Entscheidende Behörde Entscheidungsdatum Geschäftszahl

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Entscheidende Behörde Entscheidungsdatum Geschäftszahl 28.07.2003 Entscheidende Behörde Unabhängiger Bundesasylsenat Entscheidungsdatum 28.07.2003 Geschäftszahl 219.763/0-X/30/02 Spruch BESCHEID SPRUCH Der unabhängige Bundesasylsenat hat durch das Mitglied Mag. BRAUCHART gemäß § 66 Abs. 4 AVG iVm § 38 Abs. 1 des Asylgesetzes 1997, BGBI. I Nr. 76/1997, idF. BGBI. I Nr. 126/2002, entschieden: Der Berufung von A. A. vom 9.11.2000 gegen den Bescheid des Bundesasylamtes vom 25.10.2000, Zahl: 00 13.344-BAE, wird stattgegeben und A. A. gemäß § 7 AsylG Asyl gewährt. Gemäß § 12 leg.cit. wird festgestellt, dass A. A. damit kraft Gesetzes die Flüchtlingseigenschaft zukommt. Text BEGRÜNDUNG I.1. Der nunmehrige Berufungswerber, ein afghanischer Staatsangehöriger, stellte am 26.9.2000 einen Asylantrag, zu welchem er vom Bundesasylamt am 12.10.2000 einvernommen wurde. Mit Bescheid vom 25.10.2000, Zahl: 00 13.344-BAE, wies das Bundesasylamt den Asylantrag gemäß § 7 AsylG ab (Spruchpunkt I) und stellte in Spruchpunkt II fest, dass die Zurückweisung, Zurückschiebung oder Abschiebung des Berufungswerbers nach Afghanistan zulässig sei (§ 8 AsylG). Dieser Bescheid wurde dem Berufungswerber nachweislich am 30.10.2000 zugestellt. Gegen diesen Bescheid wendet sich die fristgerecht eingebrachte Berufung vom 9.11.2000. 2. Der unabhängige Bundesasylsenat führte in der Sache des Berufungswerbers am 14.7.2003 eine Berufungsverhandlung gemäß § 67d AVG durch, an welcher der Berufungswerber, nicht jedoch das Bundesasylamt teilnahm. II. Der unabhängige Bundesasylsenat hat erwogen: 1. Folgender Sachverhalt steht fest: 1.1. Zur Person des Berufungswerbers: Der Berufungswerber ist afghanischer Staatsangehöriger und Angehöriger der Volksgruppe der Tadschiken. Er wurde in Kabul geboren und wuchs in P. auf. Nach seiner Jugendzeit ging er zurück nach Kabul, wo er bis zu seiner Ausreise aus Afghanistan im 00. 2000 lebte. Mehrere Angehörige seiner Familie waren Mitglieder der kommunistischen Partei "SAZA" bzw. "Setam-e Milli". Da der Berufungswerber keine höhere Berufsausbildung hatte, war er selbst nicht formelles Mitglied dieser Partei, er war aber Sympathisant der Partei und nahm regelmäßig an Sitzungen und Diskussionen der Partei teil. Der Onkel des Berufungswerbers, A. M. A., war ein hochrangiges Mitglied der Partei "SAZA" bzw. "Setam-e Milli" und war ein Vertreter der Partei. Er hatte sowohl unter Babrak als auch unter Najibullah eine hohe Funktion im Ministerium inne. 1992, nach der Machtübernahme durch Rabbani, verließ der Onkel des Berufungswerbers Afghanistan und ging nach Russland. Wegen des Onkels des Berufungswerbers wurde dessen Sohn, der Cousin des Berufungswerbers, der ebenfalls www.ris.bka.gv.at Seite 1 von 7 Unabhängiger Bundesasylsenat 28.07.2003 Mitglied bei "SAZA" bzw. "Setam-e Milli" war, 1981 von den Mujaheddin, konkret von der Jamiat-e Islami, festgenommen und umgebracht. Drei Tage nach der Festnahme seines Cousins wurde auch der Berufungswerber im Zuge einer Durchsuchung des Hauses seines Onkels, in welchem er sich gerade aufhielt, von den Mujaheddin, konkret von der Jamiat-e Islami, festgenommen und in weiterer Folge ins Gefangenenhaus gebracht, wo er zur "SAZA" bzw. "Setam-e Milli" befragt wurde. Es wurde ihm unterstellt, ebenfalls der Partei "SAZA" bzw. "Setam-e Milli" anzugehören und man bezeichneten ihn als "Gottlosen". Bei den Personen, die ihn befragten, handelte es sich um Untersuchungsrichter, um Angehörige des Militärgerichtes, namens M., K. und M. N. Die Untersuchungsrichter teilten dem Berufungswerber mit, dass er nun "formell" festgenommen werde, da er zu den Intellektuellen und den Gottlosen gehören würde. Sie sagten, dass ihrer Religion genüge getan werde, wenn man Angehörige der Parteien SAZA, Parcham oder Khalgh umbringe. In diesem Gefangenenhaus wurde der Berufungswerber ca. 10 Tage angehalten, dann wurde er in ein anderes Gefängnis, in welchem sich Angehörige der Parteien SAZA, Parcham oder Khalgh befanden, verlegt. Dort war der Berufungswerber mit 700 anderen Personen eingesperrt. Insgesamt war der Berufungswerber ca. 40 Tage lang inhaftiert. Die Fraktion um Babrak sowie Mitglieder der Parcham-Partei versuchten schließlich mit der Unterstützung sowjetischer Truppen die Gefangenen aus diesem Gefängnis befreien, die Gefängnisaufseher reagierten darauf mit der Hinrichtung einiger Gefangener durch Erschießen. Im Zuge dieser Hinrichtungsaktion wurde auch der Cousin des Berufungswerbers ermordet. Schließlich kam es zu Kämpfen zwischen den Gefängniswärtern und den Befreiern, die der Berufungswerber zur Flucht aus dem Gefängnis nützen konnte. Die Jamiat-e Islami hat im gegenwärtigen Machtgefüge Afghanistans wieder eine Schlüsselfunktion inne. Die Untersuchungsrichter, die den Berufungswerber befragt haben, leben gegenwärtig wieder in Kabul, wo sie nach wieder als Richter tätig sind. 1.2. Zur Situation in Afghanistan 1.2.1. Allgemeine politische Lage: Das Eingreifen der Anti-Terrorallianz und der Sturz des Taliban-Regimes bietet Afghanistan nach 22 Jahren Bürgerkrieg und kriegerischer Auseinandersetzung die Chance auf einen Neubeginn. Allerdings ist derzeit weder der Kampf gegen die Al-Kaida- und Talibankämpfer abgeschlossen noch ein Ausgleich zwischen den innerafghanischen Fraktionen erreicht, die Wirtschaftlage ist weiterhin desolat, die humanitäre Situation weiterhin schwierig (Auswärtiges Amt, Ad hoc-Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in Afghanistan, Stand Ende Mai 2002). Die Sicherheitslage ist im Allgemeinen und hinsichtlich bestimmter Bevölkerungsgruppen in bestimmten Regionen Afghanistans immer noch sehr schlecht (Auswärtiges Amt, Ad hoc-Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in Afghanistan, Stand Ende Mai 2002; Dr. B. G., Stellungnahme vom 26.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig-Holstein). Auf der Großen Ratsversammlung (Loya Jirga) im Juni 2002 wurde eine Übergangsregierung unter dem Präsidenten Hamid Karzai gebildet, unter der eine Verfassung geschaffen und allgemeine demokratische Wahlen vorbereitet werden sollen, damit in etwa zwei Jahren eine reguläre, demokratisch legitimierte Regierung etabliert werden kann. De facto reicht die derzeitige Staatsmacht unter Präsident Karzai nicht über die Stadtgrenzen von Kabul hinaus (Dr. B. G., Stellungnahme vom 26.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig- Holstein). Zwar ist in Kabul mit der Anwesenheit einer internationalen Friedentruppe (ISAF) von über 4000 Mann eine Regierung entstanden, die in der Lage ist, eine übergreifende Ordnung in der Hauptstadt umzusetzen, so dass dort extreme Formen von Auseinandersetzungen unterbunden werden und der Einzelne im Großen und Ganzen nicht um seine Existenz zu fürchten braucht. Selbst in der Hauptstadt mit ihren großen Ausläufern, in denen inzwischen wieder fast zwei Millionen Menschen leben, kann die Regierung nicht überall - insbesondere nicht in den Vororten - die staatliche Ordnung durchsetzen (Dr. M. D., Stellungnahme vom 05.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig-Holstein). Außerhalb Kabuls herrscht politisches Chaos (Dr. B. G., Stellungnahme vom 26.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig-Holstein) bzw. Uneinheitlichkeit (Dr. M. D., Stellungnahme vom 05.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig-Holstein). Einzelne Stammesfürsten bzw. ehemalige Mujaheddin- Kommandanten sind Träger der lokalen Macht und herrschen mehr oder weniger unabhängig von den Vorgaben der Zentralregierung in Kabul (Dr. M. D., Stellungnahme vom 05.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig-Holstein; Dr. B. G., Stellungnahme vom 26.08.2002, erstattet an das Verwaltungsgericht Schleswig- Holstein). Die Macht von Karzai bzw. der Zentralregierung reicht nicht aus, alle Teile Afghanistans zu kontrollieren. Jede Zone - Afghanistan ist in Zonen geteilt - wird von den jeweiligen Kommandanten, die diese Region von den Taliban befreit hat, kontrolliert (Ausführungen Dr. R. als Sachverständiger für die aktuelle politische Lage in Afghanistan zur Situation der Frauen in Afghanistan, in der mündlichen Verhandlung des UBAS am 16.12.2002 zum Verfahren mit der Geschäftszahl 217.268). www.ris.bka.gv.at Seite 2 von 7 Unabhängiger Bundesasylsenat 28.07.2003 Eine funktionierende Polizei existiert derzeit in Afghanistan nicht. Der Aufbau einer afghanischen Polizei, in der alle Ethnien gleichberechtigt vertreten sind, spielt eine Schlüsselrolle für die Wiederherstellung der inneren Sicherheit in Afghanistan (Auswärtiges Amt, Ad hoc-Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in Afghanistan, Stand Ende Mai 2002). Das afghanische Recht war (bereits) vor dem Taliban-Regime unter den Mujaheddin durch die islamische Scharia bestimmt. Unter Berufung auf die Scharia werden Frauen in einer Reihe von Bereichen benachteiligt: im Familienrecht (Sorgerecht stets beim Vater), im Erb-, Zivilverfahrens und Strafrecht (insbes. Ehebruch). Ebenso wie es an Verwaltungsstrukturen fehlt, kann bislang auch nicht von einer nur ansatzweise funktionierenden Justiz gesprochen werden. Es besteht keine Einigkeit über die Gültigkeit und damit Anwendbarkeit von Rechtssätzen. Zudem fehlt es an einer Ausstattung mit Sachmitteln und geeignetem Personal. Eine Strafverfolgung von Übergriffen lokaler Machthaber außerhalb Kabuls ist praktisch nicht möglich. Auf dem Land wird die Richterfunktion von lokalen Räten (Shuras) übernommen. Eine zuverlässige Aussage darüber, wann nach der Taliban-Willkürherrschaft wieder ein funktionierendes Verwaltungs- und Gerichtssystem etabliert sein wird, ist nicht möglich (Auswärtiges Amt, Ad hoc-Bericht über
Recommended publications
  • Revolution in Afghanistan
    Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2
    The Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture. New Series 5 (1/2017): 67–87 [article] DOI: 10.4467/24506249PJ.17.004.6811 Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2. Leading Role of the Party Mateusz M. Kłagisz Abstract In this article, a single poster of the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afgh- anistan is discussed. The starting point for the project is the statement that persuasion is more effective than compulsion and the fact that the Afghan communists did not find any formula to start an effective dia- logue with their society. The primary question for the article is: what kind of communication, and what sort of themes and motifs played a significant role in conveying revolutionary ideology aimed at a society where a majority, with political potential, could not read or write? Keywords: Party, masses, leading role, unity, cooperation Dr. Mateusz M. Kłagisz is an assistant professor at the Depart- ment of Iranian Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. His main area of research on Afghanistan includes the question of modern- isation and regression in twentieth-century Afghanistan, especially in the communist period (1978–1992). e-mail: [email protected] Kłagisz, Visual Propaganda… 68 Our party is our school / And our laughter / We are its guard / We follow its path / (…) / We are scouts / And we are equal / If you fight with the enemy / You are the scoutsʼ friend1 The article, as a continuation of a text published in20152, is part of a re- search project on the propaganda employed by the would-be Leninist gov- ernment represented by the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afghanistan (here- after: PDPA)3.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
    CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghan Women at the Crossroads: Agents of Peace—Or Its Victims?
    AFGHAN WOMEN AT THE CROSSROADS: AGENTS OF PEACE—OR ITS VICTIMS? ORZALA ASHRAF NEMAT A CENTURY FOUNDATION REPORT The Century Foundation Headquarters: 41 East 70th Street, New York, New York 10021 D 212.535.4441 D.C.: 1333 H Street, N.W., 10th floor, Washington, D.C. 20005 D 202.387.0400 THE CENTURY FOUNDATION PROJECT ON AFGHANISTAN IN ITS REGIONAL AND MULTILATERAL DIMENSIONS This paper is one of a series commissioned by The Century Foundation as part of its project on Afghanistan in its regional and multilateral dimensions. This initiative is examining ways in which the international community may take greater collective responsibility for effectively assisting Afghanistan’s transition from a war-ridden failed state to a fragile but reasonably peaceful one. The program adds an internationalist and multilateral lens to the policy debate on Afghanistan both in the United States and globally, engaging the representatives of governments, international nongovernmental organizations, and the United Nations in the exploration of policy options toward Afghanistan and the other states in the region. At the center of the project is a task force of American and international figures who have had significant governmental, nongovernmental, or UN experience in the region, co-chaired by Lakhdar Brahimi and Thomas Pickering, respectively former UN special representative for Afghanistan and former U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Century Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • ICC-02/17-76-Anxa 07-10-2019 1/26 EK PT OA OA2 OA3
    ICC-02/17-76-AnxA 07-10-2019 1/26 EK PT OA OA2 OA3 Annex A (Public) ICC-02/17-76-AnxA 07-10-2019 2/26 EK PT OA OA2 OA3 LIST AND DESCRIPTION OF AFGHANISTAN HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS PARTY TO THE REQUEST Afghan Capacity Building Organization .................................................................................. 3 Afghanistan Forensic Science Organization ............................................................................ 4 Afghanistan Human Rights and Democracy Organization .................................................. 6 Afghan Human Rights Organization ........................................................................................ 9 Afghanistan Organization for Research and Advocacy ....................................................... 10 Afghanistan Reconstruction and Civil Society Organization .............................................. 11 Afghan Victims' Families Association .................................................................................... 12 Afghan Women Educational and Vocational Service Organization .................................. 14 Citizen Organization ................................................................................................................. 15 Darnika Development and Services Organization................................................................ 16 Feminine Solidarity for Justice Organization......................................................................... 17 Mubtaker Women’s Social Organization (Anjuman e Eshtimaee Zanan e Mubtaker)
    [Show full text]
  • Living in Afghanistan on the Eve of the Russian Invasion
    Dominican Scholar Senior Theses Student Scholarship 5-2014 Living in Afghanistan on the Eve of the Russian Invasion Crystal Kelly Dominican University of California https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2014.HCS.ST.08 Survey: Let us know how this paper benefits you. Recommended Citation Kelly, Crystal, "Living in Afghanistan on the Eve of the Russian Invasion" (2014). Senior Theses. 19. https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2014.HCS.ST.08 This Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Dominican Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Dominican Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Living in Afghanistan on the Eve of the Russian Invasion A senior project submitted to the faculty of Dominican University of California in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts and Cultural Studies By Crystal Kelly San Rafael, Ca. April 27, 2014 __________________________ ___________________________ Robert F. Bradford , Adjunct Assistant Chase Clow, Ph.D. Cand. Professor of Humanties and Cultural Director, Humanities and Cultural Studies Studies 2 “Travel is fatal to prejudice, bigotry, and narrow-mindedness, and many of our people need it sorely on these accounts. Broad, wholesome, charitable views of men and things cannot be acquired by vegetating in one little corner of the earth all one's lifetime.” ― Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad/Roughing It 3 Table of Contents Abstract 4 Introduction 5 Religion 15 Kabul 18 Bamyan 22 Riding with the Kuchis 31 Summary 33 Works Cited 36 4 Abstract In my Senior Project I intend to illustrate the differences between cultures juxtaposed with the similarity of humans from those cultures.
    [Show full text]
  • Campaign Trail 2010 (1): Badakhshan – Drugs, Border Crossings and Parliamentary Seats
    Campaign Trail 2010 (1): Badakhshan – drugs, border crossings and parliamentary seats Author : Fabrizio Foschini Published: 19 June 2010 Downloaded: 7 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/campaign-trail-2010-1-badakhshan-drugs-border-crossings-and-parliamentary- seats/?format=pdf The final candidates list for the 2010 parliamentary elections takes shape. It is expected for 21 June. Recently, the Independent Election Commission (IEC) reinstated seven candidates that had been removed from the list before. But currently, the vetting process has been frozen by the IEC - it waits for the return of the President from a trip abroad. As the elections get closer, AAN will look at various of its aspects and the situation in some provinces. In the first installment in this series, Fabrizio Foschini, AAN's Junior Researcher in Kabul, looks at Badakhshan. Until recently counted among the safest provinces in the country – actually still so, notwithstanding a string of acts of violence during last month – remote Badakhshan province is the theatre of a peculiar but far from marginal political life. Long associated withJamiat-e Islami party and its most prominent leader, former President Burhanuddin Rabbani, Badakhshan politics present a surprisingly varied face. And if the relative security enjoyed by the province alone can not guarantee for transparency and absence of fraud in the next elections, it at least allows for them to take place in the whole of the districts, a rare feature by now in Afghanistan. First, let us see more in detail who are the main contesters for the nine seats allocated for the province in the Wolesi Jirga.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mujahedin-E Khalq in Iraq: a Policy Conundrum
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. The Mujahedin-e Khalq in Iraq A Policy Conundrum Jeremiah Goulka, Lydia Hansell, Elizabeth Wilke, Judith Larson Sponsored by the Office of the Secretary of Defense Approved for public release; distribution unlimited NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE The research described in this report was prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD).
    [Show full text]
  • Overview Print Page Close Window
    World Directory of Minorities Asia and Oceania MRG Directory –> Afghanistan –> Afghanistan Overview Print Page Close Window Afghanistan Overview Updated: July 2012 Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Afghanistan is a landlocked, arid, mountainous and sparsely populated country, with an area of 647,500 square kilometres, bordered by Iran to the west, Pakistan to the south and east, the People's Republic of China to the far north-east and the Central Asian republics of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan to the north-east. Afghanistan is still largely a tribal society, divided into many tribes, clans and smaller groups. Considerable variation in the types of terrain and obstacles imposed by high ranking mountains and deserts, account for the country's marked ethnic and cultural differences. The country's population reflects its location with the presence of several ‘national' minorities. The main ethnic groups are dispersed throughout the country as follows: Pashtuns, the majority group, are concentrated mainly in the south and south-east but also live all over state; Tajiks inhabit mainly the north and north-east and Kabul region; Hazaras in the centre (Hazarajat) and in Kabul; Uzbeks in the north, Aimaq in the west; Turkmens in the north; Baluchis in the west and north-west and the Nuristani the east. The sovereign territory of Afghanistan is divided into 34 provinces (Welayat) with more than 300 districts (Woleswali). The boundaries of two newly created provinces are yet to be delimited. Peoples Main languages: Pashtu, Dari (a Farsi/Persian dialect) (both national languages), also numerous minority languages such as Aimaq, Arabic, Ashkun, Baluchi, Gujari, Hazaragi,Kazaki and Moghili.
    [Show full text]
  • Pashtun Reconciliation Programs
    “M IZH DER BEITABORA KHALQ YI .” P ASHTUN R ECONCILIATION P R OG R AMS Cultural & Geographic Research TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER July 2008 Pashtun Reconciliation Programs “M IZH DER BEITABORA KHALQ YI .” P ASHTUN R ECONCILIATION P R OG R AMS Copyright © 2009 Tribal Analysis Center, LTD All Rights Reserved Cultural & Geographic Research TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER About Tribal Analysis Center Tribal Analysis Center, 6610-M Mooretown Road, Box 159. Williamsburg, VA, 23188 Pashtun Reconciliation Programs “Mizh der beitabora khalq yi.”1 Pashtun Reconciliation Programs Any reconciliation program developed with a goal of impacting on a rural insurgency will be very complex and fraught with both surprises and unintended consequences. While the Pashtu quote above was derived from the Mehsud tribe, it fits all Pashtuns as they are very untrustworthy people and any agreement entered into must be both verifiable and enforceable or itwill be violated. In addition to being chronically untrustworthy, Louis Dupree noted in 1979 that an essentially Shi’a custom of “dissimulation,” or protective lying, was also present in Afghanistan. The custom, al-Taqiyya, allowed dissimulation to save life and protect property against discriminatory taxation, to obtain and hold government jobs that were normally denied to the Shi’a, or to prevent unpleasant situations from arising. Al-Taqiyya was practiced freely between Sunni and Shi’a, but it is very probable that all Afghans can lie freely to foreigners, especially those who are Christians.2 Given the violence that this society has experienced during the past thirty years, the safety of a clever protective lie must be especially widespread.
    [Show full text]
  • From Communism to Nationalism? the Trajectory of “Post-Communist” Ideology in Afghanistan
    From Communism to Nationalism? The Trajectory of “Post-Communist” Ideology in Afghanistan DARREN ATKINSON Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Politics, University of Otago, New Zealand. Email: [email protected] Abstract Afghanistan had an ostensibly “communist” party of government between 1978 and 1992. Hezb-e Demokratik-e Khalq-e Afghanistan (The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan – PDPA) was quasi-Stalinist in organisation and based many of its policies on a crude interpretation of Marxist thought in relation to existing Afghan political structures. During its last years in power the PDPA, under the leadership of President Najibullah from the Parcham (Banner) wing of the party, undertook a process of reform of ideology and re- branded the party as the Hezb-e Watan (Homeland Party of Afghanistan) that became ostensibly “nationalist”, as opposed to communist or leftist, in character. This was the starting point for a transformation of PDPA successor parties towards a form of Afghan nationalism that is still espoused by Kabul-based political movements. This paper will explore the ideological positions of two post-PDPA successor parties that still revere President Najibullah: Hezb-e Milli-e Watan-e Afghanistan (National Homeland Party of Afghanistan) and Hezb-e Watan-e Demokratik-e Afghanistan (Democratic Homeland Party of Afghanistan) and will analyse the reasons behind their decision to position themselves away from their left-wing past towards a position they believe is more palatable among the Afghan people. It will examine the stated ideology of these post-1991 formed parties and will present their development as analogous to the development of post-communist parties that has been seen in other parts of world, albeit with distinctly Afghan explanations behind their reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Women's Education in Afghanistan
    CHAPTER SIX THE STATE OF WOMEN'S EDUCATION IN AFGHANISTAN Humaira Haqmal ABSTRACT Under the old order, with its rural patterns and pernicious tribal culture and its harsh, cruel, chauvinistic despotism and precious little to enjoy in the way of culture, Afghan women were, and indeed still are, deprived of the most fundamental social and human rights and freedom. This deprivation in turn deprives society of development, especially as regards consolidating the basic functions of education. Another fundamental reason why women are deprived of their basic human rightsis the lack of security and the long-running wars that still drag on in Afghanistan. Even now, warring factions still concentrate their activities on closing down and burning schools, depriving women of their education. At present, International Security Assistance Forces are deployed in Afghanistan. When these international forces withdraw, they are unlikely to leave behind them a government that is sound, democratic for all and politically stable, something which is a cause for concern and indeed fear, among Afghans in general, and women in particular. Key words: Education, war, security, male chauvinism Humaira Haqmal The education of women in Afghanistan ■ EDUCATION AND SECURITY FOR WOMEN IN AFGHANISTAN Education is one of the fundamental topics for discussion in today's societies, and especially in developing societies. The practical subjects of this research seem simple enough, and we can affirm the importance to women of learning science, and education in both dangerous and calm situations, irrespective of the kinds of threats or physical and psychological dangers or of there being the time, opportunities and significant facilities for learning.
    [Show full text]