On Freyr—The 'Lord' Or 'The Fertile One'? Some Comments on the Discussion of Etymology from the Historian of Religions

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On Freyr—The 'Lord' Or 'The Fertile One'? Some Comments on the Discussion of Etymology from the Historian of Religions On Freyr—the ‘Lord’ or ‘the fertile one’? Some comments on the discussion of etymology from the historian of religions’ point of view1 Olof SUNDQVIST Introduction Ever since the beginning of modern research in the 19th century, histo- rians of religions have used gods’ names, and the etymologies that can be associated with them, as a method to determine and distinguish the various mythical beings, their nature and functions. Also the Old Norse deities have been interpreted by means of their names. In the present paper focus will be put on the ancient Scandinavian deity Freyr. His name has been a matter of debate in recent research, especially among philologists and specialists on names (onomasticians). Their arguments have, however, not always been based on linguistic arguments exclu- sively, but also on knowledge brought from the history of religions. Since some of the theories on Freyr in the history of religions are dis- puted, it is important that such aspects are brought to light also for the researchers in onomastics. A paradox may be discerned in research today. A new etymology of the god’s name has been suggested. This etymology has support from previous interpretations of the god Freyr made by historians of religions working in the mid 20th century. While a new and more nuanced image of Freyr, produced by historians of religions around 1995-2015, can find support from the old etymology. Freyr and the etymology of his name There has almost been consensus that Freyr’s name should be con- ceived as a Proto-Nordic *Fraujaz (derived from the Indo-European 1 During the preparation of this article some individuals have given me important advices, answered questions and discussed some problems related to linguistic aspects. I would thus like to express my gratitude to Professor Thorsten Andersson and Professor Lennart Elmevik. Onoma 48 (2013), 11-35. doi: 10.2143/ONO.48.0.3223612. © Onoma. All rights reserved. 12 OLoF SUNDQVIsT root *pro- ‘forward, ahead, uppermost, before’) meaning ‘the upper- most’ or ‘Lord (ruler)’. Probably this name is based on an appellative closely related to Gothic frauja ‘Lord (ruler)’ (Proto-Germanic *frau- jan-, Old English frīega, Old Saxon frōio; alongside this jan-stem also an an-stem is postulated, Proto-Germanic *frawan-, which is presumed to appear in Old English frēa, Old Saxon frōho, frāho, Old Frisian frā, and Old High German frō).2 This name may originally have been a title or a Noa-name of the god (cf. Kock 1896; Sahlgren 1918; Wessén 1923; Green 1965, pp. 19-55; Vikstrand 2001, p. 55, 101). Also in other ancient religions the designation ‘Lord’ is quite common in the naming customs of gods, e.g. Greek Adonis (see Burkert 1985, pp. 176- 177; Vikstrand 2001, p. 55). There are, however, also some other sug- gestions regarding the etymology of Freyr. George van Langenhove (1939, pp. 58-59) argued that the appellative behind the name must be a Proto-Germanic *frauja(n)- ‘celui qui possède (apporte) la force vitale, animatrice’ (the one who possesses (brings) the vital force (vita- larity), faciliator). Most recently Lennart Elmevik (2003) has discussed the etymology of this name. He points out and emphasizes the fact that Freyr is not inflected as a jan-stem but as an i-stem, and that this speaks against the general opinion of the origin of the name of the god in question. He suggests therefore that this deity’s name could instead be a substantivized form of the adjective ON *freyr (along with frjór, frær) (attested in Norwegian and Swedish dialects as frøy and frö respectively) meaning ‘fertile, which is germinated or is fit to sowing’, from *fraiwia- (or *fraiwi-?), derived from Proto-Germanic *fraiwa- ‘seed’. Elmevik (2003, pp. 8-9) states that this interpretation is more likely than the conventional explanation, since Freyr is a fertility god: Even though I do not whish to definitely discharge the usual interpre- tation of the god’s name Freyr as ’the Lord’, I do mean that it is more plausible that we are dealing with an old substantivation with the meaning ’the fertile’ from the adjective ON *freyr <*fraiwia- (*fraiwi-) reflecting the notion of Freyr as an embodiment of the pow- ers of fertility, as ‘the promoter of the fertility of the soil and animate generation as well as of human fecundity and societal peace’ … 2 Cf. the jan-stem Gothic gudja ‘priest’, Proto-Nordic gudija ‘priest’ (in a runic inscription), and the an-stem ON goði ‘priest’. These words, appearing with differ- ent stems, are derived from a word meaning ‘god’ (cf. Gothic guþ). ON FREYR—THE ‘LoRD’ oR ‘THE FERTILE oNE’? 13 Elmevik’s argument is thus in a decisively way based on the idea that Freyr is a fertility god. This common and well-established idea (see below) has however recently been contradicted by several scholars in the history of religions who has emphasized that Freyr should be seen as king-god or a sovereignty in the Norse pantheon in addition to his role as a god of fertility (see e.g. Motz 1996 and Simek 2003; cf. Schjødt 2012 and Sundqvist 2015). For them the etymology ‘Lord’ is thus compatible with Freyr’s function as a ruler deity and counter- part of the human king. In what follows I will present some arguments supporting these aspects of the god beside his function as a fertility god. In the very end I will turn back to the interpretation of the name. But first I will shortly survey the history of research related to the function of the deity. Previous research on Freyr It is mainly in Snorra Edda we get the image that Freyr was a fertility god. When Snorri described Freyr in Gylfaginning he wrote thus: Freyr er hinn ágætasti af Ásum. Hann ræðr fyrir regni ok skini sólar ok þar með ávexti jarðar, ok á hann er gott at heita til árs ok friðar (Faulkes 1988, p. 24). (Freyr is the most glorious of the Æsir. He is ruler of rain and ­sunshine and thus of the produce of the earth, and it is good to pray to him for prosperity and peace (Faulkes 1987, p. 24)). Snorri was thus one of the first “commentators” of mythic traditions who made Freyr to a pure fertility god. When modern study of Old Norse mythology emerged in the 19th century, Snorri’s version of the old myths was relied upon. The idea that Freyr was the Scandinavian fertility god, par préférence, was thus frequently reproduced in research for decades to come (see e.g. Brate 1914; Lid 1942; cf. de Vries 1956-57:2, pp. 178-181). However, in the late 19th century some scholars changed their opinions about the source value in Snorri’s mythical texts. Sophus Bugge (1881-1889) was one of the first to claim that the Old Norse myths and heroic narratives transmitted by Snorri were influenced by medieval Christian thinking. Eugen Mogk (1923 and 1932) argued that Snorri in his Edda composed “mythological novellas” by reworking­ 14 OLoF SUNDQVIsT the old traditions. These novellas had no value when reconstructing pre-Christian religion except in cases where Snorri cited old poetic traditions. Even if Mogk exaggerated his argument, his scepticism was instrumental in establishing the modern treatment of Snorri’s texts (cf. Baetke (1950 and 1951)). Although few researchers in the mid 1900s, only started from Snorri’s description when interpreting Freyr, the idea that this deity would mainly be seen as a fertility god persisted. Crucial for this interpretation was probably Georges Dumézil’s important contribu- tions to the research on Old Nose mythology. He related Freyr and the other Vanir deities to “the third (nourishing-fertility) function” of the Indo-European structural and ideological system called “l’idéologie tripartite” (cf. Dumézil 1958, p. 55; 1973). Dumézil’s structuralist interpretation of Old Norse myths was very important and influential. Jan de Vries, for instance, adjusted his explanation of Germanic pan- theon to Dumézil’s theory in his second edition of Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte (1956-57).3 He stated that Freyr was much more important than his father Njǫrðr and emphasized that his ability to give luck and particularly fertility was most crucial. A similar image was produced also by other important scholars, who wrote essential handbooks on ancient Scandinavian and Germanic religion. E.O.G. Turville-Petre (1964, p. 175) stated, for instance, thus: “Freyr appears chiefly as a god of fertility. For some people, for whom wel- fare depended on the fertility of the crops, he was most important of all gods; he was ‘god of the World’”. According to Åke V. Ström (1975, p. 143) Freyr “ist ein typischer Fruchtbarkeitsgott”. Also other Scandinavian scholars had a similar opinion. Folke Ström, for instance, stated in his general overview Nordisk hedendom (1985) that Freyr and the Vanir-deities were the most important fertility-powers (­Swedish “fruktbarhetsgudar”) in Old Norse religion. Anne Holtsmark­ (1992, p. 68) mentioned that the function of Njǫrðr as the Scandina- vian fertility god, par préférence, was taken over by his two children Freyr and Freyja, while Gro Steinsland (2005, p. 151) described Freyr as a “deity of fertility and love” (Norwegian “fruktbarhets- og 3 Cf. e.g. Strutynski (1973 s. xxxii) and Hultgård (2003b). Jan de Vries (1956-57:2, p. 163) writes thus: ”Die Götter [i.e. the Vanir], die wir in diesem Abschnitt behan- deln werden, sind als mächte der Fruchtbarkeit verehrt worden; sie hatte daher ihre eigentliche Stelle in agrarischen Kulten.” ON FREYR—THE ‘LoRD’ oR ‘THE FERTILE oNE’? 15 ­kjærlighetsgudom”). Also Britt-Mari Näsström (2001, p.
Recommended publications
  • Old Norse Mythology — Comparative Perspectives Old Norse Mythology— Comparative Perspectives
    Publications of the Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature No. 3 OLd NOrse MythOLOgy — COMParative PersPeCtives OLd NOrse MythOLOgy— COMParative PersPeCtives edited by Pernille hermann, stephen a. Mitchell, and Jens Peter schjødt with amber J. rose Published by THE MILMAN PARRY COLLECTION OF ORAL LITERATURE Harvard University Distributed by HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts & London, England 2017 Old Norse Mythology—Comparative Perspectives Published by The Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature, Harvard University Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts & London, England Copyright © 2017 The Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature All rights reserved The Ilex Foundation (ilexfoundation.org) and the Center for Hellenic Studies (chs.harvard.edu) provided generous fnancial and production support for the publication of this book. Editorial Team of the Milman Parry Collection Managing Editors: Stephen Mitchell and Gregory Nagy Executive Editors: Casey Dué and David Elmer Production Team of the Center for Hellenic Studies Production Manager for Publications: Jill Curry Robbins Web Producer: Noel Spencer Cover Design: Joni Godlove Production: Kristin Murphy Romano Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hermann, Pernille, editor. Title: Old Norse mythology--comparative perspectives / edited by Pernille Hermann, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jens Peter Schjødt, with Amber J. Rose. Description: Cambridge, MA : Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature, 2017. | Series: Publications of the Milman Parry collection of oral literature ; no. 3 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifers: LCCN 2017030125 | ISBN 9780674975699 (alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Mythology, Norse. | Scandinavia--Religion--History. Classifcation: LCC BL860 .O55 2017 | DDC 293/.13--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017030125 Table of Contents Series Foreword ...................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Uuarth Thuo the Hêlago Gêst That Barn an Ira Bôsma: Towards a Scholarly Electronic Edition of the Hêliand
    Marina BUZZONI (Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia) Technical support: Francesca ANZALONE, Filippo CABURLOTTO Uuarth thuo the hêlago gêst that barn an ira bôsma: towards a scholarly electronic edition of the Hêliand Despite the traditional presentation of the Hêliand as one single work – an idea which is both induced and implemented by the most common editions of the Old Saxon poem (see, for example, Taeger 1984ff.) –, the two major witnesses of the text (ms. M and ms. C) differ in many respects, codicologically, linguistically, geographically – to quote only a few of them –. The aim of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it focuses on the historical and ideological motivations which are assumed to be at the basis of the aforementioned differences; on the other hand, it explores the possibility of the electronic medium to adequately convey them. To achieve this purpose, we will need to do more than add hypertext connectivity to existing models of the presentation of editorial data. Rather, we will need to find new means of visualization as a prelude to a much greater challenge: the making of what may be called a “fluid edition”, able to capture the inner “mouvance” of the Old Saxon poem. Giuseppe BRUNETTI (Università di Padova) Old English poetry: a Web edition with multiple representations of the lexicon The words of the poems are tagged in XML for the relevant information in context (lemma, word class, homography, government, morphology, Italian translation); this is done with a semi- automatic lemmatizer developed for the purpose. The tagging is then used to produce editions of the texts (either singly, like Beowulf, or in groups, like the Elegies) accompanied by interlinear glosses, glossaries (Old English-Italian and Italian-Old English), concordances by lemmas, lists of word forms (with their matching lemmas, homographs distinguished), lists of compounds and poetic words, of words governing cases and/or clauses, statistics of lemmas and word classes, and graphs of word-class distribution of each poem (or group of poems) in relation to the corpus.
    [Show full text]
  • Contents & Introduction
    e Archaeology of Sound, Acoustics and Music: Studies in Honour of Cajsa S. Lund Gjermund Kolltveit and Riitta Rainio, eds. Publications of the ICTM Study Group on Music Archaeology, Vol. 3 Series Editor: Arnd Adje Both Berlin: Ekho Verlag, 2020 368 pages with 86 gures and 6 tables ISSN 2198-039X ISBN 978-3-944415-10-9 (Series) ISBN 978-3-944415-39-0 (Vol. 3) ISBN 978-3-944415-40-6 (PDF) Layout and Typography: Claudia Zeissig · Kunst & Gestaltung | www.claudiazeissig.ch Printed in Poland Ekho Verlag Dr. Arnd Adje Both, Berlin [email protected] | www.ekho-verlag.com All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of Ekho Verlag. © 2020 Ekho Verlag 5 Contents Prefaces and Introduction 11 The Sounds of Former Silence Cornelius Holtorf 13 Pioneering Archaeological Approaches to Music Iain Morley 15 My Tribute to Cajsa, or My Encounter with the Swedish Fairy Godmother of the New Music Archaeology Catherine Homo-Lechner 19 Ears wide open: Listening to the 4D Soundscapes of Cajsa S. Lund Emiliano Li Castro 21 Introduction to the Volume The Archaeology of Sound, Acoustics and Music: Studies in Honour of Cajsa S. Lund Gjermund Kolltveit and Riitta Rainio 6 Contents Chapters 31 Sound Archaeology and the Soundscape Rupert Till 55 Ears to the Ground: On Cajsa Lund’s Legacy and Moving Movements Frances Gill 97 The Rommelpot of the Netherlands as a Case Study in Cajsa
    [Show full text]
  • Destination Sigtuna
    ARLANDA • MÄRSTA • ROSERSBERG • SIGTUNA STAD DISCOVER SIGTUNA WELCOME TO SIGTUNA COME FOR A VISIT! PLEASE VISIT us – three tourist offices are ready to welcome you all year round. If you are travelling to Stockholm Arlanda Airport, you will find the tourist information office in the arrival halls in Terminal 5 and Terminal 2. Arlanda Visitors Center is open around the clock and is staffed between 06–24. The Sigtuna Tourist office can be found at Stora gatan 33 in Sigtuna town. Here you can book guided tours and get help to plan your visit. Visiting address: Stora gatan 33, Sigtuna Postal adress: Box 117, 193 23 Sigtuna Phone: +46 (0)8 591 269 60 E-mail: [email protected] NMÄ NE RK A E V T S WANT TO KNOW MORE? DESTINATIONSIGTUNA.SE FOLLOW US: FACEBOOK.COM/SIGTUNA Trycksak INSTAGRAM.COM/DESTINATION_SIGTUNA 5041 0004 SIGTUNAGUIDE PUBLISHER Destination Sigtuna AB WRITER Anna Forster PHOTO COVER AND CONTENT Linus Hallgren ADDITIONAL PHOTOS Helena Brännström, Lennart Durehed, Marielle Brolin, Ralf Turander MAPS David Karlström 2 WELCOME TO SIGTUNA — WHERE SWEDEN BEGINS Sigtuna, Sweden’s first town was built as a political and religious center of power over 1000 years ago. Sigtuna quickly became a meeting place for people from all over the world, and remains so to this day. Sigtuna is one of the nation’s premier hotel and conference destinations with over 4000 beds ready for you. A unique place to meet and to discover. You will find us less than one hour from Stockholm or Uppsala. Sigtuna is easily accessible with the SL card, car, boat or why not by plane to Sigtuna’s own Stockholm – Arlanda Airport.
    [Show full text]
  • 13. the Solar Antler in Sólarljóð
    The Waning Sword E Conversion Imagery and Celestial Myth in Beowulf DWARD The Waning Sword Conversion Imagery and EDWARD PETTIT P The image of a giant sword mel� ng stands at the structural and thema� c heart of the Old ETTIT Celestial Myth in Beowulf English heroic poem Beowulf. This me� culously researched book inves� gates the nature and signifi cance of this golden-hilted weapon and its likely rela� ves within Beowulf and beyond, drawing on the fi elds of Old English and Old Norse language and literature, liturgy, archaeology, astronomy, folklore and compara� ve mythology. In Part I, Pe� t explores the complex of connota� ons surrounding this image (from icicles to candles and crosses) by examining a range of medieval sources, and argues that the giant sword may func� on as a visual mo� f in which pre-Chris� an Germanic concepts and prominent Chris� an symbols coalesce. In Part II, Pe� t inves� gates the broader Germanic background to this image, especially in rela� on to the god Ing/Yngvi-Freyr, and explores the capacity of myths to recur and endure across � me. Drawing on an eclec� c range of narra� ve and linguis� c evidence from Northern European texts, and on archaeological discoveries, Pe� t suggests that the T image of the giant sword, and the characters and events associated with it, may refl ect HE an elemental struggle between the sun and the moon, ar� culated through an underlying W myth about the the� and repossession of sunlight. ANING The Waning Sword: Conversion Imagery and Celesti al Myth in Beowulf is a welcome contribu� on to the overlapping fi elds of Beowulf-scholarship, Old Norse-Icelandic literature and Germanic philology.
    [Show full text]
  • "Ok Er Þetta Upphaf´"--First-Stanza Quotation in Old Norse Prosimetrum
    Judy Quinn “Ok er þetta upphaf”— First-Stanza Quotation in Old Norse Prosimetrum* hen prosimetrum involves the quotation of poetry — as medieval Scandinavian prosimetrum almost invariably does1 — the narrator’s voice is at once in competition with another voice, which through its Wpoetic form is graced with significance and authority. Verse quotations in sagas are conventionally very short, most typically of only one stanza, but occa- sionally of two, three, or more stanzas. As the evidence of other records demon- strates, however, a verse presented by a saga-narrator as a lausavísa, or single- stanza composition, may well be an excerpt from a longer poem.2 Sometimes acknowledgement is made of the loosening of the stanza from the whole poem through the narrator’s mention of the poem’s name, particularly in kings’ sagas where praise and memorial poems are frequently cited to verify aspects of an account,3 but even in this genre — avowedly indebted to the existence of whole * I am grateful to the Modern Language Association of America and the organizers of the Discussion Group on Old Norse Literature at the 1995 convention for inviting me to present an earlier version of this article there. 1. One important exception to this is Snorri Sturluson’s pedagogic prosimetrum composition, Hátta- tal, in which Snorri follows the learned Latin practice of crafting prosimetrum from his own verse and prose. Otherwise Old Norse prosimetrum seems to have conventionally been composed of prose and quoted poetry — either as evidence of events narrated or as the declamations of the participants in the narrative (see Einarsson 1974 and Friis-Jensen 1987 for a survey of these types).
    [Show full text]
  • Herjans Dísir: Valkyrjur, Supernatural Femininities, and Elite Warrior Culture in the Late Pre-Christian Iron Age
    Herjans dísir: Valkyrjur, Supernatural Femininities, and Elite Warrior Culture in the Late Pre-Christian Iron Age Luke John Murphy Lokaverkefni til MA–gráðu í Norrænni trú Félagsvísindasvið Herjans dísir: Valkyrjur, Supernatural Femininities, and Elite Warrior Culture in the Late Pre-Christian Iron Age Luke John Murphy Lokaverkefni til MA–gráðu í Norrænni trú Leiðbeinandi: Terry Gunnell Félags- og mannvísindadeild Félagsvísindasvið Háskóla Íslands 2013 Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til MA–gráðu í Norrænni Trú og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Luke John Murphy, 2013 Reykjavík, Ísland 2013 Luke John Murphy MA in Old Nordic Religions: Thesis Kennitala: 090187-2019 Spring 2013 ABSTRACT Herjans dísir: Valkyrjur, Supernatural Feminities, and Elite Warrior Culture in the Late Pre-Christian Iron Age This thesis is a study of the valkyrjur (‘valkyries’) during the late Iron Age, specifically of the various uses to which the myths of these beings were put by the hall-based warrior elite of the society which created and propagated these religious phenomena. It seeks to establish the relationship of the various valkyrja reflexes of the culture under study with other supernatural females (particularly the dísir) through the close and careful examination of primary source material, thereby proposing a new model of base supernatural femininity for the late Iron Age. The study then goes on to examine how the valkyrjur themselves deviate from this ground state, interrogating various aspects and features associated with them in skaldic, Eddic, prose and iconographic source material as seen through the lens of the hall-based warrior elite, before presenting a new understanding of valkyrja phenomena in this social context: that valkyrjur were used as instruments to propagate the pre-existing social structures of the culture that created and maintained them throughout the late Iron Age.
    [Show full text]
  • How Uniform Was the Old Norse Religion?
    II. Old Norse Myth and Society HOW UNIFORM WAS THE OLD NORSE RELIGION? Stefan Brink ne often gets the impression from handbooks on Old Norse culture and religion that the pagan religion that was supposed to have been in Oexistence all over pre-Christian Scandinavia and Iceland was rather homogeneous. Due to the lack of written sources, it becomes difficult to say whether the ‘religion’ — or rather mythology, eschatology, and cult practice, which medieval sources refer to as forn siðr (‘ancient custom’) — changed over time. For obvious reasons, it is very difficult to identify a ‘pure’ Old Norse religion, uncorroded by Christianity since Scandinavia did not exist in a cultural vacuum.1 What we read in the handbooks is based almost entirely on Snorri Sturluson’s representation and interpretation in his Edda of the pre-Christian religion of Iceland, together with the ambiguous mythical and eschatological world we find represented in the Poetic Edda and in the filtered form Saxo Grammaticus presents in his Gesta Danorum. This stance is more or less presented without reflection in early scholarship, but the bias of the foundation is more readily acknowledged in more recent works.2 In the textual sources we find a considerable pantheon of gods and goddesses — Þórr, Óðinn, Freyr, Baldr, Loki, Njo3rðr, Týr, Heimdallr, Ullr, Bragi, Freyja, Frigg, Gefjon, Iðunn, et cetera — and euhemerized stories of how the gods acted and were characterized as individuals and as a collective. Since the sources are Old Icelandic (Saxo’s work appears to have been built on the same sources) one might assume that this religious world was purely Old 1 See the discussion in Gro Steinsland, Norrøn religion: Myter, riter, samfunn (Oslo: Pax, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • September 2017 N°17
    ISSN 2499-1341 EXPRESSION quarterly e-journal of atelier in cooperation with uispp-cisenp. international scientific commission on the intellectual and spiritual expressions of non-literate peoples N°17 September 2017 CULT SITES AND ART Anthropomorphic face on the entrance slab of a circular ceremonial structure from Har Karkom, Negev desert, Israel (Pre-pottery Neolithic site BK 608). EDITORIAL NOTES accompany them. What echoes accompanied CULT SITES the paintings in the prehistoric caves? What performances, if any, were taking place in front AND ART of the decorated rock surfaces? The visual art stresses myths, mythical beings Walking along a narrow trail, on the edge of and/or historical facts, which are related to the a steep valley in the middle of a deep forest, cult and to the sanctity of the site. It is the visual we suddenly heard noises of human presen- memory that justifes the function of the site. ce, voices that were neither speeches nor son- Was it the same in prehistoric times? In front of gs, something in between. We reached a cave where a number of people were assembled in rock art sites, in the Camonica Valley, Italy, or a corner and an old bearded man was standing in Kakadu in Arnhem Land, Australia, or in the on an upper step of the rock talking ... perhaps Drakensberg caves, South Africa, or in the Al- talking, perhaps declaiming, perhaps singing, tamira cave, Spain, the presence of prehistoric but not to the people below. He was talking or art awakens a sense of sacredness, we feel that performing or praying in front of a white rock these were and are special places but ..
    [Show full text]
  • International Journal of Language and Linguistics Vol
    International Journal of Language and Linguistics Vol. 7, No. 3, September 2020 doi:10.30845/ijll.v7n3p2 Skaldic Panegyric and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Poem on the Redemption of the Five Boroughs Leading Researcher Inna Matyushina Russian State University for the Humanities Miusskaya Ploshchad korpus 6, Moscow Russia, 125047 Honorary Professor, University of Exeter Queen's Building, The Queen's Drive Streatham Campus, Exeter, EX4 4QJ Summary: The paper attempts to reveal the affinities between skaldic panegyric poetry and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle poem on the ‘Redemption of the Five Boroughs’ included into four manuscripts (Parker, Worcester and both Abingdon) for the year 942. The thirteen lines of the Chronicle poem are laden with toponyms and ethnonyms, prompting scholars to suggest that its main function is mnemonic. However comparison with skaldic drápur points to the communicative aim of the lists of toponyms and ethnonyms, whose function is to mark the restoration of the space defining the historical significance of Edmund’s victory. The Chronicle poem unites the motifs of glory, spatial conquest and protection of land which are also present in Sighvat’s Knútsdrápa (SkP I 660. 9. 1-8), bearing thematic, situational, structural and functional affinity with the former. Like that of Knútsdrápa, the function of the Chronicle poem is to glorify the ruler by formally reconstructing space. The poem, which, unlike most Anglo-Saxon poetry, is centred not on a past but on a contemporary event, is encomium regis, traditional for skaldic poetry. ‘The Redemption of the Five Boroughs’ can be called an Anglo-Saxon equivalent of erfidrápa, directed to posterity and ensuring eternal fame for the ruler who reconstructed the spatial identity of his kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Nerthus, That Is, Mother Earth
    Odin’s Wife: Mother Earth in Germanic Mythology SAMPLE CHAPTER © 2018 William P. Reaves II. Nerthus, that is, Mother Earth “Tacitus’ much-quoted account in Germania ch. 40 of the ceremonies related to the goddess Nerthus in the area around Schleswig-Holstein or Jylland is of particular interest here for several reasons. First of all, it suggests that the images of the Bronze Age petroglyphs depicting the hieros gamos and processions related to a fertility deity had parallels in southern Scandinavia as late as AD 100, when Tacitus wrote his account. Secondly, it provides the first reliable evidence that the ceremonies were now associated with a named goddess, who must therefore have had her own mythology and background. This in turn implies that enacted rituals to do with the goddess probably had a mythological parallel.” —Terry Gunnell, The Origins of Drama in Scandinavia, (1995), p.53. In literature, Terra Mater (Mother Earth) first appears as a distinct figure of the old heathen religion in the Germania. Despite intense scholarly debate over the motivations of its author, Germania, written by the Roman historian Tacitus around 98 AD, was probably intended as an accurate account of the customs and conditions of the Germanic tribes who posed a threat on the northern border of the Roman Empire for several hundred years. While his moral observations of the Germanic tribes in contrast to the Roman way of life have led some scholars to propose that this was his chief aim in writing it, this is not sufficient as a general interpretation of the text.1 Not only does Tacitus criticize the Germanic way of life almost as often as he praises it, but much of the material has nothing to do with moral issues and cannot be explained simply as filler.
    [Show full text]
  • Prose Edda Part 3: Pp
    Prose Edda Part 3: pp. 70-89 XLIX. Then spake Gangleri: "Have any more matters of note befallen among the Æsir? A very great deed of valor did Thor achieve on that journey." Hárr made answer: "Now shall be told of those tidings which seemed of more consequence to the Æsir. The beginning of the {p. 71} story is this, that Baldr the Good dreamed great and perilous dreams touching his life. When he told these dreams to the Æsir, then they took counsel together: and this was their decision: to ask safety for Baldr from all kinds of dangers. And Frigg took oaths to this purport, that fire and water should spare Baldr, likewise iron and metal of all kinds, stones, earth, trees, sicknesses, beasts, birds, venom, serpents. And when that was done and made known, then it was a diversion of Baldr's and the Æsir, that he should stand up in the Thing,[legislative assembly] and all the others should some shoot at him, some hew at him, some beat him with stones; but whatsoever was done hurt him not at all, and that seemed to them all a very worshipful thing. "But when Loki Laufeyarson saw this, it pleased him ill that Baldr took no hurt. He went to Fensalir to Frigg, and made himself into the likeness of a woman. Then Frigg asked if that woman knew what the Æsir did at the Thing. She said that all were shooting at Baldr, and moreover, that he took no hurt. Then said Frigg: 'Neither weapons nor trees may hurt Baldr: I have taken oaths of them all.' Then the woman asked: 'Have all things taken oaths to spare Baldr?' and Frigg answered: 'There grows a tree-sprout alone westward of Valhall: it is called Mistletoe; I thought it too young to ask the oath of.' Then straightway the woman turned away; but Loki took Mistletoe and pulled it up and went to the Thing.
    [Show full text]