How Much Profit of Multinational Enterprises Is Really in Tax Havens?
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Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth
Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Introduction Gabriel Zucman [email protected] 1 Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman Roadmap 1. What is this course about? 2. Inequality and growth in the history of economic thought 3. Course organization: grading, readings, etc. 4. Overview of the five main parts of the course - 2 - Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman 1 What is this course about? 1.1 What you've learned in Econ 1 or 2 Market economies are efficient: • Any competitive equilibrium is Pareto-efficient • Limit 1: assumes no market failures • Limit 2: says nothing about how resources will be distributed at the equilibrium - 3 - Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman 1.2 Econ 133: an introduction to economics, but putting distribution at the center stage • How unequal is the world? • What are the forces that push toward equality and inequality? • How does inequality change as countries grow? • What policies can foster equitable growth? - 4 - Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman 1.3 Inequality is at the center of research, policy, and the public debate • Rising inequality in many countries • Barack Obama: \Inequality is the defining challenge of our time" Inequality is an important subject for: • Everybody • Economists in universities, academia, think thanks, banks... • Policy-makers in governments & international organizations - 5 - Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman 2 Inequality & growth in the history of economic thought 2.1 Thomas Malthus • Essay on the Principle of Population, 1798 • Iron law of wages: population grows ! labor supply increases ! wages fall to subsistence levels • End outcome: misery for the masses, revolution • To prevent this: limit population growth - 6 - Econ 133 - Global Inequality and Growth Gabriel Zucman 2.2 David Ricardo • Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, 1817 • Scarcity principle: if pop. -
Global Wealth Inequality
EC11CH05_Zucman ARjats.cls August 7, 2019 12:27 Annual Review of Economics Global Wealth Inequality Gabriel Zucman1,2 1Department of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, California 94720, USA; email: [email protected] 2National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Annu. Rev. Econ. 2019. 11:109–38 Keywords First published as a Review in Advance on inequality, wealth, tax havens May 13, 2019 The Annual Review of Economics is online at Abstract economics.annualreviews.org This article reviews the recent literature on the dynamics of global wealth https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics- Annu. Rev. Econ. 2019.11:109-138. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org inequality. I first reconcile available estimates of wealth inequality inthe 080218-025852 United States. Both surveys and tax data show that wealth inequality has in- Access provided by University of California - Berkeley on 08/26/19. For personal use only. Copyright © 2019 by Annual Reviews. creased dramatically since the 1980s, with a top 1% wealth share of approx- All rights reserved imately 40% in 2016 versus 25–30% in the 1980s. Second, I discuss the fast- JEL codes: D31, E21, H26 growing literature on wealth inequality across the world. Evidence points toward a rise in global wealth concentration: For China, Europe, and the United States combined, the top 1% wealth share has increased from 28% in 1980 to 33% today, while the bottom 75% share hovered around 10%. Recent studies, however, may underestimate the level and rise of inequal- ity, as financial globalization makes it increasingly hard to measure wealth at the top. -
Capital Is Back: Wealth-Income Ratios in Rich Countries 1700-2010
Capital is Back: Wealth-Income Ratios in Rich Countries 1700-2010 Thomas Piketty Gabriel Zucman Paris School of Economics Paris School of Economics July 26, 2013⇤ Abstract How do aggregate wealth-to-income ratios evolve in the long run and why? We address this question using 1970-2010 national balance sheets recently compiled in the top eight developed economies. For the U.S., U.K., Germany, and France, we are able to extend our analysis as far back as 1700. We find in every country a gradual rise of wealth-income ratios in recent decades, from about 200-300% in 1970 to 400-600% in 2010. In e↵ect, today’s ratios appear to be returning to the high values observed in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (600-700%). This can be explained by a long run asset price recovery (itself driven by changes in capital policies since the world wars) and by the slowdown of productivity and population growth, in line with the β = s/g Harrod-Domar-Solow formula. That is, for a given net saving rate s = 10%, the long run wealth-income ratio β is about 300% if g = 3% and 600% if g = 1.5%. Our results have important implications for capital taxation and regulation and shed new light on the changing nature of wealth, the shape of the production function, and the rise of capital shares. ⇤Thomas Piketty: [email protected]; Gabriel Zucman: [email protected]. We are grateful to seminar par- ticipants at the Paris School of Economics, Sciences Po, the International Monetary Fund, Columbia University, University of Pennsylvania, the European Commission, the University of Copenhagen, and the NBER summer institute for their comments and reactions. -
Who Owns the Wealth in Tax Havens? Macro Evidence and Implications for Global Inequality
Journal of Public Economics 162 (2018) 89–100 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Public Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jpube Who owns the wealth in tax havens? Macro evidence and implications for ☆ T global inequality Annette Alstadsætera, Niels Johannesenb, Gabriel Zucmanc,d,* a Norwegian University of Life Sciences, Norway b CEBI, University of Copenhagen, Denmark c UC Berkeley, United States d NBER, United States ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Drawing on newly published macroeconomic statistics, this paper estimates the amount of household wealth Inequality owned by each country in offshore tax havens. The equivalent of 10% of world GDP is held in tax havens Wealth globally, but this average masks a great deal of heterogeneity—from a few percent of GDP in Scandinavia, to Tax evasion about 15% in Continental Europe, and 60% in Gulf countries and some Latin American economies. We use these Tax havens estimates to construct revised series of top wealth shares in ten countries, which account for close to half of JEL classification: world GDP. Because offshore wealth is very concentrated at the top, accounting for it increases the top 0.01% H26 wealth share substantially in Europe, even in countries that do not use tax havens extensively. It has considerable H87 effects in Russia, where the vast majority of wealth at the top is held offshore. These results highlight the E21 importance of looking beyond tax and survey data to study wealth accumulation among the very rich in a globalized world. 1. Introduction statistics, we do not have a clear view of who uses tax havens. -
The Silicon Six
The Silicon Six and their $100 billion global tax gap December 2019 © Fair Tax Mark 2019 About the Fair Tax Mark The Fair Tax Mark certification scheme was launched in - regulators, investors and municipalities across the UK in 2014, and seeks to encourage and recognise the globe have expressed a desire to support Fair organisations that pay the right amount of corporation tax Tax Mark accreditation (or equivalent) in their at the right time and in the right place. Tax contributions jurisdictions; are a key part of the wider social and economic contribution made by business, helping the communities - there is in many parts of the world an ongoing in which they operate to deliver valuable public services international race to the bottom on tax, and and build the infrastructure that paves the way for growth. this creates a downward pressure on standards everywhere (including in the UK); and More than fifty businesses have now been certified in the UK, including FTSE-listed PLCs, co-operatives, - if no action is taken by civil society, unscrupulous social enterprises and large private business – which accounting and auditing entities will step into the between them have over 7,000 offices and outlets. vacuum and propagate low-bar tax kitemarks. We operate as a not-for-profit social enterprise and believe that companies paying tax responsibly should Further information at: be celebrated, and any race to the bottom resisted. • Website: www.fairtaxmark.net To date, the Fair Tax Mark’s activities have been focused on the UK; however, a new suite of international • Phone: (within UK) 0161 7690427 / standards is now under development. -
The Missing Wealth of Nations: Are Europe and the U.S
THE MISSING WEALTH OF NATIONS: ARE EUROPE AND THE U.S. NET DEBTORS OR NET CREDITORS?* Gabriel Zucman This article shows that official statistics substantially underestimate the net foreign asset positions of rich countries because they fail to capture most of the assets held by households in offshore tax havens. Drawing on a unique Swiss data set and exploiting systematic anomalies in countries’ portfolio investment positions, I find that around 8% of the global financial wealth of households is held in tax havens, three-quarters of which goes unrecorded. On the basis of plausible assumptions, accounting for unrecorded assets turns the eurozone, officially the world’s second largest net debtor, into a net creditor. It Downloaded from also reduces the U.S. net debt significantly. The results shed new light on global imbalances and challenge the widespread view that after a decade of poor-to-rich capital flows, external assets are now in poor countries and debts in rich countries. I provide concrete proposals to improve international statis- tics. JEL Codes: F32, H26, H87. http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ I. Introduction There are two puzzles in international investment statistics. The first is a set of statistical anomalies. At the global level, liabilities tend to exceed assets: the world as a whole is a net debtor (Lane and Milesi-Ferretti 2007). Similarly, the global bal- ance of payments shows that more investment income is paid than received each year. Since the problem was identified in by guest on July 6, 2013 the 1970s, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has commis- sioned a number of reports to investigate its causes, and national statistical agencies have put considerable resources into improv- ing their data. -
$7.6 Trillion $21-32 Trillion
NO EASY TASK: Quantifying Illicit Financial Flows The Financial Transparency Coalition works to curtail the whole range of illicit financial flows. Some FTC members focus on the cross-border movement of money that is illegal- ly earned, transferred, or utilized. These illicit financial flows come from tax evasion, trade manipulation, organized crime, and corrupt payments to public officials. Coalition members also address the wider aspects of illicit flows, including tax avoidance by multi- national companies. But pinpointing the scale of the problem is no easy task. Whether it’s using data to uncov- er trade misinvoicing, measuring the amount wealthy elites hide in secrecy jurisdictions, or quantifying how much corporations shift in profits to avoid tax, there’s a growing body of literature around illicit financial flows. No matter how you look at the data, one thing is clear: financial secrecy has turned illicit flows into a thriving business. HOW DO YOU QUANTIFY ILLICIT FINANCIAL FLOWS? TRADE & FINANCE DATA Lost By Developing Lost In 2013 Alone 1 And Emerging $7.8 Countries To Illicit Financial Flows $1.1 TRILLION (2004-2013) 1 TRILLION Trade misinvoicing, or moving money across borders in a commercial transaction while deliberately misreporting the value – a form of which is trade-based money laundering – is cited by Global Financial Integrity as the largest component of measurable illicit financial flows. To get to their global estimates on illicit financial flows, GFI combines the use of trade data to capture misinvoicing with an analysis of balance of payments data to identify when it looks like more money is leaving a country than what has been reported. -
Of Risks and Remedies: Best Practices in Tax Rulings Transparency.” Leandra Lederman Indiana University Maurer School of Law
FALL 2020 NEW YORK UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW “Of Risks and Remedies: Best Practices in Tax Rulings Transparency.” Leandra Lederman Indiana University Maurer School of Law September 29, 2020 Via Zoom Time: 2:00 – 3:50 p.m. EST Week 6 SCHEDULE FOR FALL 2020 NYU TAX POLICY COLLOQUIUM (All sessions meet online on Tuesdays, from 2:00 to 3:50 pm EST) 1. Tuesday, August 25 – Steven Dean, NYU Law School. “A Constitutional Moment in Cross-Border Taxation.” 2. Tuesday, September 1 – Clinton Wallace, University of South Carolina School of Law. “Democratic Justice in Tax Policymaking.” 3. Tuesday, September 8 – Natasha Sarin, University of Pennsylvania Law School. “Understanding the Revenue Potential of Tax Compliance Investments.” 4. Tuesday, September 15 – Adam Kern, Princeton Politics Department and NYU Law School. “Illusions of Justice in International Taxation.” 5. Tuesday, September 22 – Henrik Kleven, Princeton Economics Department. “The EITC and the Extensive Margin: A Reappraisal.” 6. Tuesday, September 29 – Leandra Lederman, Indiana University Maurer School of Law. “Of Risks and Remedies: Best Practices in Tax Rulings Transparency.” 7. Tuesday, October 6 – Daniel Shaviro, NYU Law School. “What Are Minimum Taxes, and Why Might One Favor or Disfavor Them?” 8. Tuesday, October 13 – Steve Rosenthal, Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. “Tax Implications of the Shifting Ownership of U.S. Stock.” 9. Tuesday, October 20 – Michelle Layser, University of Illinois College of Law. “How Place-Based Tax Incentives Can Reduce Economic Inequality.” 10. Tuesday, October 27 – Gabriel Zucman, University of California, Berkeley. “The Rise of Income and Wealth Inequality in America: Evidence from Distributional Macroeconomic Accounts.” 11. -
The Rise of Income and Wealth Inequality in America: Evidence from Distributional Macroeconomic Accounts
Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 34, Number 4—Fall 2020—Pages 3–26 The Rise of Income and Wealth Inequality in America: Evidence from Distributional Macroeconomic Accounts Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman or the measurement of income and wealth inequality, there is no equivalent to Gross Domestic Product statistics—that is, no government-run standardized, F documented, continually updated, and broadly recognized methodology similar to the national accounts which are the basis for GDP. Starting in the mid- 2010s, we have worked along with our colleagues from the World Inequality Lab to address this shortcoming by developing “distributional national accounts”— statistics that provide consistent estimates of inequality capturing 100 percent of the amount of national income and household wealth recorded in the official national accounts. This effort is motivated by the large and growing gap between the income recorded in the datasets traditionally used to study inequality—household surveys, income tax returns—and the amount of national income recorded in the national accounts. The fraction of national income that is reported in individual income tax data has declined from 70 percent in the late 1970s to about 60 percent in 2018. The gap is larger in survey data, such as the Current Population Survey, which do not capture top incomes well. This gap makes it hard to address questions such as: What fraction of national income is earned by the bottom 50 percent, the middle 40 percent, and the top 10 percent of the distribution? Who has benefited from economic growth since the 1980s? How does the growth experience of the ■ Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman are Professors of Economics, both at the University of California, Berkeley, California. -
Capital Accumulation, Private Property, and Rising Inequality in China, 1978–2015†
American Economic Review 2019, 109(7): 2469–2496 https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20170973 Capital Accumulation, Private Property, and Rising Inequality in China, 1978–2015† By Thomas Piketty, Li Yang, and Gabriel Zucman* We combine national accounts, surveys, and new tax data to study the accumulation and distribution of income and wealth in China from 1978 to 2015. The national wealth-income ratio increased from 350 percent in 1978 to 700 percent in 2015, while the share of public property in national wealth declined from 70 percent to 30 percent. We provide sharp upward revision of official inequality estimates. The top 10 percent income share rose from 27 percent to 41 percent between 1978 and 2015; the bottom 50 percent share dropped from 27 percent to 15 percent. China’s inequality levels used to be close to Nordic countries and are now approaching US levels. JEL D31, E01, E23, O11, P24, P26, P36 ( ) Between 1978 and 2015, China has moved from a poor, underdeveloped country to the world’s leading emerging economy. Despite the decline in its share of world population, China’s share of world GDP increased from less than 3 percent in 1978 to 20 percent in 2015 panel A of Figure 1 . According to official statistics, real per ( ) adult national income was multiplied by more than 8, from €120 a month in 1978 expressed in 2015 euros to more than €1,000 in 2015 panel B .1 ( ) ( ) Unfortunately, relatively little is known about how the distribution of income and wealth within China has changed over this critical period. -
Distributional National Accounts: Methods and Estimates for the United States∗
THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS Vol. 133 May 2018 Issue 2 DISTRIBUTIONAL NATIONAL ACCOUNTS: METHODS AND ESTIMATES FOR THE UNITED STATES∗ THOMAS PIKETTY EMMANUEL SAEZ GABRIEL ZUCMAN This article combines tax, survey, and national accounts data to estimate the distribution of national income in the United States since 1913. Our distributional national accounts capture 100% of national income, allowing us to compute growth rates for each quantile of the income distribution consistent with macroeconomic growth. We estimate the distribution of both pretax and posttax income, making it possible to provide a comprehensive view of how government redistribution affects inequality. Average pretax real national income per adult has increased 60% from 1980 to 2014, but we find that it has stagnated for the bottom 50% of the distribution at about $16,000 a year. The pretax income of the middle class—adults between the median and the 90th percentile—has grown 40% since 1980, faster than what tax and survey data suggest, due in particular to the rise of tax-exempt fringe benefits. Income has boomed at the top. The upsurge of top incomes was first a labor income phenomenon but has mostly been a capital income phenomenon ∗We thank the editors, Lawrence Katz and Andrei Shleifer; four anony- mous referees; Facundo Alvaredo, Tony Atkinson, Gerald Auten, Lucas Chancel, Patrick Driessen, Oded Galor, David Johnson, Arthur Kennickell, Nora Lustig, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, John Sabelhaus, David Splinter, and Danny Yagan; and numerous seminar and conference participants for helpful discussions and com- ments. Antoine Arnoud, Kaveh Danesh, Sam Karlin, Juliana Londono-V˜ elez,´ and Carl McPherson provided outstanding research assistance. -
The Economic and Social Consequences of Tax Havens in the World
SHS Web of Conferences 83, 01041 (2020) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208301041 Current Problems of the Corporate Sector 2020 The Economic and Social Consequences of Tax Havens in the World Gizela Lénártová1* 1 University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Business management, Department of Corporate Finance, Dolnozemská 1, 851 04 Bratislava, Slovak Republic Abstract. The tax havens in the world have become the global phenomenon related tax avoidance, tax fraud and evasion and money laundering. The aim of the paper is to analyze their scope and to assess economic and social consequences of their existence in the world society, world economy, international and national tax systems. Many analyzes of the current situation and reported cases show that tax havens are threatening the stable development of the world economy, causing negative consequences of the economic, social, security and humanitarian nature of the global scale. Combating tax avoidance, tax fraud and evasion through tax havens must be stronger and more effective all around the world. 1 Introduction Globalization significantly affects all ongoing processes in the world economy, while its positive and negative consequences can be observed throughout society. Piketty [1] has analyzed the current problems of the world economy, examining the causes of inequality, and his former doctoral student Gabriel Zucman [2] has focused on tax havens in the world. Tax havens are used for a variety of purposes, in particular to achieve tax savings, exploit anonymity, and protect assets and hide wealth. Tax savings may or may not mean tax evasion. Sometimes it is about tax avoidance. There is no big difference between them.