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On Freyr—The 'Lord' Or 'The Fertile One'? Some Comments on the Discussion of Etymology from the Historian of Religions

On Freyr—The 'Lord' Or 'The Fertile One'? Some Comments on the Discussion of Etymology from the Historian of Religions

On —the ‘’ or ‘the fertile one’? Some comments on the discussion of etymology from the historian of religions’ point of view1

Olof SUNDQVIST

Introduction Ever since the beginning of modern research in the 19th century, histo- rians of religions have used gods’ names, and the etymologies that can be associated with them, as a method to determine and distinguish the various mythical beings, their nature and functions. Also the have been interpreted by means of their names. In the present paper focus will be put on the ancient Scandinavian Freyr. His name has been a matter of debate in recent research, especially among philologists and specialists on names (onomasticians). Their arguments have, however, not always been based on linguistic arguments exclu- sively, but also on knowledge brought from the history of religions. Since some of the theories on Freyr in the history of religions are dis- puted, it is important that such aspects are brought to light also for the researchers in onomastics. A paradox may be discerned in research today. A new etymology of the god’s name has been suggested. This etymology has support from previous interpretations of the god Freyr made by historians of religions working in the mid 20th century. While a new and more nuanced image of Freyr, produced by historians of religions around 1995-2015, can find support from the old etymology.

Freyr and the etymology of his name There has almost been consensus that Freyr’s name should be con- ceived as a Proto-Nordic *Fraujaz (derived from the Indo-European

1 During the preparation of this article some individuals have given me important advices, answered questions and discussed some problems related to linguistic aspects. I would thus like to express my gratitude to Professor Thorsten Andersson and Professor Lennart Elmevik.

Onoma 48 (2013), 11-35. doi: 10.2143/ONO.48.0.3223612. © Onoma. All rights reserved. 12 Olof Sundqvist root *pro- ‘forward, ahead, uppermost, before’) meaning ‘the upper- most’ or ‘Lord (ruler)’. Probably this name is based on an appellative closely related to Gothic frauja ‘Lord (ruler)’ (Proto-Germanic *frau- jan-, frīega, Old Saxon frōio; alongside this jan-stem also an an-stem is postulated, Proto-Germanic *frawan-, which is presumed to appear in Old English frēa, Old Saxon frōho, frāho, Old Frisian frā, and frō).2 This name may originally have been a title or a Noa-name of the god (cf. Kock 1896; Sahlgren 1918; Wessén 1923; Green 1965, pp. 19-55; Vikstrand 2001, p. 55, 101). Also in other ancient religions the designation ‘Lord’ is quite common in the naming customs of gods, e.g. Greek Adonis (see Burkert 1985, pp. 176- 177; Vikstrand 2001, p. 55). There are, however, also some other sug- gestions regarding the etymology of Freyr. George van Langenhove (1939, pp. 58-59) argued that the appellative behind the name must be a Proto-Germanic *frauja(n)- ‘celui qui possède (apporte) la force vitale, animatrice’ (the one who possesses (brings) the vital force (vita- larity), faciliator). Most recently Lennart Elmevik (2003) has discussed the etymology of this name. He points out and emphasizes the fact that Freyr is not inflected as a jan-stem but as an i-stem, and that this speaks against the general opinion of the origin of the name of the god in question. He suggests therefore that this deity’s name could instead be a substantivized form of the adjective ON *freyr (along with frjór, frær) (attested in Norwegian and Swedish dialects as frøy and frö respectively) meaning ‘fertile, which is germinated or is fit to sowing’, from *fraiwia- (or *fraiwi-?), derived from Proto-Germanic *fraiwa- ‘seed’. Elmevik (2003, pp. 8-9) states that this interpretation is more likely than the conventional explanation, since Freyr is a fertility god: Even though I do not whish to definitely discharge the usual interpre- tation of the god’s name Freyr as ’the Lord’, I do mean that it is more plausible that we are dealing with an old substantivation with the meaning ’the fertile’ from the adjective ON *freyr <*fraiwia- (*fraiwi-) reflecting the notion of Freyr as an embodiment of the pow- ers of fertility, as ‘the promoter of the fertility of the soil and animate generation as well as of human fecundity and societal peace’ …

2 Cf. the jan-stem Gothic gudja ‘priest’, Proto-Nordic gudija ‘priest’ (in a runic inscription), and the an-stem ON goði ‘priest’. These words, appearing with differ- ent stems, are derived from a word meaning ‘god’ (cf. Gothic guþ). On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 13

Elmevik’s argument is thus in a decisively way based on the idea that Freyr is a fertility god. This common and well-established idea (see below) has however recently been contradicted by several scholars in the history of religions who has emphasized that Freyr should be seen as king-god or a sovereignty in the Norse pantheon in addition to his role as a god of fertility (see e.g. Motz 1996 and Simek 2003; cf. Schjødt 2012 and Sundqvist 2015). For them the etymology ‘Lord’ is thus compatible with Freyr’s function as a ruler deity and counter- part of the human king. In what follows I will present some arguments supporting these aspects of the god beside his function as a fertility god. In the very end I will turn back to the interpretation of the name. But first I will shortly survey the history of research related to the function of the deity.

Previous research on Freyr It is mainly in Snorra we get the image that Freyr was a fertility god. When Snorri described Freyr in he wrote thus: Freyr er hinn ágætasti af Ásum. Hann ræðr fyrir regni ok skini sólar ok þar með ávexti jarðar, ok á hann er gott at heita til árs ok friðar (Faulkes 1988, p. 24). (Freyr is the most glorious of the Æsir. He is ruler of rain and ­sunshine and thus of the produce of the earth, and it is good to pray to him for prosperity and peace (Faulkes 1987, p. 24)). Snorri was thus one of the first “commentators” of mythic traditions who made Freyr to a pure fertility god. When modern study of Old emerged in the 19th century, Snorri’s version of the old was relied upon. The idea that Freyr was the Scandinavian fertility god, par préférence, was thus frequently reproduced in research for decades to come (see e.g. Brate 1914; Lid 1942; cf. de Vries 1956-57:2, pp. 178-181). However, in the late 19th century some scholars changed their opinions about the source value in Snorri’s mythical texts. (1881-1889) was one of the first to claim that the Old Norse myths and heroic transmitted by Snorri were influenced by medieval Christian thinking. Eugen Mogk (1923 and 1932) argued that Snorri in his Edda composed “mythological novellas” by reworking­ 14 Olof Sundqvist the old traditions. These novellas had no value when reconstructing pre-Christian religion except in cases where Snorri cited old poetic traditions. Even if Mogk exaggerated his argument, his scepticism was instrumental in establishing the modern treatment of Snorri’s texts (cf. Baetke (1950 and 1951)). Although few researchers in the mid 1900s, only started from Snorri’s description when interpreting Freyr, the idea that this deity would mainly be seen as a fertility god persisted. Crucial for this interpretation was probably Georges Dumézil’s important contribu- tions to the research on Old Nose mythology. He related Freyr and the other deities to “the third (nourishing-fertility) function” of the Indo-European structural and ideological system called “l’idéologie tripartite” (cf. Dumézil 1958, p. 55; 1973). Dumézil’s structuralist interpretation of Old Norse myths was very important and influential. Jan de Vries, for instance, adjusted his explanation of Germanic pan- theon to Dumézil’s theory in his second edition of Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte (1956-57).3 He stated that Freyr was much more important than his father Njǫrðr and emphasized that his ability to give luck and particularly fertility was most crucial. A similar image was produced also by other important scholars, who wrote essential handbooks on ancient Scandinavian and Germanic religion. E.O.G. Turville-Petre (1964, p. 175) stated, for instance, thus: “Freyr appears chiefly as a god of fertility. For some people, for whom wel- fare depended on the fertility of the crops, he was most important of all gods; he was ‘god of the World’”. According to Åke V. Ström (1975, p. 143) Freyr “ist ein typischer Fruchtbarkeitsgott”. Also other Scandinavian scholars had a similar opinion. Folke Ström, for instance, stated in his general overview Nordisk hedendom (1985) that Freyr and the Vanir-deities were the most important fertility-powers (­Swedish “fruktbarhetsgudar”) in . Anne Holtsmark­ (1992, p. 68) mentioned that the function of Njǫrðr as the Scandina- vian fertility god, par préférence, was taken over by his two children Freyr and , while (2005, p. 151) described Freyr as a “deity of fertility and love” (Norwegian “fruktbarhets- og

3 Cf. e.g. Strutynski (1973 s. xxxii) and Hultgård (2003b). Jan de Vries (1956-57:2, p. 163) writes thus: ”Die Götter [i.e. the Vanir], die wir in diesem Abschnitt behan- deln werden, sind als mächte der Fruchtbarkeit verehrt worden; sie hatte daher ihre eigentliche Stelle in agrarischen Kulten.” On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 15

­kjærlighetsgudom”). Also Britt-Mari Näsström (2001, p. 83) charac- terized him as a “god of love” (Swedish “kärleksguden Frey”) and emphasized his fertility aspects. In more recent research it has been argued that the handbooks’ descriptions of the god and the information we can find about him in the sources do not harmonize. In the handbooks, fertility traits of Freyr are stressed almost exclusively (as noticed above), while the sources instead express a more complex image of the god. In addition to the connections he had to fertility, he also has links to rulership and mil- itary aspects. Freyr appears in the source material as a ‘Warrior-Lord’ who defended peace. When he was worshipped it was done not only for a good harvest (til árs) but also for a life of peace and harmony (til friðar). This point of view has been put forward by Lotte Motz in an often-overlooked work The King, the champion and the sorcerer (1996). There, she argues that Freyr is the divine counterpart of the sacred king. Although one may question Motz’ method of handling the sources and her lack of source criticism (see Hultgård 1997), her conclusion is interesting: that “Freyr is not only a divine ancestor but also the divine model of the king” (1996, p. 29). has put forward a similar interpretation in his handbook Religion und Mythologie der Germanen (2003). According to Simek, Freyr was one of the most important gods in the Nordic pantheon, and his function was not limited to fertility. In the oldest sources, he is also the com- mander of the retinues and he is portrayed with martial features.4 Like Lotte Motz and Rudolf Simek, I will argue that the image of Freyr needs to be supplemented (compared to the one produced in recent handbooks). If one follows the more reliable sources, he is the divine Lord who not only watches over fertility but also over cosmic peace and peace within society. In order to protect Cosmos against the forces of Chaos, he also appears at times as a ‘Warrior-Lord’. Based on these characteristics and functions, which we find in mythic and cultic contexts, Freyr also had a central role in the ruler ideology that

4 Rudolf Simek (2003, p. 145) states: ”Freyr ist also ganz zweifellos der drittwich- tigste Gott des wikingerzeitlichen nordischen Pantheons und keineswegs auf die Funktion eines Fruchtbarkeitsgottes beschränkt. Schon die Húsdrápa des Ulfr Uggason am Ende des 10. Jh.s beschreibt Freyr als Anführer einen Heeres, und auch die Skírnismál 3 und die 37 beziehen sich auf seinen kriegerischen Aspekt.” See also Jens Peter Schjødt’s (2012) adjustment of Dumézil’s model, where features of sovereignty are added to Freyr’s fertility aspects. 16 Olof Sundqvist appeared at least in some areas of pre-Christian . In order to demonstrate this more nuanced picture of Freyr, I will present three major arguments: 1. Terms used in connection with the Vanir-god in mythical contexts often have meanings that seem to indicate a prince or a warrior chieftain. 2. Freyr has an important function in the royal genealogies, where he appears as the royal dynasty’s mythical ancestor and as a kind of ruler-god. These genealogies have a ruler ideological significance. 3. Representations of Freyr in different mythic traditions indicate that he should be regarded as a divine counterpart to the ideal king, that is, a ruler who is responsible for crops and peace. This idea is expressed in the formula til árs ok friðar, which held an important function within the pre-Christian ruler ideology.5 In order to support these three arguments, I will use Eddic and Skaldic poetry, but also Old Norse prose as well as Latin texts. Sometimes I will also refer to archaeological finds. My perspective here is taken from the history of religions.

Designations of the deity As noticed above, the use of , common nouns and adjectives used to denote Freyr in the Old Norse literature indicate quite often a prince or a warrior chieftain. Many of these names may be considered as general titles of and warrior princes. Some of them also appear in poetry possibly going back to the Age. In the Eddic poems Freyr is, for instance, called ása jaðarr ‘protector of the Æsir’ (Lokasenna 35), and folcvaldi goða ‘war-leader of the gods’ (Skírnismál 3). Both jaðarr and folcvaldi are typical epithets of warrior chieftains. Freyr is often described in the poetry as a skilled warrior. For exam- ple, in Húsdrápa 7 he is called bǫðfróðr ‘battle-skilled’. In this stanza Freyr clearly appears as a chieftain when he rides at the head of the gods to the pyre of . Other warrior names for Freyr in poetry are ballriði ‘bold rider’ (Lokasenna 37) and, in Þorsgrimsþula, ǫflugr Atriði ‘the mighty attacking rider’.

5 The concept of ‘religious ruler ideology’ is a category with both substantial and functional dimensions. It contains certain ideas about the ruler’s position in society and the cosmos. On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 17

Some kennings and titles of Freyr in poetry evoke at specific myths, where the Vanir-god appears in a martial context. In Vǫluspá 53, for instance, he is called Belja bani, ‘slayer of (the giant) ’. This refers to a about how Freyr killed the giant Beli although he had no sword (see Gylfaginning 37). A similar kenning appears in Háleygjatal 5 where Freyr is called Belja dólgr ‘enemy of (the giant) Beli’. Snorri and medieval prose also use ordinary titles of rulers to designate Freyr, such as hǫfðingi ‘Lord, chieftain’ (Gylfaginning 36), blótgoði ‘chieftain with cultic functions’ (Ynglinga 4) and dróttinn­ ‘king, chieftain’ ( 10). Snorri also describe Freyr as hinn ágætasti af Ásum ‘the most glorious of the Æsir’ (Gylfaginning­ 24). These terms may be a result of the euhemerism used by Snorri. Saxo may also have applied the same method when he describe Frø (Freyr) as satrapes deorum ‘chieftain of gods’ (Saxo III, 67) or rex suetiæ ‘Svetjud’s king’ (Saxo IX, 251). But it is pos- sible that older descriptions of the Vanir-god may have played a role in their choice of words. An interesting designation of Freyr occurs in Ynglinga saga 10, namely veraldargoð ‘god of the World’ (cf. the Sami deity Vearalden Olmai ‘man of the World’ attested 1723 as Væraldenolmai) (Bäckman 1986). This epithet refers thus to a divine Lord who rules over the world. Some epithets in the prose also report that Freyr was the particular sacrificial god of the Svear, for instance blótgoð svía ‘the sacrificial god of the Svear’ (Ǫgmundar þáttr dytts, p. 114) and svía goð ‘god of the Svear’ (Viðbætir við Óláfs Sǫgu hins helga, Flateyjarbók III, p. 246). I have searched the poetry for titles, which connect Freyr with fer- tility aspects, and have only located one possible candidate. In Skírnismál 1 Freyr is called inn fróði, which could possibly be interpreted as ‘the fertile one’. Many scholars believe, however, that this term should be interpreted as ‘the wise one’ (so for example Klaus von See et al. 1997). In prose, on the other hand, Freyr appears sometimes with des- ignations related to a fertility god. Snorri calls Freyr in Skáldskaparmál 7 both árguð ‘harvest god’ and fégjafi ‘wealth giver’. My conclusion is that the Viking Period poets associated Freyr with a “ruler god” with warrior functions when they described him using poetic expressions. These expressions contain clear bellicose elements, but also contain terms related to rulership. I will now move to Freyr’s role in the royal genealogies. 18 Olof Sundqvist

Freyr in royal genealogies Freyr has a close association with pre-Christian royal families in gene- alogical poems and prose narratives. In several sources he is, for instance, perceived as a divine ancestor of the famous family of the Ynglingar. Individual Ynglinga-kings considered themselves as Freyr’s offspring. Medieval prose also reports that Freyr’s by-name, , was used as an honorific (tígnarnafn) for individual kings of the dynasty.6 In my opinion, these sources indicate that Freyr was even regarded as a king or prince, and that he was seen as an impor- tant symbol of the ruler ideology used by the Svear (Sundqvist 2002, 2012 and 2016). The oldest surviving tradition of the Ynglingar is found in the poem . It has been preserved up to the present through the manuscripts of Snorri’s Ynglinga saga (Ísl. Fornr. 26, pp. 26-83) where it is quoted. According to Snorri, Ynglingatal was composed by the poet Þjódólfr in the late 800s. This dating has been questioned by Claus Krag (1991), who argues that the poem was composed first in the 1100s. Several researchers (including myself) have questioned Krag’s proposal and argued that the traditional dating remains realistic (Fidjestøl 1994; Sundqvist 1995; Dillmann 2000; Bergsveinn Birgis- son 2007; McKinnell 2009). The royal list found in Ynglingatal begins with the earthly kings Fjǫlnir, Sveigðir, , Vísburr and Dómaldi. It is a little odd, as the medieval versions of the Ynglinga-genealogy derive the family from the gods. Ynglinga saga (Ísl. Fornr. 26, pp. 9-83)­­ for example, begins with Njǫrðr—Yngvi-Freyr—Fjǫlnir—Sveigðir and so on. Since Ynglingatal lacks any initial divine generations some researchers argue that there never were any pre-Christian traditions that held that the family was descended from the gods. According to Walter Baetke (1964), for exam- ple, the idea of the Ynglinga-family’s divine descent was based on ­medieval speculation. This idea had, according to him, no support in Ynglingatal­ , but was derived entirely from the medieval versions of the genealogy. In my opinion, Baetke’s reasoning can be questioned. One

6 In Ynglinga saga 10 and 17 say thus: Freyr hét Yngvi ǫðru nafni. Yngva nafn var lengi síðan haft í hans ætt fyrir tígnarnafn, ok Ynglingar váru síðan kallaðir hans ættmenn. … En Yngvi eða Ynguni var kallaðr hverr þeira ættmanna alla ævi, en Ynglingar allir saman. On Yngvi as an honorific (tígnarnafn) for the king of Svear, see Lars Hellberg 2011. On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 19 does not need to go to the medieval sources to locate the idea of the Ynglinga-family’s divine origin. This idea is clearly attested in Ynglingatal­ . In the stanza on Alrekr and Eiríkr, for example, the entire family is called Freys afspringr ‘Frey’s offspring’, while Egill is termed týs áttungr, ‘the god’s descendant’. King Aðils is described as Freys áttungr, and Ingjaldr is called goðkynningr, ‘of divine descent’ (see further Sundqvist 2002, pp. 156-170). In the poem, the Norwegian branch of the dynasty is called Þrós niðkvísl. This term is controversial. According to Hjalmar Falk (1924) and Elias Wessen (1964), the name Þrór in Ynglingatal designates Freyr. The phrase would then mean ‘Freyr’s branch of the family’. John McKinnell (2009) rejects this interpretation. He suggests that Þrór refers to Óðinn and not Freyr. It is true that Þrór occurs as an Óðinn- in Grímnismál (49), and in the list of Óðinn-names in Gylfaginning 20. The name Þrór, however, is not restricted to this god. It occurs as a name in Vǫluspá (12) and in Gylfaginning. Hence, Þrór cannot with any certainty be interpreted as Óðinn or any other particular mythical being. It also appears a common word for ‘men’ in runic inscriptions (Källström 2010). Freyr is in fact the only god that is explicitly referred to as the ancestor of the kings in Ynglingatal. The medieval reception of the Ynglinga-tradition also viewed Freyr as one of the divine ancestors of the family. Íslendingabók (Ísl. Fornr. 1: 27) and Historia Norvegie (IX) both position Yngvi, Njǫrðr, and Freyr as ancestors of the family. Saxo reports similar information.7 As far as we can follow the Ynglinga-tradition back in time, Freyr seems to have a special status as the family’s divine ancestor. Freyr also occurs in connection with other great dynasties, such as the Ladejarlar in . According to the Norse traditions, Freyr seems to have competed with Óðinn for that position. In the genealogical poem Háleygjatal it is Óðinn who occupies the top position, but curi- ously some individual earls are regarded as Freyr’s offsprings. For example, Earl Hákon Grjotgardsson is called Freys áttungr in stanza 9. In my view, this suggests that the poets viewed Freyr as a “king- god” or perhaps rather as a sovereign god.

7 At Sueonum fortissimi hi fuere: Ari, … Qui quidem Frø dei necessarii erant et fidissimi numinum arbitri (Saxo VIII, 216-217). 20 Olof Sundqvist

The divine king Freyr and the formula til árs ok friðar The formula til árs ok friðar occurs in several thematic contexts in the sources, for example in connection with the saintly cult, in ritual regula- tions in the provincial laws, in ruler ideology, and in connection with the worship of the ancient gods. Anders Hultgård (2003a) has shown that the highest frequency of the formula appears in connection with ruler ideol- ogy. Regarding the cult of the old gods, it is particularly Freyr and his father Njǫrðr that are related to the formula. According to Ynglinga saga 10, for instance, the Svear worshipped Freyr more than other gods, and they sacrificed to him for good harvest and peace (til árs ok friðar).8 One problem with evidence for this formula is that almost all instances descend from medieval texts, especially from Snorri. This has made scholars suspicious. Both Wolfgang Lange (1958) and Klaus Düwel (1985) have been reluctant to accept that the formula has a pre- Christian background, and Klaus von See (1988) concludes that it most likely belonged to Christian missionary language. Anders Hultgård (1993, 2003a, 2007) has a different view. He has considered whether the expression is rooted in medieval Christian literature (such as the Roman and the Eastern Churches’ early liturgies, homiletics, and hagi- ographical writings) and concludes that there are no prototypes for this formula in these texts. Hultgård has also found similarities between ON ár and cultic expressions in ancient Iranian traditions, which indicate that these formulae might belong to an Indo-European heritage. It can be seen in an anthem dedicated to the god Tishtrya in Yasht (8): Schön erhebt sich,/ bring Frieden (rāman-) über die Länder/ wann werden die arischen Länder/ gute Ernten (hu-yāiriya-) haben? (Transl. Hultgård 2003a, p. 305)

8 En er Freyr var dauðr, báru þeir hann leyniliga í hauginn, ok sǫgðu Svíum, at hann lifði, ok varðveittu hann þar þrjá vetr. En skatt ǫllum hellu þeir í hauginn, í einn glugg gullinu, en í nnan silfrinu, í inn þriðja eirpenningum. Þá helzt ár ok friðr … ok kǫlluðu hann veraldargoð, blótuðu mest til árs ok friðar alla ævi síðan. (Ynglinga saga 10, Ísl. Fornr. 26, p. 24). The connection between Freyr and the formula til árs ok friðar is attested in several sources. In Gylfaginning 24, Snorri writes thus: Freyr er hinn ágætasti af Ásum. Hann ræðr fyrir regni ok skini sólar ok þar með ávexti jarðar, ok á hann er gott at heita til árs ok friðar. In a passage describing the cultic actions in Lade, Trøndelag, it is stated in the context of ceremonial drinking: … skyldi fyrst Óðins full – skyldi þat drekka til sigrs ok ríkis konungi sínum – en síðan Njarðar full ok Freys full til árs ok friðar. (Hákonar saga góða 14, I, Ísl. Fornr. 26, pp. 167­­-168). On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 21

The Avestian adjective yāiriia- meaning ‘associated with the year’ can here be compared with Old Norse ár (Hultgård 2003a, p. 305). The connection between Freyr and the formula may also possibly be strengthened by some information contained in Adam of Bremen. Adam writes in his Gesta (IV, 26) thus: “The third is Fricco (Freyr), who bestows peace and pleasure (pax et voluptas) on mortals. His like- ness, too, they fashion with an immense phallus.”9 It has been suggested that the phrase pax et voluptas could be a Latin translation of ár ok friðr (e.g. Näsström 2001). Whether voluptas (‘pleasure, enjoyment, delight’) can be assembled with ár is in my opinion a little iffy. There is, how- ever, much evidence in the medieval literature indicating that Freyr really was regarded as an árguð and associated with the crops (see above). Adam’s description of Freyr also indicates this. Some archaeo- logical discoveries made in the area around Lake Mälaren indicate that he did not just make up the information on Freyr’s phallic character, for example, the figures from Rällinge and Lunda in Södermanland (see Andersson et al. 2004 and fig. 1 & 2). These figures have been associ- ated with the Vanir-god and a fertility cult. Place-names indicate that Freyr really was worshipped in this part of the Lake Mälaren area (Vikstrand 2001, pp. 55-71). But how are we to explain Freyr’s connection with “peace” (friðr),10 which is mentioned in the formula? In my opinion, Freyr was a patron of both the earthly and the cosmic order. Together with his father he punished the people who broke the law. This is, for instance, attested in a lausavísa composed by Egill in the 10th century: Freyr and Njǫrðr, make him flee from the lands – That one who moves down the folk!/ Lord of the land, make him hated –/ He who brings grief to the people,/ he who does injury to the sanctuaries (þanns vé grandar)”. (Transl. Turville-Petre 1976. In Egils saga 56. Cf. Finnur Jónsson, Skj. B1, pp. 46-47). According to this stanza it was King Eiríkr who violated the assembly peace and desecrated the sanctuary. Egill invoked Freyr and Njǫrðr, and asked them to drive away the desecrator from the country.

9 Tercius est Fricco, pacem voluptatemque largiens mortalibus. Cuius etiam simu- lacrum fingunt cum ingenti priapo. Adam IV, 26. 10 It should be noted that friðr has also been related to sexuality and thus could refer to the fertility aspect of Freyr. See Ström 1985, pp. 73-74, 81-82. 22 Olof Sundqvist

Figure 1. Figur in bronze, probably Figure 2. Phallic figure found at Lunda of the god Freyr, found in the prov- in the province of Södermanland, Swe- ince of Södermanland in Central den. In bronze with guilded head. SHM . SHM 14232. 34914:6923.

According to the mythic traditions it seems as if Freyr also pro- tected Cosmos against disorder, and conducted a military struggle against the forces of Chaos. As noticed above, the called him ‘Beli’s slayer’ and ‘Beli’s enemy’. Freyr is thus a god who protects Ásgarðr in the battle against the forces of Chaos. Just like Þórr, he slays giants. This idea also comes up in the traditions of Ragnarǫk, where Freyr is set against , who is the chieftain of giants and one of the most feared forces of Chaos (Gylfaginning 51; Vǫluspá 52-53). Some of Freyr’s possessions may be associated with this war of defense. According to Skírnismál (8) Freyr owns a sword, “which fights by itself against the giant race”. Snorri states that Freyr’s ship (Skíðblaðnir) was so big that all the gods were able to go aboard it with weapons and war gear.11 These attributes should probably be

11 Hann [Skíðblaðnir] er svá mikill at allir Æsir megu skipa hann með vápnum ok herbúnaði … (Gylfaginning 43). On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 23 linked with the god’s protective functions and striving for peace. Associations with these functions probably appear in a series of war- rior-and-war-kennings, containing the name of the Vanir-god: Kennings for warrior: víg-Freyr ‘battle-Freyr’ (Skáldskaparmál 64) él-Freyr ‘storm (of battle) Freyr’ or as-Freyr ‘tumult-Freyr’ (Skáld- skaparmál 47) nadd-Freyr ‘spike-, spear-Freyr’ (Skáldskaparmál 47) (Faulkes 1998 1 and 2) sverð-Freyr ‘sword-Freyr’ (Hǫfuðlausn 13) (Finnur Jónsson 1931) Kennings for battle: Freys leikr ‘battle’ (Haraldskvæði 6) (Finnur Jónsson 1931) Yngvifreys mein ‘battle’ (Háleygjatal 13) (Finnur Jónsson 1931)

If we turn back to the Rällinge-figure (fig. 1), we can note that he is wearing a headdress. In my opinion it can be interpreted as a conical helmet, resembling the one that the so-called “Sigtuna Warrior” wears, dating to the 1000s (fig. 3). Perhaps the possible helmet on the

Figure 3. Figure of a man’s head made out of elkhorn. Found in Sigtuna in , central Sweden. SHM 22044. 24 Olof Sundqvist

Rällinge-figure’s head reflects Freyr’s warrior traits, while the phallus implies fertility. If this is true we may assume that both Freyr’s war- rior and fertility aspects had a link to cultic matters and not only appeared as features of the god in the mythic contexts. The assumption that the expression ár ok friðr can be associated with Freyr is reasonable when taking into account the character and functions of the Vanir-deity. There must be peace in society and bal- ance in the Cosmos for the country to be able to produce good crops. It is the king-god Freyr’s task to watch over this, sometimes by mili- tary means. Perhaps the Rällinge-figure, with its possible helmet and phallus, expresses these features of Freyr. As will be discussed in the following paragraph, it seems as if the human king held the same responsibilities according to the sources.

The human rulers and the formula til árs ok friðar As noticed, Anders Hultgård (2003a) has stated that the formula til árs ok friðar undoubtedly has its highest frequency in the ruler ideological contexts. According to several medieval sources, the ideal type of pre- Christian king must during his reign guarantee “good harvest and peace” for his people.12 In older research these sources were taken as evidence of a sacred kingship, where the king himself was regarded as a deity who could give his people everything from rain and good harvests­ to peace. Walter Baetke (1964) had a different view on this issue, arguing that the idea of ​​the king’s inherent luck only existed in the medieval sources. This notion had its roots in the medieval Christian idea of ​​the king’s charisma and divine grace (rex Dei gratia). These medieval ideas were thus projected in the Icelandic on pre-­Christian conditions. Baetke’s critical line of reasoning is, in my opinion, reasonable. There is no evidence in the more reliable sources indicating that the living king was considered to be divine with the ability to provide a good har- vest. However, it seems as if the king had a responsibility for the people’s welfare by ensuring that their relationship with the gods was maintained.

12 See e.g. Ynglinga saga 11: Hann [King Fjǫlnir] var ríkr ok ársæll ok friðsæll. The earliest attestation of the expression ár ok friðr appears in Glælongskviða (c. 1030) in a Christian context: he [St Óláfr], by himself, receives from God, good year and peace for all men (ár ok friðr ǫllum mǫnnum, Skj B1 p. 501). On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 25

If the king watched over the cult and cultic places, and minded his military­ duties, he was able to provide a good year and peace (ár ok friðr) for his people. Parts of this notion are expressed in a Proto-Nordic runic inscrip- tion from Blekinge. The Stentoften-stone (DR 357) from the 7th century refers to a chieftain called HaþuwulfR in an interesting context. Lillemor Santesson (1989) has a new interpretation of the inscription’s introductory lines, which also has received support from authorities like Klaus Düwel (2008), Henrik Williams (2001), and Michael Schulte (2006). The inscrip- tion (DR 357) begins, with Santessons interpretation:

niuhAborumR niuhagestumR hAþuwolAfRgAfj With nine bucks, with nine stallions HaþuwulfR gave good growth.

HaþuwulfR performed a sacrifice where he offered nine bucks and nine stallions. In that way he gave the people a good crop. It should be noticed that the Proto-Nordic word jāra in this inscription (represented with the j-rune) is equivalent to the Old Norse ár appearing in Icelandic texts in connection with the sacrifices, meaning ‘good crops’ (cf. Hultgård 2003a). This term could perhaps also establish a connection to Freyr. The idea that the king or chieftain created good harvest and peace by maintaining the cult is also expressed in Viking poetry. According to Vellekla (about 990), the old cultic places in Norway had been rav- aged by Christian princes in the second half of the 10th century. In this way the country had been devastated and affected by crop failure. But when Earl Hákon came to power, he renovated the sanctuaries and the crops were good again: (st. 15) The wise man [Hákon] at once allowed the men of Þórr to uphold the plundered hof lands and shrines of the gods well known to the people; and then the god of the fence of the spears (i.e. the warrior) carried the wolf of slaughter (i.e. the sword) over the mountains and all the sea – the gods guide that man [Hákon]. (st. 16) And the sons of the Æsir (i.e. the gods), needful to men, return to the sacrifices; the mighty tender of the red board of the meeting of Hlǫkk (i.e. Hákon) wins fame by such a . Now the soil flourishes as before – again the destroyer of the wealth of the spear-bridge [Hákon] allows the merry messengers of the gods to inhabit the sanctuaries. (Transl. Turville-Petre 1976, somewhat modified). 26 Olof Sundqvist

Later in the poem (st. 18) the earl is hailed for the peace he created, after he had defeated the Danish princes at Hjørungavåg. The poem compares this peace with “the Fróði-peace”. Vellekla celebrates Earl Hákon, since he by means of sacrificial cult and weapons created a good harvest and also peace in Norway, that is a condition that was also expected when sacrificing to Freyr.

Conclusions My conclusion is that Freyr, as a “King God”, had the same responsi- bilities as a human ruler, namely, to watch over harvests and peace, i.e. ár ok friðr. Freyr’s features signal that he was a sovereign god who held both warrior and fertility traits. His designations in poetry and prose, as well as the royal genealogies in which he appears, indicate this. The argument that the traditional interpretation of the name Freyr as ‘Lord’ must be replaced with the etymology ‘the fertile one’ since the Vanir- deity was considered as a fertility god can thus be questioned. Actually both suggested etymologies of the name Freyr have support from a historian of religions’ point of view. The etymology of the name is, in my opinion, thus still uncertain and needs more linguistic research.

Sources

Adam av Bremen see Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificium. Edda Edda. Die Lieder des Codex Regius. Nebst verwandten Denk- mälern. 1. Text, ed. G. Neckel. 5. verbesserte Auflage von H. Kuhn. Heidelberg 1983 (1914). Egils saga skalla-grímssonar Egils saga skalla-grímssonar, ed. Sigurður Nordal. Íslenzk forn- rit 2. Reykjavík 1933. Flateyjarbók Flateyjarbók: en samling af norske konge-sagaer med indskudte mindre fortællinger om begivenheder i og udenfor Norge samt annaler, eds. Guðbrandur Vigfússon & Carl Richard Unger. Christiania 1860-68. Saxo Grammaticus. Saxonis Gesta Danorum, eds. C. Knabe, Paul Herrmann, Jørgen Olrik, Hans Raeder & Franz Blatt. Hauniæ 1931-1957. On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 27

Saxo Grammaticus. The History of the 1-2, ed. , transl. Peter Fisher. Cambridge 1979-80. Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum Adam of Bremen, Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte, ed. Bern- hard Schmeidler. Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis Separatim Editi. Magistri Adam Bremensis Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum. Hannover & 1917. Translation: Adam of Bremen. History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, trans. Francis J. Tschan. Records of Civiliza- tion: source and studies. New York 1959. Glælongskviđa þórarinn loftunga. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning ­800-1400. A–B, 4 vols, ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [­­1912-15]. Grímnismál see . Gylfaginning see Snorra Edda. Hákonar saga góða see Heimskringla. Háleygjatal Eyvindr Finnsson skáldaspillir, Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigt- ning 800-1400. A–B, 4 vols, ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. Haraldskvæði (Hrafnsmál) Þorbjǫrn hornklofi, Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800- 1400. A–B, 4 vols, ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. Heimskringla , Heimskringla, 3 vols, ed. Bjarni Aðalbjar- narson. Íslenzk Fornrit 26-28. Reykjavík 1979. Translation: Heimskringla: History of the kings of Norway by Snorri Sturluson, trans. Lee M. Hollander. Austin 2005. Historia Norvegie Historia Norvegie, eds. Inger Ekrem & Lars Boje Mortensen. Transl. Peter Fischer. Copenhagen 2003. Hǫfuđlausn Egill Skallagrímsson. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800- 1400. A–B, 4 vols. ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. Húsdrápa Ulfr Uggason, Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800-1400. A–B, 4 vols, ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. 28 Olof Sundqvist

Íslendingabók Ari inn fróði. Íslendingabók. Landnámabók. Íslenzk fornrit 1, ed. Jakob Benediktsson. Reykjavík 1986. Lokasenna see Poetic Edda. Poetic Edda Edda. Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten Denk- mälern. Hrsg. Gustav Neckel I. Text. 5 verbesserte Auflage von Hans Kuhn. Heidelberg 1983. Saxo Grammaticus see Gesta Danorum. Skáldskaparmál see Snorra Edda. Skírnismál (For Skírnis) see Poetic Edda. Skj = Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800-1400. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800-1400. A–B, 4 vols, ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912- 15]. SHM = Statens historiska museum [Museum of Swedish history], . Snorra edda Snorre Sturlasson. Edda. Transl. A. Faulkes. London 1987. Snorre Sturlasson. Edda. Prologue and Gylfaginning, ed. A. Faulkes. London 1988. Snorre Sturlasson. Edda. Skáldskaparmál. 1: Introduction, text and notes, ed. A. Faulkes. London 1998. Snorre Sturlasson. Edda. Skáldskaparmál. 2: Glossary and index of names, ed. A. Faulkes. London 1998. Þorsgrimsþula see Snorra Edda. Vellekla Skálaglamm. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigt- ning 800-1400. A–B, 4 vols. ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. Viðbætir við Óláfs Sǫgu hins helga see Flateyjarbók. Vǫluspá see Poetic Edda. Ynglinga saga see Heimskringla. Ynglingasaga. Nordisk filologi. Texter och läroböcker för univer- sitetsstudier. A 6. Ed. Elias Wessén. Stockholm 1964. Ynglaingatal þjóðólfr ór Hvini. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning 800-1400. A–B, 4 vols. ed. and trans. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen 1967-73 [1912-15]. On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 29

Ǫgmundar þáttr dytts Eyfirðinga sǫgur. (Víga Glúms saga. Ǫgmundar þáttr dytts. Þor- valds þáttr tasalda. Svarfdæla saga. Þorleifs þáttr jarlsskálds. Valla-Ljóts saga. Sneglu-Halla þáttr. Þorgríms þáttr Hallasonar). Íslenzk fornrit, 9, ed. Jónas Kristjánsson. Reykjavík 1956.

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Olof Sundqvist Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender studies Stockholm university Universitetsvägen 10 E SE-106 91 Stockholm Sweden [email protected] 34 Olof Sundqvist

Résumé: Ancien nordique Freyr, le ʽseigneurʼ ou le ʽfertileʼ? Commentaires sur l’étymologie du point de vue des historiens des religions Freyr était probablement un des dieux les plus importants à la fin de l’Âge du fer dans le monde germanique septentrional. Des noms de lieu indiquent clai- rement qu’il était alors vénéré dans presque toute la Scandinavie, notamment en Norvège et en Suède. Il y a presque consensus sur le fait que son nom viendrait du proto-nordique *FrauiaR (issu de l’i.e. *pro- ʽen avant, devant, au-dessus, avantʼ) signifiant ʽle plus hautʼ ou ʽseigneurʼ. C’est probablement un dérivé reposant sur un appellatif étroitement lié au gotique frauja ʽseigneurʼ. Ce nom a probablement été, à l’origine, un titre ou un nom-masque du dieu. Quelques chercheurs ont tenté de lui trouver d’autres étymologies, comme par exemple en lien avec l’ancien nordique *freyr ʽfertile, fertilisant, approprié à la semenceʼ, et donc dérivé de *Fraiw et non *Frau-. Cette étymologie conviendrait bien à un “dieu de la fertilité” comme Freyr. Nonobstant, ­l’alternative ʽseigneurʼ nous paraît compatible avec des fonctions de Freyr rencontrées dans les sources, rarement mises en évidence dans les travaux anté- rieurs. Nous démontrons ici que Freyr était “plus qu’un dieu de la fertilité”. Il portait parfois les caractéristiques d’un dieu de la guerre et apparaissait comme un créateur de paix. Au moins dans certaines aires scandinaves, il était aussi lié au pouvoir politique et à l’idéologie souveraine religieuse. C’est pour- quoi le sens de ʽseigneurʼ ne nous paraît pas à exclure.

Summary: ON Freyr – the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? Some comments on the discussion of etymology from the historian of religions’ point of view Freyr was probably one of the most important gods in the Late Iron Age North Germanic world. Place-names clearly indicate that he was worshipped in almost all parts of Scandinavia during this period, especially in Norway and Sweden. There is almost consensus that Freyr’s name should be related to Proto Norse *Fraujaz (connected with the IE root *pro- ‘forward, ahead, uppermost, before’) meaning ‘the uppermost’ or ‘Lord’. Probably this is a secondary name construction based on an appellative close related to Goth. frauja ‘Lord’. This name may originally have been a title or a Noa-name of the god. Some scholars have tried to find alternative etymologies to the name Freyr, suggesting, for instance, that it could be related to Old Norse *freyr ‘fertile, germinative, suitable for sowing’, and thus be derived from *Fraiw- and not *Frau-. This etymology would suit a “fertility god” well, such as Freyr. However, also the other alternative ‘Lord’ is in my opinion compatible with certain functions of Freyr seen in the sources, which rarely have been emphasized in investigations of the god. In this paper it is argued that Freyr was “more than a fertility god”. Sometimes he carried features of a warrior Lord and appeared as a peace-creator. He was also close related to political power and religious ruler ideology, at least in certain areas of Scandinavia. Thus a name meaning ‘Lord’ is, in my opinion, not out of order. On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? 35

Sundqvist: Zusammenfassung: Altnordisch Freyr – der ‘Herr’ oder ‘der Fruchtbare’? Anmerkungen zur Etymologie aus der Sicht eines Religionshistorikers Freyr war wohl einer der wichtigsten Götter in der germanischen Welt der späten Eisenzeit. Ortsnamen geben Hinweise auf seine Verehrung in beinahe allen Teilen Skandinaviens in dieser Periode, insbesondere in Norwegen und Schweden. Es herrscht ein fast einstimmiger Konsens darüber, dass sein Name zu protonordischem *FrauiaR (das mit der indogermanischen Wurzel *pro- ‘vorwärts, voran, oberster, vorher’ zusammenhängt) mit der Bedeutung ‘der Oberste’ oder ‘Herr’ in Bezug gesetzt werden soll. Möglicherweise handelt es sich um eine sekundäre Namenkonstruktion, die auf ein Appellativ im Zusam- menhang mit gotischem frauja ‘Herr’ zurückgeht. Dieser Name dürfte ursprünglich ein Titel oder Noa-Name des Gottes gewesen sein. Einige For- scher haben den Versuch unternommen, alternative Etymologien des Namens Freyr zu finden, indem sie z. B. die Herkunft von altnordischem *freyr ‘fruchtbar, keimfähig, für die Aussaat geeignet‘, abgeleitet von *Fraiw- und nicht *Frau-, in Erwägung gezogen haben. Diese Etymologie erscheint im Fall eines ‘Fruchtbarkeitsgottes’ wie Freyr plausibel. Allerdings dürfte die alter- native, selten vorgeschlagene Etymologie ‘Herr’ mit bestimmten Funktionen von Freyr, die aus den Quellen hervorgehen, vereinbar sein. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz wird die These vertreten, dass Freyr mehr als ein Fruchtbarkeitsgott war, denn manchmal wies er Eigenschaften eines Kriegsherrn sowie eines Friedensstifters auf. Er stand ferner im Zusammenhang mit der politischen Macht und Ideologie des religiösen Führers, zumindest in bestimmten Gebie- ten Skandinaviens. Folglich ist die Deutung ‘Herr’ sehr gut vertretbar.

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