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University Microfilms INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding o f the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced. University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 A Xerox Education Company 72 - 23,109 REINHART, Cornel Justin, 1943- POPULISM AND THE BLACK: A STUDY IN IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL STRAINS. The University of Oklahoma, Ph.D., 1972 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1972 CORNEL JUSTIN REINHART ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. THE UNIVERSITY OP OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE POPULISM AND THE BLACK: A STUDY IN IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL STRAINS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OP PHILOSOPHY BY CORNEL JUSTIN REINHART Norman, Oklahoma 1972 POPULISM AND THE BLACK» A STUDY IN IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL STRAINS APPROVED BY d/£^ f ^éÀxJllLj.() lI. O W vIL 0 ^ Q j r c DISSERTATION COMMITTEE PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received. University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company PREFACE Originally this study set out to explore some of the questions raised by historians about the Populist movement. Most immediately my intention was to examine Populist racial attitudes, as well as their political stance toward Blacks, in an effort to shed light on the degree of Populist tolerance or intolerance. Beyond that I further hoped to generalize from their racial views to the broader questions raised about the movement as a whole» were they proto­ fascist or semi-marxian, middle or lower class, forward or backward looking? Unfortunately or, as it turned out, fortunately, I immediately encountered some difficulties. The first and the most basic of these involved my findings in the area of racial attitudes. My research indicated that the southern Populist deviated little, if at all, from the racial mores held by the vast majority of Americans in the late nineteenth century. Specifically, I found very little support for the notion that the Populists rejected the idea of Black racial inferiority. Beyond that, it was also evident that the Populists were not even particularly interested in racial questions, at least to 1 8 9 6. They seldom initiated debate in this area; indeed. i i i they avoided the topic whenever possible, arguing that it detracted from and obscured more important issues. The only radical feature of their relationship with Blacks was their willingness to use Black votes to carry out their programs. Yet even here Black voting was not a new thing--what made it disturbing was the very wide gulf which existed between the Populists and the two established parties. Once these things were clear about the Populists, the question which naturally followed was what then did dif­ ferentiate the Populists from the major political parties— or to put it differently— around what principles did they coalesce. The answer to this question, I believe, goes to the heart of the controversy over the character of the Populist movement— in effect, to the heart of Populism itself. Three strands of continuity gradually emerged from the writings and materia. "'f the individuals I examined. The first of these was the content of their thought. Put most simply, Populism was deeply committed to the continuation of economic and social individualism in America, Populists saw themselves as part of a broad producing class— that is, all of those who in some way worked for a living as opposed to those involved in financial manipulation— and as such they believed themselves to be the backbone of the American Republic.^ Their despair at finding themselves and America Cf. the discussion of the term "producer" in Eric Poner, Free Soil. Free Labor. Free Men (N.Y.i Oxford University Press, 1970), 15» i v in a seemingly constant state of depression was directed at the forces they believed to be oppressing them and reducing individual economic opportunity— namely, the increasingly corporate character of the society itself and, worst of all, the rise of the "artificial" and specially privileged busi­ ness corporation. The second element of continuity was the Populists* exaggerated use of language characterized by the repeated use of symbolic figures and metaphorical expressions. This aspect of the Populist movement was first explored by the critics of Populism and was labeled by Richard Hofstadter 2 as Populism's "soft" side. The third source of unity, closely related to the sec­ ond, was the tendency in many of the individuals examined to be extremist (without a pejorative connotation) not only in purely political areas but, more basically, in their entire life style— a style best described as one of "patterned extremism," Thus Ignatius Donnelly, while certainly radical in political areas, also found himself in a constant struggle with authority— with the establishment— in every area which engaged his attention. For example, it was Francis Bacon, in Donnelly's view, and not William Shakespeare who wrote 2 The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F, D. R, (N.Y.j Alfred A. Knopf, 195^), 64-65. the plays experts attributed to Shakespeare; Louis Agassiz, likewise, was not correct about the origins of glacier "till;" auid Plato's Atlantis had existed. Most radical of all. Blacks had the same feelings, the same sensitivity, and the same abilities as whites. In the same way, if we understand Tom Watson's early years— prior to I896— as not only radical but also extremist, we can begin to dissolve the dichotomy pro­ jected into his life by so many historians. While his con­ cerns shift to racial and ethnic questions, his manner of treating them remains consistent with his "Populist" years. The key concept which unites these three elements of continuity and which provides the essential backdrop against which Populist racial attitudes must be evaluated is the role ideology plays in periods of social and cultural stress. For my understanding of ideology I have relied most heavily on the work of Clifford Geertz.^ For Geertz, the presence of extreme ideological formulation is a vital clue that there are elements of severe personal and social disequilib­ rium present in a particular culture. There are several sources of disequilibrium but the most important are, first, personal and social strains caused by— among other things— role conflicts, the failure of the society to provide channels to achieve socially approved ends, and status changes. ^Clifford Geertz, "Ideology as a Cultural System" reprinted in D. £. Apter, Ideologv and Discontent. (N.Y.i Free Press, 1964), 47 -7 6 , VI A second major source of cultural disequilibrium results from a significant alteration in the essential structural guideposts in any society. For example, intense ideology is spawned during the French Revolution by the destruction of the central symbol and figure of political life, the Crown, The void left by the collapse of the monarchy is filled by ideology— ideology acting as a blueprint to explain and give guidance in a period and situation suddenly devoid of established modes of behavior. Ideology also functions in relation to both of these sources of cultural strain as symbolic action. That is, the very process of articulating and expressing the emotions one subjectively feels becomes a method of relieving these feelings. Most simply stated, language or rhetoric becomes a substitute for direct action. Thus what Hofstadter calls irrational is indeed a distortion of reality but in no way a conscious one. In fact, the presence of ideological dis­ tortion is a clear signal— to borrow an older metaphor, "a warning bell”— that it is not the individuals but the society which has a "pathological” problem. It is crucial to our understanding of Populism then to re-emphasize that while the critics are right in noting evidences of "irrationality” in Populist ideology they are very mistaken in locating the sources of this problem in the Populists themselves. To summarize, once it became clear that Populist racial attitudes could not be generalized to the rest of their VI1 program, it became necessary to seek out the factors which did separate the Populists from others in the late nine­ teenth century.
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