Governor James Pollock Receive It. the Efforts of the Young And

Home , James Pollock

Governor James Pollock is receive it. The efforts of the young and eloquent country Congressman were soon vindicated. Mr. Pollock was also one of the earliest of our public men to accept the idea of the great destiny of the Western United States, after the extension of our territory to the Pacific by Mexican annexation. On June 23, 1848, only one year after the acquisition of California, Mr. Pollock offered a resolution for the appointment of a special committee to inquire into the necessity and practicability of constructing a railroad to the Pacific coast. As chairman of that committee he made a report to the House of Representatives in favor of the construction of such a road. This report may be found in the third volume of the House Journal for the first session of the 30th Congress. This was the very first favorable official act on this subject on the part of the Congress of the United States. The report discussed the question in its international and domestic aspects, its feasibility and probable results. The opening paragraph is in these words: "The proposition at first view is a startling one. The magnitude of the work itself, and the still greater and more magnificent results promised by its accomplishment-that of revolutionizing morally and commercially, if not politically, a greater part of the habitable globe and making the vast commerce of the world tributary to us-almost overwhelm the mind. But your committee, on examination, find it a subject as simple as it is vast and magnificent, and see no in- surmountable difficulties in the way of its successful accomplishment." Congressman Pollock and his few colleagues on the committee were in advance of their time. They failed, of course, but the report, which as- serted the feasibility of the enterprise and predicted its success, soon became history. A bill accompained the report and was referred to the Committee of the Whole, but no further action was taken at that time, and Mr. Pollock soon after left Con- gress. In the fall of that year, however, he delivered a lecture on "The Pacific Railroad," by invitation, to a crowded house in the Academy of Music at Lewisburg. He was heard with rapt attention, and he closed his 14 The Northumberland Countp Histodcal Societp memorable and eloquent address with the following remark: "At the risk of being considered insane, I will venture the prediction that in less than twenty-five years from this evening a railroad will be completed and in operation between New York and San Francisco, California; and that a line of steamboats will be established between San Francisco, Japan and China; and that there are now in my audience ladies who will, before the expiration of the period named, drink tea brought from China and Japan by this route to their own doors!" This prophetic announcement was received by the audience with smiles of good natured incredul- ity; but some of those very ladies, during the year 1869, only twenty-one years later, were able to sip their favorite beverage in exact accordance with the terms of the speaker's prediction! On May 10, 1869, the last rail was laid, the last spike was driven and the great Pacific Railway, so long in embryo, became an accomplished fact. Other subjects of special interest during his Con- gressional term of service were the annexation of Tex- as, the Mexican War, the acquisition of California, the repeal of the Tariff Act of 1842, and the "Wilmot Pro- viso" in its application to the newly acquired Territor- ies of the United States. In the discussions on these ex- citing topics Mr. Pollock took an active and leading part. His speeches and votes demonstrate the consist- ency of his views and the breadth and soundness of his understanding. He and David Wilmot were most intimate friends and remained so throughout life. Mr. Pol- lock was one of the younger members of the House when he entered Congress, but during his nearly six years of service he had exhibited not only great efficiency as a national legislator, but he was in advance of most of his older associates in heartily sustaining all progressive movements. An incident which influenced the remainder of his life occurred during this service in Congress. Abraham Lincoln was first elected to Congress in August, 1846, but did not take his seat until the 30th Congress, Decem- ber, 1847. In Washington Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Pollock Governor James Pollock is were not only the most intimate friends but shared the same room and bed. The friendship which was then formed lasted until the great President fell a victim of the assassin's bullet. They ate at the same mess, which was conducted by Mrs. Spriggs, in Duff Green's Row, on Capitol Hill. There were nine friends in this congenial atmosphere, and five of the nine were Pennsylvanians: James Pollock, of the 13th, John Blanchard, of the 17th, John Dickey, of the 20th, Abraham R. McIlvaine, of the 7th and John Strohm, of the 8th District. This associa- tion had much to do, in subsequent political events, with the election of Lincoln as President, in 1860. It also had much to do with the future life of James Pollock. When his service in Congress drew to a close Mr. Pollock was placed in a position where his training and ambitious peculiarly fitted him. Judge Joseph B. An- thony died January 10, 1851, and James Pollock was appointed President Judge of the Eighth Judicial Dis- trict, then composed of the counties of Northumberland, Montour, Columbia, Sullivan and Lycoming. In assum- ing this position, January 16, Judge Pollock succeeded Judge Anthony, his early schoolmaster. He served only until the following January, however, as the new Con- stitution was then in effect and its provisions required the election of judges by the people. Judge Pollock de- clined the nomination offered him, when he was succeeded by Alexander Jordan, another Milton attorney of great worth. Thus Judges Anthony, Pollock and Jor- dan, whose terms were successive, were all Milton attor- nies, and the only Miltonians who have ever presided over the several courts of Northumberland county. While the incumbency of Judge Pollock was the shortest in the history of the county, it was long enough to secure for his abilities in this position an ample recognition. Such was the record of the able Miltonian, and it is little wonder it attracted the attention of those in the leadership of the Whig Party at Pennsylvania when the election for governor approached in 1854. Mr. Pollock was now well and favorably known. To his friends and fellow citizens he was a man of rare culture and ability; 16 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocietD of fine address; handsome; possessed of a commanding physique, somewhat above the average in height. He had dark eyes and hair, smooth shaven face, and a countenance expressive of intelligence and benignity. His manners were delightful; he was an eloquent speaker, graceful, persuasive and convincing, and possessed remarkable tact in gaining the sympathy and approval of his hearers. Strong conscientiousness was a prominent element in his character, and, while his official acts were at times subjected to violent criticism, the honesty of his intentions was conceded by his most de- termined opponents. The gubernatorial contest of 1854 presented the most unique and conspicious results to be found in the entire history of Pennsylvania politics. It was the last battle made by the Whig party as a recognized factor, and, while it was thus in its dying throes, the Demo- cratic party was greatly disintegrated and sowed the seeds which made it practically a minority party for more than a generation. Thus, it elected James Buchanan, of Lancaster, in 1856, President, but he was largely a minority victor, but it is true that for a quarter of a century thereafter the party was defeated in every National contest. The repeal of the Missouri compromise, in 1854, by the Democratic House of Representatives, Senate and President, aroused the anti-slavery sentiment that so largely pervaded the Democratic ranks in every section of Pennsylvania, and brought out the first murmurs of revolt, and the sudden organization of the Native American, or "Know Nothing" party, with the Whig organization practically on the verge of breaking up. Thus there was found a wide field with loose aggrega- tions of both Whigs and Democrats, and these elements were adroitly combined against Governor William Big- ler in favor of James Pollock who succeeded him. Tn the history of free government, such as is ours, there must be many political blunders committed in *he heat of great party struggles, or to promote individual ambition, such as we have experienced to our sorrow and misfortune in recent years, both in this Common- I I1

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GovernorJames-Pollock 17 wealth and in the Nation. But the repeal of the Missouri Compromise stands out single and alone as the most monstrous and fatal of all political blunders by the party entrenched in power. The question of human slavery extension had been a very vital one. The North was developing and extending westward with great rapidity, giving positive assurace of new free States at an early day, while the South had nothing in prospect to maintain what it called the "equilibrium" between the two sections. ID addition to this necessity of political power, the old slave States were largely interested in slave markets, as their exhausted lands made slave growing more profit- able than the simple cultivation of their plantations. It was deliberately decided that the battle should be made to control the population of the two new Terri- tories of Kansas and Nebraska by southern votes from Missouri, which would give them slave constitutions. But the Missouri Compromise stood in the way, when it was repealed, and from that moment dated not only the decline of the Democratic party, but it sowed the dragon's teeth that made the unavoidance of the Civil War impossible in 1861. The Native American, or Know Nothing, organization, which became such an important political power, was the culmination of various spasmodic native Ameri- can organizations beginning in New York as early as 1835, and extending to Philadelphia and Boston. The original Native American organization of New York was directed wholly against foreigners, particularly the Irish, who held many positions on the police force and in other city departments. It came into its greatest power in 1844, when it controlled the entire city government of New York. Native Americans, in 1844, carried the fall elections in Philadelphia, with the material aid of the Whigs, and remained an important element in both city and State politics in Pennsylvania for a number of years. Opposition to the Roman Catholics was not, before that time, an avowed article of the Native American faith, but by 1844, they had become so powerful as to 18 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSociety disgrace the city of Philadelphia by what is sorrowfully remembered as the Native American riots, in which a number of lives. were lost and several Cat-holie churches and institutions were destroyed by fire. These riots led to the incorporation of the anti-Catholic plank into the Native American faith, and from that moment until the order entirely disappeared from politics the opposition to Catholicism was even more a vital issue than their original opposition to foreigners. The Native American party was an open political organization, but when its power was visibly waning in both Philadelphia and New York a new secret party was organized out of the remains of the old Native American. The name of the new party was "The Sons of '76, or the Order of the Star Spangled Banner." The name, however, was not made known to the members until they were admitted to its higher degrees, and all initiates were instructed that if asked about the organization they should answer that they knew nothing about it. This gave rise to the title of "Know Nothings," by which the organization was popularly known throughout the period of its existence. They wore no badges, dis- played no banners, and their meetings were always held in the utmost privacy, and called by a signal understood only by the initiated. Chief Justice Jeremiah S. Black well described the Know Nothing party when he, startled at the exhibition of their power and appalled at the wrecks they had wrought on both sides of the old party lines, gave vent to the truly prophetic observation: "They're like the bee, biggest when it's born; it will perish as quickly as it rose to power." The Know Nothing organization did rapidly decline in strength, principally because its secret methods gave despotic power to its leaders. Having absorbed the Whig party it struggled along for a few years, when it and the remnant of the Whigs were themselves absorbed in the Republican party, whose timely birth gave refuge to the hopeless old organization. By 1856 the Know Nothing party had practically disappeared as a political factor. Thus its achievemea were confined Governor James Pollock '19 to a single year, 1854, when it controlled Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. It was also in this year Robert T. forIrLd, tne Whig candidate for mayor of Philadelphia, was supported by the Know Nothings and he defeated Richard Vaux by more than 8000 votes. Had the contest for Governor in 1854 been fought out squarely between the Whig and Democratic parties there is little doubt that the Whig ticket would have been elected, because of the Democratic revolt against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But the Know Nothing organization, with its severely secret appliances, gradually attracted quite two-thirds of the Whigs of Pennsylvania and also a very large proportion of the Democrats. The Whigs and Democrats held their regular State conventions early in the year, 1854, as was common practice in those days. Governor Bigler was renomi- nated, not only with entire unanimity but with unusual enthusiasm by his supporters. There was no sign of Democratic disintegration, or the advent of the new political factor at this moment. In the Whig convention, which met at Harrisburg March 15, James Pollock appeared as the logical candidate. He had, as we have learned, exhibited unusual personal and political strength in carrying three successive elections against a picked opponent in the strong Democratic Congression- al District. The nomination of Judge Pollock was affected without a serious contest. The name of Andrew G. Curtin, of Bellefonte, was presented to the convention but, as Col. A. K. McClure, in his "Old Time Notes" says: "It was not done with any hope of winning the nomination for him, but Curtin was the favorite of a large element of the younger Whigs in the interior of the State and they simply put him in training for the great battles which he fought later in life." McClure said of Pollock at this time: "He was not a man of more forceful intellect than Governor Big- ler, but quite as logical and rather more fervent and ornate in public discussion. Thus the two candidates for governor were both men who had been tried in the public service, both of unblemished reputation, and 20 The Northumberland Counip HistoricalSocIete both prepared to bring high qualities of statesmanship and ripe experience to the service of the State." Pollock as the nominee indicated that Andrew G. Curtin was the man to take charge of his campaign. Curtin was promptly made chairman of the Whig State Committee, when he immediately entered upon his duties and with all the ardor that he exhibited in his later public efforts. During the spirited campaign Mr. Pollock was subjected to numerous demands that he express his position on important questions which were then of great interest. Two months after his nomination four important communicationm in reference to the proposed prohibitory law were addressed to him, and he replied in an open letter as follows: "I say the constitutionality of a prohibitory law similar, in its essential features to the one referred to in your interrogatories, having received a judicial determination by the highest courts of several of our sister States, and the principle having been recognized by the Supreme Courts of the United States, I am relieved from the responsibility of a decision. The courts having affirmed the constitutionality of a prohibitory law, and being of the highest authority, I believe, upon principles and authority, such a law to be constitutional; and its constitutionality in my opinion would not be affected by a submission of its repeal to a vote of the people. "Every measure of moral and political reform, sanctioned by the representatives of the people, within the limits of the Constitution, would receive my official sanction. The expediency and propriety of such laws are for the people through their representatives, and their will, constitutionally declared, should be respected by the Executive. If the people demand and their Representatives enact such a law, their will should not ,be resisted by the exercise of the veto power, a power purely conservative, and only to be exercised in cases clearly unconstitutional, or exhibiting evidence of hasty, injurious, and imperfect legislation. Such being my views of official duty in the premises, should the Legis- lature-the constitutional exponent of popular will- Govemor James Pollock 21 enact such a law, it would in the event of my election receive the Executive sanction." About this same time Chairman Curtin was con- fronted with the startling information that there was a secret organization in Pennsylvania that embraced a majority of the Whig voters, as well as numerous Demo- crats. It was when the Whig candidate for mayor of Philadelphia was swept into office by the votes of the Know NQthing party. This result seemed sufficient to confirm the reports of the strength of that secret organization. McClure, writing further about this campaign, says: "I happened to be in a position to know the inner movements of that contest, and, while there have been some political struggles in Pennsylvania which were regarded als exceptionally peculiar in their devel- opments and results I confess that I never saw political high jinks played to the limit as it was by the Know Nothings in 1854." Three men of low cunning availed themselves of the peculiar facilities offered by the secret organization, assumed autocratic leadership and managed to obtain possession of the machinery of the Know Nothing organization. There was no public assemblies where the movements of the party could be discussed, and those who controlled the State Council had it in their power to declare for or against any candidate. The several lodges voted in secret, neither one ever knowing what another did, while the returns were sent to the State Council to be computed and declared. These leaders were brutally frank in their demand and threatened to defeat the Whig candidate for Gov- ernor if Curtin would not solemnly pledge them three of the most lucrative offices within the gift of the Gov- ernor. They even warned Curtin that it made no dif- ference how the Know Nothing lodges voted, they could and would declare the nomination in favor of or against Pollock, depending on Curtin's agreement to their proposition. Curtin was inclined to reject their demands and expose their infamy, but he feared it would cost the success of his candidate. He deliberated, long and held 22 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocletp several conferences with the three leaders, who always appeared together, when finally, without consulting with Pollock, he acceeded to their demands to the extent of agreeing that he would recommend the appointments they demanded, but could not give an unqualified pledge as to the action of the Governor. Mr. Pollock was not a member of the Know Nothing organization, nor was he at any time aware of the deal being made. It is also to be understood that Curtin insisted that Pollock should not be advised of it during the contest. Curtin was safe in taking the position he did, for the leaders could not have approached the Democrats with a like proposition, as none of the three leaders held any position with that party. The State Council, true to the agreement, announced the nominees of the Know Nothing party: Pollock, Whig, for governor; Henry S. Mott, Democrat, for Canal Commissioner; and Thomas Baird, Know Nothing, for Supreme Court. Mott was a dyed-in-the-wool Democrat, and like Pollock, had no knowledge of the endorsement, nor did he belong to the organization, but, on the con- trary, strongly denounced it. The alleged nomination of Pollock and Mott by the Know Nothings was a deliberate fraud upon the adher- ents of that party. Their names were submitted to the various lodges as members of the order. It mattered little whether the lodges voted for or against Pollock and Mott, there was no power to revise the returns when announced by the State Council. The ticket was accepted without a question, and the election of Pollock and Mott absolutely assured. Even Curtin, who was in such close contact with the three leaders, had no conception of the real strength of the Know Nothing organization, and never for a single moment dreamed of the political revolution that it was about to work out. When the returns came in they dumbfounded all political calculations. Pollock, on the Whig ticket, defeated Governor Bigler for re-election, by nearly 40,000 votes; Mott, Democrat, had in excess of 190,000 majority; but Jeremiah S. Black, Democrat, was elected to the Supreme Court over his Govemor James Pollock 23 Know Nothing and Whig opponents, as in this case each party supported its own candidate. Governor Bigler, in defeat, believed his public ca- reer ended for it seemed the Democratic organization was hopelessly broken, but one year later he was elected to the United States Senate practically without contest. The election was held October 10 and the victory made James Pollock's name famous throughout the United States, for his defeat of the Democratic party of Pennsylvania gave the combined opposition, Whigs, Free Soilers, Know Nothings and Republicans, high hopes of carrying the State at the Presidential election of 1856. An interesting event of a civic nature occurred between the time of the election and inauguration. It occurred in Milton, December 18, 1854, and it proved a gala day for that community. It was the opening of the WI1- liamsport and Erie Railroad and for years the celebration was retarded as a joyful epoch in the history of the West Branch Valley. A magnificent train carried the member s of the City Council of Philadelphia and many other distinguished citizens into Milton, where they were greeted' with the ringing of bells, blowing of whistles and martial music. A large delegation from Williams- port was already on hand to assist the Miltonians in the welcone to the Philadelphians. The newspaper accounts of the day say that the excellent repast served the guests was furnished by Williamsport. Governor-elect Pollock graced/the occasion with his presence and delivered the principal address. Senator Thomas Cooper also spoke. Tie guests from Philadelphia presented the Govern- or-elect with a cane which they said was the relic of liberty, made of time-honored material, wrought from the remains of Independence Hall and prepared by the Govejnor's friends. Sr. Pollock was much moved by this unexpected mark of their esteem, and received the appreciated and historic gift in a short responsive address which glowed with eloquence and undying devotion to American pa- triolsm. {The inauguration of Governor Pollock took place Janiary 16, 1855, and for many years afterwards was 24 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocetp referred to as the most elaborate and successful ceremony of the kind ever witnessed in the Commonwealth The ceremony was impressive, the immense parade most imposing, and the address of the Governor was a schol- arly statement of his high ideals, just what was expect- ed of Judge Pollock, and it had the ring of true metal. Throughout his entire term of office, the subject of the Missouri Compromise and the introduction of slaves into the territories was warmly agitated, and it became the duty of the Chief Magistrate of one of the most important States in the Union to speak for the millions of people whom he represented. That duty he per- formed in a manner that admitted of no equivocal interpretation. In his Inaugural Address he said "Penn- sylvania, occupying as she does an important an1 proud position in the sisterhood of States, cannot be in ifferent to the policy and acts of the national governm nt. Her voice, potential for good in other days, ought n t to be disregarded now. Devoted to the Constitution nd the Union as she was the first to sanction, she will be the last to endanger the one or violate the other. Regarding with jealous care the rights of her sister States, he will be ever ready to defend her own. "To the Constitution in all its integrity, to the Union in its strength and harmony, to the maint nance in its purity, of the faith and honor of our c untry, Pennsylvania now is and always has been pledged, a pledge never violated, and not to be violated, ugtil patriotism ceases to be a virtue, and liberty to be known only as a name With no desire to restrain the full and entire Constitutional rights of the S'tate, nor to interfere directly or indirectly with their doenstic institutions, the people' of Pennsylvania, in view Af the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the princip e in- volved in it, and the consequences resulting from it, as marked already by fraud, violence, and strife, hate re- affirmed their opposition to the extension of slavery nto the territory now free, and renewed their pledge 'to the doctrines of the Act of 1780, which relieved us, by on- stitutional means, from a gievious social evil; to the great ordinance of 1787, in its full scope, and all| its Govemor James Pollock 25 beneficial principles; to the protection of the personal rights of every human being under the Constitution of Pennsylvania and the Constitution of the United States, by maintaining inviolate the trial by jury, and the writ of habeas corpus; to the assertion of the due rights of the North, as well as of the South, and to the integrity of the Union. 'The declaration of these doctrines is but the recognition of the fundamental principles of freedom and human rights. They are neither new nor startling They were taught by patriotic fathers at the watch-fires of our country's defenders, and learned amid the bloody snows of Valley Forge and the mighty throes of war and revolution. They were stamped with indelible im- press upon the great charter of our rights, and embodied in the legislation of the best and purest days of the Republic; have filled the hearts and fell burning from the lips of orators and statesmen, whose memories are immortal as the principles they cherished. They have been the watchword and the hope of millions who have gone before us, and the watchword and hope of millions now, and will be of millions yet unborn." Pollock's election and inauguration, of course, ,brought out the usual multitude of applicants for important places, and the three Know Nothing leaders decided that they would accept the positions of flour iuspector, leather inspector and bark inspector. Curtin was promptly named as Secretary of the Common- wealth, when the three Know Nothing leaders assumed they would have easy sailing in gaining their lucrative positions. Curtin literally fulfilled his pledge to them, saying to the Governor that he had given his promise to urge these appointments, but that he had not pledged the Governor to accept them. He also frankly told the Governor all that had transpired and left the Gov- ernor to solve the problem in his own way. The Governor was at first inclined to appoint none of them, but afterwards reconsidered and gave one of them a minor inspectorship in Philadelphia. These disgrun- tled men had no way of visiting vengence upon anyone and they were not so powerful in State politics as in the control of the State Council. As their party went prac- 26 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocletp tically to pieces within a year their names were never even locally prominent. It is of local interest to note that the Governor appointed Thomas Swenk, William Heinen, W. H. Fry- mire, William C. Lawson and R. Bogle, of this county, to be aides, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. It is sad to relate that in spite of his great victory and the success of the Whig party at this critical moment, Governor Pollock was seriously handicapped at the beginning of his administration by the utter de- moraltzation of his first session of the General Assembly. This is remembered as the one Know Nothing Legisla- ture and made the session of 1855 memorable as a blot in the annals of the Commonwealth. There was brought into the legislative branch of government a political job lot of senators and representatives whose outside friends had never dreamed of their success. The very system of this unique organization in politics invited all the mean methods of mean men, and the result was that a motley crowd of shady Democrats and Republicans, including quite a large number of local preachers, appeared on the rolls of both branches of the General Assembly. Both houses were without able and responsible leadership, although there were a number of very good men who owed their election to the new political power. The entire session was simply a series of des- perate scrambles for political and personal advantage. A fair sample of the unusual situation is in the fact that General Simon Cameron had made a strong speech in favor of Governor Bigler in Harrisburg the night before the election, but before the General Assembly convened he learned that the Know Nothings would control both branches, when he turned up as a full-pledged member of the order and became an aggressive candidate for United States Senator. The result of this action was the most disgraceful free-for-all fight for that high office that has ever been witnessed at EIarrisburg. In this contest there was dragged in the stringest com- bination of candidates ever known in such an election, and the General Assembly finally adjourned without electing a United States Senator. Governor James Pollock 27 The only legislation of importance that came before this session was that known as the "jug law," and a bill for the sale of the main line of the public works. The harsh conditions of terms in the latter bill made it impossible for any one to bid at the proposed sale. Like his predecessors, Governor Pollock believed the time had long since come for the Commonwealth to retire from the transportation business. He very strongly urged the sale of the public works as they had become a running sore of corruption, including political debauch- ery and the systematic plunder of the State Treasury. In 1854 the Pennsylvania Railroad from Harrisburg to Pittsburgh, had been completed, thus forming a line of continuous communication from east to west and aiding powerfully in development of the natural re- sources of Pennsylvania. About this time the North Branch canal was also completed, although work on it had been discontinued for more than ten years. The Governor dwelt on this subject in his inaugural address at length and urged the sale of the public works. In 1855 the Pennsylvania Railroad company offered to purchase the main line from Philadelphia to Pitts- burgh and named $7,500,000 as the purchase price, or they offered $4,000,000 for the Philadelphia and Col- umbia railroad. There was no authority for accepting this offer. Finally, in May, 1857, the General Assembly passed a suitable bill and with the Governor's approval the sale was made for the main line of works. The sum of $1,500,000 was paid in cash, while interest bearing bonds were taken for the balance. Soon steps were taken to dispose of the other public improvements. They had been a source of expenditure for many years. The proceeds were devoted to the payment of the public debt thus reducing State taxes. The Pennsylvania Railroad company took possession of the Main Line August 1, 1857, when Governor Pollock publicly congratulated the people on the consummation of the sale. Referring to this transaction in his address to the Legislature, he said: "The many approve, the few complain; those most who have gained an unenviable reputation by reckless disre- gard of the public interests as exhibited in, the exirava- 28 The Northumberland Countp HisloricalSocietp gant, useless and fraudulent expenditure of the public money for selfish or partisan purposes. The propriety of separating the State from the care and control of the public works is not only evident to all who have given the subJect a candid and i Mpartial consideration but the necessity is clearly established by the history of their construction and management. They have failed to be a source of revenue to the Commonwealth, and if retained by the State will require the expenditure in their repair and management largely exceeding any revenue that under the most favorable circumstances can be derived from them." In the summer of 1857 a financial storm swept over the country. In the fall of that year the Bank of Penn- sylvania, then the leading bank in the Commonwealth, closed its doors and a general panic ensued and a suspension of all the banks in Pennsylvania speedily fol- lowed. Governor Pollock convened the General As- sembly October 6, for the purpose of offering some relief to the financial situation. Only three weeks remained before the general October election when a new Legis- lature would be elected, but the situation was serious and the Constitution of 1838 did not specify definitely the limitation of the terms of the members. So to avoid this complication the Governor summoned them on short notice and urged the enactment of a law legalizing the suspension of the banks for a definite period. This prompt action was made necessary because many banks had suspended specie payments and their charters were liable to forfeiture. This trouble continued until it had swept over the entire country. The oldest and most highly esteemed firms went down and thousands of men and women were thrown out of employment. The Governor reviewed the trouble in his message and recommended a system of free banking, based on undoubted public securities and coin in such proportion to circulation and deposits as might be deemed sufficient to secure their conversion into specie on demand This system haa proved successful in New York. The Legislature passed the desired bills and responsible banking finally took the place of irresponsible credit, GovernorJames Pollock 29 after many years filled with sad experiences in finance in Pennsylvania and other States. Governor Pollock was a strong advocate of progressive movements in education. Unlike his immediate predecessors, he enjoyed the best of educational advantages and always held a broad and liberal view on that subject. He devoted much space in his mes- sages to a defense of the free school system. During his administration an independent school department was organized and the State Normal Schools were established. He was in favor of the county superintend- ency plan. The foundations of the present Pennsyl- vania State College was laid by the establishment of a school for farmers, known as the Farmer's High School. Finally, in 1857, an act was passed "To provide for the due training of teachers for the common schools of the State." The Governor signed this act, May 20, and immediately a normal school was organized at Millersville, Lancaster county, the first in the Commonwealth. Referring to the progress of education in his message of 1857, the Governor said: "Our educational system is slowly but surely conquering the prejudices and gaining the confidence of the people. Under the fostering care of liberal and enlightened legislation, its ultimate triumph is certain. When the system was first introduced it was supposed that it could be perfected and forced into general and vigorous operation by the mere will of the Legislature. Experience has proved that in this, as in every other great social and moral reform, time and that consent which arises from a radical change in the public mind were required. This slow pro- cess of the acclamation of the new system to our social and moral atmosphere has been in operation for nearly twenty years, and it is now evident that the period for another effective interposition of legislative aid and authority in favor of our noble system of public schools has arrived." Governor Pollock's last message to the Gen- eral Assembly, January 6, 1858, was largely a plea for the further development of the system of public education. 30 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocietp He then said: "The organic structure of our system is as perfect, perhaps, as human legislation can make it; but it needs the competent and thoroughly trained teacher to give it greater vitality and efficiency, and secure the full accomplishment of the purposes of this creation. The teacher, the properly educated, the well trained, the scientific teacher, is the great want of the system. We need the teaching mind, not the autom- aton movements of mere physical organization or anti- quated routine, to direct and control the intellectual en- ergies of the youth of the Commonwealth. We require mind, educated mind, in our schools, that knowledge may be communicated, not only effectively and practically, but that in training the young they may be taught to think-how- to think-to investigate and know for themselves, and thus be fitted and prepared for the high and responsible duties of the man and the citizen. "This deficiency can only be' supplied by State Normal Schools for the education of teachers. To them we must look. The future is full of hope. Much has already been done to provide for their establishment and support. In connection with honorable individual effort, more legislative encouragement may be required. It should be given cheerfully and promptly. No matter of greater interest can claim your attention; no one ap- peals with more reason and truth, to duty and patriotism. "Teachers institutes, as auxiliary to Normal Schools, should be aided by the State. Through their agency, sustained by the noble and self-denying efforts of the teachers themselves, much good has been accomplished in educating and training teachers, and in dignifying a profession too long undervalued by those most deeply interested in their useful labors. "In the great work of popular education, there should be no retrograde movement in Pennsylvania-no yielding to the impotent clamor of ignorance, selfishness or prejudice, in their attempts to stay its progress. These, one and all, may denounce and condemn, but virtue, patriotism, truth, bid you onward. Let the system be maintained in its unity and usefulness; let it be improved and perfected in its details; but let no act of yours im- Governor James Pollock 31 pair its strength, or mar the beauty of harmony of its proportions. "Based as our institutions are, on the will of the people-dependent for preservation on their virtue and intelligence-knowledge with us should occupy the high position to which it is so pre-eminently entitled. Knowl- edge founded upon the pure principle of eternal truth, is the crowning glory of the citizen-the safe-guard of the State. Education, full and free, is the boon we ask for the children of the Commonwealth-it is the duty, paramount to all others, the State owes to her citizens. The aid of the Commonwealth should be liberally be- stowed. The subject, in all its relations, is warmly com- mended to the generous care and patronage of the Leg- islature." (Pennsylvania Archives, Fourth Series, VII, 947-948.) Governor Pollock refused the renomination offered him and retired from the governorship with the respect of the public regardless of party. When he left Harris- burg, at the conclusion of his term, both Houses of the General Assembly by unanimous vote adjourned and headed by their respective speakers and officers, accompanied him in a body from his rooms to the depot and bade him an affectionate farewell. The scene was significant and impressive. He resumed the practice of law in his former office in Milton, but he was destined for a wider and more important field of activity and usefulness. In his home life Governor Pollock was a useful citizen and a leader in all that the term implies. He was made a director of the original Milton Savings Bank, of which he was one of the incorpora- tors, December 29, 1857. When it was chartered, July 7, 1858, he became the firfst president of the board. This later became the Milton National Bank. He served as its president until July 2, 1860, when he removed to Philadelphia. In 1855 he had been elected a trustee of Lafayette College, and in 1863, when Dr. McPhail resigned from the presidency of the board, as well as from the presidency of the college, Governor Pollock was elected president of the board and was always most 32 Thie Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocietp zealous and active in behalf of the college. When Dr. William C. Cattell was inaugurated president of the college, July 26, 1864, Governor Pollock delivered an important address. On October 21, 1873, at the dedication of Pardee Hall, he was again most conspicuous as the president of the board of trustees. He resigned October, 1876, when his duties had changed and his time was occupied with them. It is also interesting to note that when the Pennsylvania Military School was established at Chester, in 1869, Mr. Pollock became the first president of the board of trustees and served in this important position to the day of his death. He was also president of the Board of Managers Pennsylvania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty. President of the Board of Managens Pennsylvania In- dustrial Home for Blind Women. Trustee of the Board of Magdelen Society, of Philadelphia. He served for nineteen years as an elder of the West Arch Street Pres- byterian Church, of Philadelphia. Politics was destined to be the important factor in his eventful life. While serving as the Chief Execu- tive he struggled to keep alive the Whig party organization, but when the Know Nothings, Whigs and Re- publicans met in Harrisburg to make a last struggle for unity, none exerted a more potent influence for a cordial agreement than did Governor Pollock. He was not, however, in any sense a political leader, but he enthulsias- tically advocated what afterwards became the platform of the New Republican party, holding, that while slavery could not be constitutionally disturbed in the S'tates where it then existed, it should not be extended to the Territories. Upon the formation of the new party it was but natural he should ally himself with it. He took active part in the campaign for the Presidency in 1860, when his personal friend Abraham Lincoln was thie candidate. A great mass meeting was held in Milton, when the Governor presided and made the principal address. Others who spoke were Major General, afterwards Gov- ernor, John W. Geary, John B. Packer, Franklin Bound and Colonel A. R. Fiske. GovernorJames Pollock3 33 Governor PolloLk headed hLe list of Presidential Electors who cast the first Republican votes from Penn- sylvania for President. It is of local interest to note that Messrs. Taggart, Kirkpatrick, Curtin, Hall and Calvin who also served as electors for Lincoln, were school mates of Governor Pollock at the old Milton Academy. The Governor was always a patriot and most fearless in defining his sentiments regarding the im- pending Civil War. In his anual message to the General Assembly in 1857, he said: "Pennsylvania tolerates no sentiment of disunion-she knows not the word. The Union and the Constitution, the safe guard and the bond of American freeman who cherish the principles and honor the memory of the illustrious founders of the Re- pulblic." He was selected by the friends of peace and recon- ciliation to represent Pennsylvania in the great Peace Conference which met in Washington in February, 1861. This delegation consisted of James Pollock, Chairman, William McKennan, David Wilmot, Thomas White, Wil- liam M. Meredith, A. W. Loomis and Thomas E. Frank- lin. It was this conference that presented the Crittenden Compromise measure for the consideration of Congress. One day after Mr. Lincoln arrived in Washington, previous to his inauguration, he called his old friend and room-mate, Jim Pollock, to Washington, to consult with him upon the grave questions confronting him, and to ask him about the selection of certain members of his cabinet. While talking with Mr. Lincoln at the hotel, the card of Stephen Douglass was sent to Mr. Lincoln. He and Douglass had not met since the election of, the former. When the card was presented Mr. Lincoln turned to Governor Pollock and said: "Douglass has sent up his card and wants to see me." Mr. Pollock was in the act of retiring when Mr. Lincoln insisted that he remain in the room, no doubt feeling that the presence of his friend might relieve him from embarrassment. In a few minutes Mr. Douglass entered the room and Mr. Lincoln advanced to meet him and greeted him cordially. The visitor was also glad to meet his former colleague, and the three were soon at ease. After a few minutes 34 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSoclete Mr. Douglass said: "Mr. Lincoln, I have come to see you for the purpose of assuring you of my earneet and hearty support in the difficult task you have before you." The cloud of the Civil War was then just beginning to appear and Mr. Douglass said further that he hoped the President would call upon him at any and all times, and assured him that he would always be ready -to aid in maintaining the integrity of the Union of the States. Mr. Lincoln was deeply affected, as was Mr. Pollock, and tears came into the eyes of the President as he said: "I thank you, Mr. Douglass; God bless you." Numerous mass meetings were held throughout Pennsylvania when the war clouds lowered. None was in greater demand as a speaker than ex-Governor Pollock. He frequently presided as the chairman, or as the prin- hcipal speaker. One such memorable meeting was held in Milton, April 19, 1861, a week after the attack on Fort Sumter, and he presided as chairman. A company of volunteers was immediately organized, which took the name of "Pollock Guards," the first such company in the county. They offered themselves with the first req- uisition for troops under the first call of the President, but were not accepted, as the complement for the county was filled by organized companies. A second effort to enlist was made and on May 15, the Pollock Guards de- parted from Milton in a canal boat for Camp Curtin, at Harrisburg. They were again rejected and returned to Milton. Having so patriotically signified their willing- ness to enlist for three years they were called into the service and assigned to the Reserve Corps, and, June 1, again went to the State Capitol, where they were mus- tered into the United States Army as Company H, Fifth Reserves. This company was commanded by Captain John H. McCleery, a nephew of James Pollock. The company contained on its rolls many of the most distinguished citizens of Milton and immediate vicinity, and they served throughout the war. S. Hepburn Pollock, son of the former Governor, was a volunteer officer and laid down his life on the altar of his country. The local camp of Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War bear his name. Governor James Pollock 35 On May 1, 1861, President Lincoln appointed ex- Governor Pollock to be Director of the United States Mint, and he removed to Philadelphia. It was during this service that the motto "In God We Trust," was placed upon the coins of the United States. This simple but expressive device carries us back to "the time that tried mens' souls." It was suggestive of the terrible strain which the country was undergoing at that time. The war was nearing an end, but the name of James Pollock, who, as Director of the Mint, ap- pealed to the loyalty of the people through the nation's coinage, will remain. There have been numerous stories of how this legend, or motto, was originally placed upon the coins, in some of which the name of James Pollock is not even mentioned. It is well that we can have the question settled beyond the semblance of a doubt, and by Mr. Pol- lock himself. Albert Williams, of West Orange, N. J., who, I believe, was an official of the mint, under Director Pollock, tells the first part of the story: "Some time since, in San Francisco, a friend called on me to inquire if I could tell him who caused the motto 'In God We Trust' to be placed upon the coins of the United States. He told me he had put the question to many and they had answered they did not know. One said it was Hon. IS. P. Chase. 'No', I replied, 'not Mr. Chase, but my esteemed friend, ex-Governor James Pollock, of Penn- isylvania.' But, for confirmation, I promised to write to Governor Pollock. I did so, and, herewith, now that the dear good man has recently passed away to the better country, in memory of one of many proofs of his Christian patriotism, I send to the New York Observer so much of the answer as relates to the interesting question." Philadelphia, Pa. "I answer to your inquiries about the motto 'In God We Trust' permit me to say that I was appointed Di- rector of the United States Mint in 1861, by President Lincoln; the Hon. S. P. Chase was Secty. of the Treas- ury. Early in the year 1864, believing that the recognition of our Nation's God on our national coins was a 36 The Northumberland Counts HistoricalSocietp national as well as personal religious duty-particularly as we were then ithe rdst of a fearbul war and struggle for our nation's unity and life, I corresponded with the Secretary, Mr. Chase, and urged the propriety of placing upon the coins of the United States the motto 'In God We Trust,' or 'God Our Trust.' After some correspondence, Mr. Chase approved my suggestions, and in 1864 or early in 1865, I prepared a bill to be submitted to Congress authorizing the motto 'In God We Trust' (approved by Secretary Chase) to be placed upon all coins of the United States (gold and silver) large enough to contain the motto. The bill passed both House and Senate unanimously. In 1865, before the final pas- sage of the bill, specimen coins with the motto were struck and placed in the cabinet of the United States Mint, and some were sent to the Secretary. In 1866 the regular coinage of gold and silver coin with the motto was commenced, and has continued ever since, on all the coins large enough to contain the motto, except the nickle five cent piece, from which it was omit- ted by my successor, after my retirement from that office, why, I cannot answer. James Pollock." Director Pollock was asked to resign when Andrew 'Johnson succeeded to the Presidency and he did so, October 1, 1866, when he resumed the practice of the law in Philadelphia. On April 20, 1869, President Grart appointed Mr. Pollock to his former position, when he again entered upon the duties of director. A reorgani- zation of the personnel of the mint was made in 1873, when Mr. Pollock was elevated to the position of Sup- erintendent and Dr. Linderman was made Director. Mr. Pollock remained in this responsible position until 1879, when he resigned, and in the same year was appointed Naval Officer at Philadelphia, in which he continued for four years. His last official position was that of Fed- eral Chief Supervisor of Elections, to which he was appointed in 1886. Mr. Pollock thus served as the tenth director and the first superintendent of the United States Mint. A portrait painted by Winner, is an excellent likeness of Mr. Pollock, and it hangs in the Mint at Philadelphia. Govemor James Pollock 57 A copper bronze medal, size 50, has been struck by the In this connection it should be noted that Albert Newsam, the celebrated artist, painted a half-length, front face portrait of the Governor, before he completed his term. This is the one which hangs in the executive Department of the Capitol at Harrisburg. Mr. Pollock did not again return to the practice of the law. McClure says: "As a lawyer, he was not up to date, and enjoyed only moderate success." It is said of him that he was extremely Puritancal in his attitude towards cards and liquor. He was a firm believer in the ,ancient code of "an eye for an eye, etc.," and for this reason he did not mind signing a death warrant, when serving as the Chief Executive. Governor Pollock continued to reside in Philadelphia until his health so weakened him that he sought com- fort in the home of his daughter, Mrs. H. T. Harvey, of Lock Haven. This was but a short time before his death, which occurred April 19, 1890, in the 80th year of his age. All his children were at his bedside, and his passing was not unexpected. The editorial notices of his death expressed the love and esteem in which he was held throughout the Commonwealth. The opening paragraph of the editorial in the Philadelphia Times, a Democratic paper, of April 20, 1890, was: "James Pollock had so gradually passed from prominent public trust into the evening shadows of an honored life that he had long ceased to be a prominent actor among active men; but his death, that occurred on Saturday evening at Lock Haven, will be none the less sincerely and widely lamented. He was one of the purest and best of our public men for a full half century, and in his early vigor he was one of the most progressive of his age." The concluding paragraph of the lengthy editorial was: "Ex-Governor Pollock was a most sincere and earnest Christian philanthropist, and his best efforts for mankind are less noted because his political prominence overshadowed them. He has left a most lustrous record of conscientious usefulness in public and private life, and the world is certainly better 38 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocietp because James Pollock lived, labored and died in it." The Public Ledger said in the opening paragraph: "Forty-five years ago, James Pollock. who has iJut died at TLoek0 Haven, Pennsylvania, was a member of Con- gress from this State, and thirty-five years ago he was elected Governor of the Commonwealth. These dates indicate that he was a man of large influence and re- nown more than a generation ago. His death revives the memory of historic times, which were serious times. His election as Governor was coincident with the rise of the Republican party." The Harrisburg Telegraph said much, several excerpts are: "Ex-Governor Pollock has always been noted for the interest he has taken in religious matters, and particularly those tending towards the advance- ment and elevation of the morals of young men. ***** The ex-Governor never wearied in the good work, and his influence among the young people especially was as extensive as it was effective and noble. His lectures to young men always attracted many listeners, and were justly considered to be literary and religious gems, that sparkled with truth, sturdy morality, and wholesome advice." The Presbyterian said: "He was a man who served his generation with honor and fidelity. As a citizen he was upright and useful. As a Christian he was humble, active and zealous. His political reputation was noted for his integrity and trustworthiness. The Church hon- ors him for his consistent life, for his fidelity to her principles, and for his manly stand for right and truth, and for his activity in good works. He was a recognized force in our body. He was kind and generous in dis- :position and a man without ostentation. He has left a commendable record behind him, and Church and State lament his departure." Every business place in Lock Haven was closed during the brief funeral service, and as the procession moved to the depot all the bells of the city tolled and every mark of respect was shown the memory of the distinguished dead. Numerous relatives, friends and officials accompanied the remains from Lock Haven to Milton, where interment was to be made. Governor James Pollock 39 All business was suspended in Milton, many business places and private homes were draped in mourn- ing; flags fluttered at half mast; and hundreds of ac- quaintances and strangers gather to attend the funeral. Delegations from Washington, Philadelphia, Har- risburg, Sunbury and other places, among whom were distinguished public officials, led by Governor James A. Beaver, were in attendance. The body lay in state in the First Presbyterian Church for an hour. Floral tributes were sent from officials of the Nation and the Commonwealth, and from religious and educational institutions, and hundreds of relatives and friends. The services were conducted by Rev. Dr. Hemphill, of Philadelphia, who delivered the 'euology. He was assisted by Rev. Mr. Nesbitt, of Lock Haven, and Rev. W. P. Breed, of Milton. Colonel C. E. Hyatt, Captain G. D. Howell, Cadets Hoffman, King, Jones and Shoemaker, all in full uni- form of the Pennsylvania Military Academy, of Chester, of which the deceased was the president of the board of trustees from its institution more than twenty-eight years, acted a guard of honor in the church and on the march to the cemetery. The pall bearers were Hon. William C. Lawson, General Jesse Merrill, Colonel Jos- eph D. Potts, Captain William P. McCleery, Dr. James P. McCleery and Dr. Charles H. Dougal. Noted among the hundreds in attendance were: Governor Beaver, W. H. Shoemaker, of Philadelphia; Hon. R. P. Allen, Editor Zellers, and Judge Metzger, of Williamsport; Captain John Bowman and E. W. Green, of Muncy; Hon. Joshua Comly, of Danville; Captain J. M. Linn, Judge J. C. Bucher, Hon. John Walls and Wm. Johns of Lewisburg; Hon. John B. Packer, Judge W. M. Rockafeller, of Sunbury; Hon. John B. Linn, Bellefonte; Hon. Franklin Bound, Hon. Thomas Swenk and Col. John McCleery, of Milton. Interment was made in the Milton Cemetery, where a modest monument marks the final resting place of James Pollock, scholar, jurist statesman, man of high and noble ideals and splendid character, Governor of Pennsylvania, Milton's most distinguished native son. *1

TLhl Stone House at Fisher's Ferry and the John Penn Legend By HEBER C. GEARHART PresenteJ Before The Society April 21, 1936

Have you ever heard that Pennsylvania had an Evangeline, and 'that the story was connected 'with'our own Northumberland county? There is a legend which recounts how Thomas and Richard Penn, sons of William Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania, visited a silver-smith in London to purchase silver plate to present to the new battleship "Ad- miral -Penn," named in honor of their 'grandfather. Richard Penn was accompanied by his son John Penn, who then met Mary Cox, the silver-smith's -daughter, and promptly fell in love with her. This romance de- veloped until they eloped to Gretna Green and were there married, he being 19 years old and she 17. The Penn family objected to this marriage and took steps to separate the young couple. John was sent.to France to forget the beautiful Mary in the pleasures of the French capitol. While in the midst of these enjoyments, he fell deeply into debt and was threatened With jail. He wrote for money to his father, who turned a deaf ear to the prodigal. But it was not so with Uncle Thomas, who promised to pay the debts provided John would divorce his wife and go to Pennsylvania for an indefinite time. John promised to obey and returned to England to bid farewell to his family. By chance he met his fair bride Mary and they then arranged to meet in America, where he would provide'a home for her under an assumed: name. G P4 1

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The Stone House at fi1shes Femrp and the 41 John Penn Legend He arrived in New York in 1752 and went to Philadelphia, where he lived the life of a wealthy gentleman. Mary came to Philadelphia in 1754 and John Penn took her to the hogne of Peter Allen, near Harris' Ferry. He was a relative of William Allen, the wealthy chief justice of Pennsylvania, and lived in a stone house called "Tulliallen" located at the foot of Peter's mountain, named for him, in present Dauphin county. Here she taught the young Allen girls and became known as Mary Warren. In 1755 she was kidnapped and taken captive into: Canada. John Penn was nearly out of his senses from distraction over his loss. He at once started a search for her which lasted many years. In the progress of this search he traveled to Fort Augusta and nearby found a creek which he named "John Penn's Creek," later abbreviated to Penn's creek. On his return journey he stopped at the stone house of Peter Fisher, then a tavern located at the present site of Fisher's Ferry in the lower portion of our county. During the evening John Penn and Peter Fisher sitting by the fireplace talked of his search, when Penn heard incessant cough- ing in an inner room and asked who it was. Fisher said, "An Englishwoman, who escaped from the Indians in Canada, after being held a captive for many years." In her journey through the wild country she had taken this bad cold from exposure. Penn asked to see her and when he entered the room he recognized his wife Mary Cox. After a short reunion of only ten minutes she died in his arms. Now, hold your tears and sorrow. Here are the real facts. John Penn became governor of Pennsylvania, holding that position when the Revolution began, and married Anne Allen, a daughter of the chief justice, and died in Bucks county in 1795, always grieving for the love of his youth. Whether there be much or little to the story that Mary Cox died at the stone house at Fisher's Ferry, there seems to be a basis of truth to this early marriage. Peter Allen's stone house is a historic spot in Dauphin cwvnty,, but no trace of a 42 The Northumberland Countp HistoricalSocietp Peter Fisher's having lived at Fisher's Ferry can be fond Tf ohn Penn ever -VIDLs'itd FoxV Z&uguua- 'we would be pleased to have the record. We do know that there is an old stone house now standing at Fisher's Ferry, which is the old landmarkl of that place, whose true story has been wanted for years. An extended search for correct historical data concerning this location and the house shows that Peter Fisher never lived there, if he ever lived at all, and it seems more than a probability that the house is not old enough for the beloved Mary to have died there. This location is described as lying between "Cous- ins Landing and Halloins Run on the east side of the Susquehanna in Berk's county." The first settler here was William Smith, who, with the consent of the In- dians, made an improvement here in 1752. Two years later he sold his right to Arthur Auchmuty. The new owner was living at the mouth of Penn's creek at the time of the Penn' Creek massacre in 1755. Ten years later he was commissioned as an Indian trader, "with permission to trade with the natives of Penn's Creek, Shamokin and such other forts as may by his Majesty or the Provincial authorities be established." In 1769, after the land at Fisher's Ferry was purchased from the Indians, he took out a warrant for 250 acres here. It seems quite probable that he located upon this tract in 1754 when he purchased it from William Smith. His son, Samuel Auchmuty, who served as captain during the Revolution, lived here and built this stone house at Fisher's Ferry as a hotel and ferry house, about the time that Adam Fisher, who lived on the Isle of Que, started the ferry which bears his name, in 1791. This tract was finally patented to Samuel Auchmuty in 1810, after he had lived on it for many years. In 1822 the sheriff sold this property to John Jones, who, five years later, paid Samuel Auchmuty's mort- gage on it. John Jones lived in Shamokin township and after his death the property was awarded to his eldest son William R. Jones, who located upon it, and, having The Stone House at Fisher's Ferrp and the 43 John Penn Legend been appointed postmaster, established the first post office here in 1854. He was the county surveyor and "ran the hotel and post office in connection with the ferry. When the Northern Central Railway was built through here in 1857 Fisher's Ferry became an important point on account of the ferry business and the stone hotel then became the railroad station. In 1863 William R. Jones sold the stone house and land to Jonathan Reitz, who abandoned the hotel business and divided the land into lots, visioning a future metropolis. When he moved west in 1873 he sold the stone house to his father, Samuel Reitz, who in 1884, sold it to his son Moses Reitz. From him it has come into the possession of his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Reitz, the present owner. Although we cannot tell you just when or where Mary, the youthful bride of Governor John Penn, died, we know that this old stone house, which has been described as her dying place, has served the community for more than a century as hotel, ferry-house, post office and railroad station and now serves as the dwell- ing place for two families. We shall be pleased to receive any additional information concerning the old stone house. We also desire to know more about Mary Cox and whether, as has been stated, she was a relative of Col. John Cox, who in 1765 laid out Coxborough or Estherton, just north of present Harrisburg.