to the fact that South China was feeling the political and economic situation more acutely than other areas and over-population was reducing resources still further. However a more Important factor was the establishment by westerners of trading links with China, in particular Canton, Thus, contact was made with the outside world and the Chinese became aware - as they had not been to any 121 CATHIE MAY great extent - that other countries existed and possibly held greater promise of economic prosperity. It stands to reason that they were attracted to countries where wealth could be amassed quickly, in particular to those containing goldfields. Therefore the discovery of gold in California and parts of Australia was an important Impetus to migration. In fact, it seems that reports which reached China were often exaggerated. One well known Chinese merchant from Innisfail, Taam Tze Pul (Tom See Poy) reminisces thus about his arrival on the Palmer goldfield: There was a rumour that gold had been discovered in a place called Cooktown, the source of which was inexhaustible and free to all. Oh, what disappointment when we learnt that the rumour was unfounded. Not only was the gold difficult to find, but the climate was unsuitable and was the cause of frequent attacks of Illness. Probably the exaggeration of overseas opportunities was the fault partly of merchants who prompted poorer Chinese to enter "invisible agreements" whereby the fare to Australia (or elsewhere) was paid but the migrant was obliged to repay his debt in labour on arrival. These Indebted immigrants often worked In gangs on the goldfield tmder the control of an agent of the merchant in question. This was a glorified system of slavery. Other migrants were financed by relatives or paid their own way and thus retained their independence. Before the discovery of the Northern Goldfields there had been a trickle of Chinese immigrants to Queensland as cooks, shepherds and farm labourers, particularly after transportation ceased and a labour shortage was experienced. However the main influx of Chinese began with the discovery of Gilberton in 1869 and Increased dramatically when the Palmer was opened in 1873. By 1877 there were about 16,000 Chinese on the Palmer, many of them in a state of complete destitution due to the shortage of supplies, intense competition for gold and the difficulty of obtaining it. From then on, the Chinese began something of an exodus from the Palmer. Many returned home, some went to Southern cities where large concentrations of Chinese already existed, and others settled at the first point of disembarkation which was the newly-founded settlement of Calms. 122 THE CHINESE COaWUNITY IN NORTH QUEHfSLAND The first small group of Chinese arrived shortly after the pioneers in late 1876 but were not given a courteous reception. One Chinese, whom Inspector Douglas sought to land in defiance of public hostility, was thrown back Into the water and a fracas developed. This unpleasffiitness probably restiltetl from the fact that most Calms settlers during this early period came from Cooktown, a centre of anti- Chinese feeling. The situation soon improved, however, and Chinese gardeners began to arrive unopposed. The pattern of Chinese settlement thus established in Calms was typical of the whole area. Initially market gardeners began cultivation to serve the European commmilty. This they apparently did successfully, as Calms was soon totally dependent on Chinese-grown vegetables. Port Douglas, about forty miles north, was established shortly afterwards and until a Chinese began growing vegetables there, it was necessary to import such necessities from Calms. Gardeners were followed by storekeepers who supplied the require­ ments of both Chinese and Europeans. This was apparently a common pattern in many isolated parts of Australia. The exceptional feature of Calms and district was the large scale participation of the Chinese in the growing of cash crops. The first venture in this respect was the "Hap Wah" Plantation, a co-operative effort comprising a hundred Chinese shareholders, with Andrew Leon as manager. Over six himdred acres were selected jufet south of Calms and planted with sugar and cotton as cash crops. Thus Chinese became pioneers of the sugar Industry in Calms. To feed the many Chinese employees, pigs, poultry, peanuts and rice were included as subsistence products. Unfortunately the venture was a failure. The cotton did not mature properly and the sugar could not be processed to the best advantage with the primitive and inefficient machinery available. Labour costs were also a bugbear. In 1886 the land, crops and machinery were sold for ^f 15,000, a loss of *20,000. This large scale plantation form of agriculture by the Chinese was the first and last of its kind in the Cairns area and I have not encountered a similar case anywhere in Australia. 123 CATHIE MAY The usual custom was for several Chinese to lease a small allotment, between about five and fifty acres, from a European farmer at a cost of i 1 per acre per year. Tha Chinese tenant would clear the land and cultivate it for approximately five years, after which it reverted to the owner. There were advantages to both parties in this arrangement. The Chinese benefitted as, being aliens, they were not permitted to buy land and this way they could obtain the use of it relatively cheaply. To the European accrued the advantage of having his land rendered fit for cultivation. Moreover the improvements affected by the Chinese tenant fulfilled tha requirements of the Homestead Act. This system of land tenure was the norm in Cairns, Atherton, Innisfail, Port Douglas and Mossman, all of which came into prominence between 1876 and 1900. On the coastal lowlands, particularly in Calms and Innisf all, the main cash crop grown by the Chinese was bananas. The export of bananas from Calms was first reported in 1886 and before long they had become the economic mainstay of the port. In September 1886, a correspondent to the Calms Post stated: "I have heard it said that were it not for the banana trade. Calms would be insolvent." Chinese growers usually exported through the larger Chinese firms in Calms to Chinese agents in the Southern Capitals. Therefore the industry was a virtual CHiinese monopoly. Circumstances, however, were against the permanent establishment of the banana Industry as there were ninnerous difficulties to overcome. Transport facilities were less than perfect in several respects. The Coastal steamers apparently sailed south at a sedate pace making frequent stops and with no means of preserving bananas in transit, many cargoes were virtually worthless on arrival in Sydney and Melbourne. There were also hints that the bananas were not treated with the care they required. Lumpers were even reputed to walk over the piles of bunches while loading. Frultfly was always a problem, particularly after the Victorian Government introduced regulations for a stringent examination of Queensland- grown bananas in 1907. As a result, quantities of bananas which withstood the hazards of the journey were officially disposed of on arrival in 124 m I § +> •O rH OS +> OS CO a c cd XI o u I o o d •H x: o bO c •H -O OS O a THE CHINESE COMMUNITY IN NORTH QUEENSLAND Melbourne with no compensation to either grower or exporter. An Inspection fee of h per bunch was then levied, for bananas to be examined in Calms before shipment. However this also proved a hardship. Competition from Fiji-grown bananas was another handicap to the (^leensland product. Fiji growers enjoyed the advantages of cheaper labour and more efficient transport. The journey from Suva to Sydney took less time than that from Calms and the ships were better equipped to carry bananas. This competition was so fierce that Queensland growers rejoiced when Fiji was devastated by a cyclone and vice versa. Cyclones Indeed posed an intermittent problem particularly in 1906, 1911 and 1918 when destruction was such that many growers abandoned their holdings.