1 Introduction 2 Katzenstein's World

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 Introduction 2 Katzenstein's World Notes 1 Introduction 1. In June 2013, taped conversations between top executives of Anglo Irish Bank were revealed in the media. In one exchange, the executives candidly admit asking for 7 billion from the Financial Regulatory Authority despite knowing that the needs of their troubled bank were much larger. Had truth been told the authorities might have let the bank fail. Moreover, the bankers appeared to have abused the guarantee by chasing deposits from the United Kingdom and Germany. These revelations, in their content and tone, caused enormous anger and damaged Ireland’s diplomatic campaign to secure an EU recapitalisation of the banking system via the European Stability Mechanism. 2. The phrase ‘Celtic Tiger’ was coined in 1994 by Kevin Gardiner of US invest- ment bank Morgan Stanley, who suggested that Ireland’s high growth rates were comparable to those of the East Asian ‘Tigers’ (Smith, 2005:37). 3. The 1990s saw rapid growth in the indigenous software industry driven largely by people outside the business establishment who had gained experienced in the high-tech multinational corporation sector (O’Riain, 2004). 4. Perhaps the two most egregious examples of this are (i) Irish banks in 2003 borrowed the equivalent of 10 per cent of GPD from foreign banks to fuel a credit expansion, and by 2008 it was the equivalent of 60 per cent of GDP (Honohan, 2009). (ii) Between 2001 and 2008, capital stock expanded by 157 per cent; most of it went into property, with only 14 per cent went into productive investment. 5. The countries used for comparison purposes by Mjoset were Austria, Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Switzerland (Mjoset, 1992:5). 6. The original terms of reference included a second stage of investigation intended to achieve two things: First, the analysis would move towards a causal account based on comparative reasoning, and, second, specific issues for in-depth analysis would be identified. This second stage could not be completed within the time allowed (Mjoset, 1992:5). 7. The States included were Sweden, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria and Switzerland (Katzenstein, 1985:21). 8. Hemerijck (2013:44) also suggests that evolving cognitive understanding of policy elites, changing beliefs of politicians and changing normative orien- tations with respect to social justice issues can be important factors affecting welfare state reform. 2 Katzenstein’s World 1. Nationalism is a common feature in the respective histories of Ireland and Finland. Mjoset (1992:61) argues that among the smaller European countries Finland is the only one that experienced a nationalist mobilisation similar to Ireland to liberate itself from Russia. 206 Notes 207 2. Interview 28 September 2012. 3. Interview 27 September 2012. 4. Interview 28 September 2012. 5. Interview 22 May 2012. 6. The Danish manufacturing sector is very diverse. In 1991, only about 100 firms employed more than 500 people. Due to the lack of indigenous raw materials, industry is mostly confined to reprocessing and light indus- try. The dominant sectors were food processing, chemicals, furniture and engineering. The value of industrial goods sold in 1991 was equivalent to $64.8 billion (Economist Intelligence Unit, 1993/4). 7. Interview 12 September 2012. 8. Smaller and medium enterprises are represented by MKB (the literal trans- lation of SME). The overall organisation rate of employers is about 85 per cent. On the union side there is also the Dutch Christian Unions (CNV) and a smaller union for medium and higher skilled workers (De Unie/MHP). Union density was 22 per cent in 2006. (Houwing and Vandaele, 2011:28). 9. Interview 12 September 2012. 10. The author is indebted to Mr Padraig O’hUiginn, former Secretary General of the Department of an Taoiseach for providing him with a copy of this paper in December 2010. 11. A Constitutional Referendum on the abolition of the Seanad on 4 October 2013 was narrowly rejected. 3 1994–2001: The Age of Employment Miracles 1. The purpose of the Act was to protect depositors’ money against specula- tive investment activity by banks. It was repealed in the US Senate by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act in 1999. The banking industry had been lobbying for the repeal since the 1980s. Ultimately this contributed to the 2008 crisis. 2. Interview 28 September 2012. 3. Interview 28 September 2012. 4. Interview 28 September 2012. 5. Interview 27 September 2012. 6. Interview 26 September 2012. 7. Interview 21 May 2012. 8. Interview 22 May 2012. 9. Interviews 21 and 22 May 2012. 10. Interview 22 May 2012. 11. Interview 22 May 2012. 12. In 1993 Ireland expected support from Germany for the Irish Punt within the ERM against speculative attacks. It was not forthcoming and Ireland had to devalue by 10 per cent. However, Denmark was supported (Connolly, 1995). 13. The President of FNV Trade Union Confederation, Agnes Jongerius, did not agree. She argued that workers and employers were paying the bill through their social insurance contributions. She referred to her own experience of restructuring the inland shipping industry and said she had no moral qualms about using disability to cover people who might have lost their jobs after 30 years. But she acknowledged that high insurance contributions made labour 208 Notes costs very high. The issue was one of sustainability rather than morality (interview, 12 September 2012). PvdA Chairman, Ruud Vreeman, added the important point that the restructuring concerned older industries predom- inantly and that the disability allowance was higher than unemployment benefit (interview, 12 September 2012). 14. Prior to the initiation of reforms, 27 per cent of Dutch citizens were in receipt of a transfer payment of some sort (Esping-Andersen, 1996; Lindert, 2007; Visser and Hemerijck, 1997). 15. Interview 12 September 2012. 16. What happened in the Netherlands with the emergence of a Temporary Agency Workers’ employment placement industry almost certainly informed the EU Lisbon Strategy and the eventual emergence of an Agency Workers’ Directive. Wim Kok was a major player in that process. 17. Interview 12 September 2012. 18. Interview 12 September 2012. 19. Interview 12 September 2012. 20. Interview 11 September 2012. 21. Interview 12 September 2012. 22. Interview 12 September 2012. 23. Interview 12 September 2012. 24. Interview 12 September 2012. 25. Interview 11 September 2012. 26. According to O’Sullivan (2006), this was a major embarrassment to Ireland’s policy making community who had tried to be exemplary members of the ERM. He observes that Mr Trichet (subsequently President of ECB) was indif- ferent to Ireland’s plight. Interestingly, the Bundesbank intervened at that time to support Denmark’s currency. Former Secretary of the Department of Finance, Tom Considine, recalls how this period was when the power of markets in a world of free movement of capital manifested itself. He was struck by the fact that Britain had available a fund of £20 billion Sterling to defend the currency but this was swept aside by markets. Asked about the failure of Germany to come to the aid of the Punt when they had supported the Danish Krone, he opined that this could be explained by the realisa- tion that Denmark was a lot more stable – it would not have been affected by movements in an adjacent currency – whereas Ireland was exposed to Sterling. He posed the question; how would the Bundesbank know that Sterling might not drop again and expose the Punt to further speculative attack? If they had tried to help Ireland there was no knowing how far and for how long they would have had to back to Punt (interviewed, 24 May 2012). 27. Interview 13 January 2012. 4 2001–2008: European Integration Intensifies 1. Lindgren (2011:62) is careful to point out that this trend towards corpo- rate governance liberalisation should not be overstated. It has not made much impact on the dispersion of ownership. Ownership is still quite heavily concentrated in family-owned firms. Notes 209 2. This phenomenon was identified also in the multinational sector in Ireland by McGuinness et al. (2010) who showed how the FDI sector was a significant beneficiary of the various Social Partnership agreements. 3. In 1993 Danish workers were entitled to receive 90 per cent of their wages prior to unemployment. This was subject to a ceiling of 162,000 DKK (21,800 Euro). 4. In 2005 Parliament decided that all employees should have a statutory right to occupational pensions (Mailand, 2011:87). 5. Interview 22 May 2012. 6. Interview 22 May 2012. 7. Interview 22 May 2012. 8. Interview 12 September 2012. 9. Interview 11 September 2012. 10. An employment rate of 74 per cent in 2007 was in line with Nordic achievements but a very high proportion of jobs (60 per cent) are part-time (Houwing and Vandaele, 2011:135). 11. According to the Minister for Finance, writing in The Financial Times on 24 November 2010 Ireland’s productivity in 2010 was the second highest in the EU. The Central Statistics Office (2010) also state that Ireland’s productiv- ity is 30 per cent above the EU average. However, O’Sullivan (2006:68) draws attention to the divergence in productivity between indigenous and foreign transnational corporations (TNCs). The former cannot match the achieve- ments of the latter. To compound the problem he asserts that transfer pricing for tax purposes makes it look as if the amount of added value to goods pro- duced in Ireland by TNCs is greater than it really is – hence productivity is overstated. 12. The most notable involved a dispute in 2005 in which the Irish Ferries Com- pany replaced its Irish crew with non-nationals earning half the minimum wage. 13. Legislative commitments to regulate the labour market were not fully hon- oured.
Recommended publications
  • Palestine in Irish Politics a History
    Palestine in Irish Politics A History The Irish State and the ‘Question of Palestine’ 1918-2011 Sadaka Paper No. 8 (Revised edition 2011) Compiled by Philip O’Connor July 2011 Sadaka – The Ireland Palestine Alliance, 7 Red Cow Lane, Smithfield, Dublin 7, Ireland. email: [email protected] web: www.sadaka.ie Bank account: Permanent TSB, Henry St., Dublin 1. NSC 990619 A/c 16595221 Contents Introduction – A record that stands ..................................................................... 3 The ‘Irish Model’ of anti-colonialism .................................................................... 3 The Irish Free State in the World ........................................................................ 4 The British Empire and the Zionist project........................................................... 5 De Valera and the Palestine question ................................................................. 6 Ireland and its Jewish population in the fascist era ............................................. 8 De Valera and Zionism ........................................................................................ 9 Post-war Ireland and the State of Israel ............................................................ 10 The UN: Frank Aiken’s “3-Point Plan for the Middle East” ................................ 12 Ireland and the 1967 War .................................................................................. 13 The EEC and Garret Fitzgerald’s promotion of Palestinian rights ..................... 14 Brian Lenihan and the Irish
    [Show full text]
  • Lijst Van Gevallen En Tussentijds Vertrokken Wethouders Over De Periode 2002-2006, 2006-2010, 2010-2014, 2014-2018
    Lijst van gevallen en tussentijds vertrokken wethouders Over de periode 2002-2006, 2006-2010, 2010-2014, 2014-2018 Inleiding De lijst van gevallen en tussentijds vertrokken wethouders verschijnt op de website van De Collegetafel als bijlage bij het boek Valkuilen voor wethouders, uitgegeven door Boombestuurskunde Den Haag. De lijst geeft een overzicht van alle gevallen en tussentijds vertrokken wethouders in de periode 2002 tot en met 2018. Deze lijst van gevallen en tussentijds vertrokken wethouders betreft de wethouders die vanwege een politieke vertrouwensbreuk tijdelijk en/of definitief ten val kwamen tijdens de collegeperiode (vanaf het aantreden van de wethouders na de collegevorming tot het einde van de collegeperiode) en van wethouders die om andere redenen tussentijds vertrokken of voor wie het wethouderschap eindigde voor het einde van de reguliere collegeperiode. De valpartijen van wethouders zijn in deze lijst benoemd als gevolg van een tijdelijke of definitieve politieke vertrouwensbreuk, uitgaande van het vertrekpunt dat een wethouder na zijn benoeming of wethouders na hun benoeming als lid van een college het vertrouwen heeft/hebben om volwaardig als wethouder te functioneren totdat hij/zij dat vertrouwen verliest dan wel het vertrouwen verliezen van de hen ondersteunende coalitiepartij(en). Of wethouders al dan niet gebruik hebben gemaakt van wachtgeld is geen criterium voor het opnemen van ten val gekomen wethouders in de onderhavige lijst. Patronen De cijfermatige conclusies en de geanalyseerde patronen in Valkuilen voor wethouders zijn gebaseerd op deze lijst van politiek (tijdelijk of definitief) gevallen en tussentijds vertrokken wethouders. De reden van het ten val komen of vertrek is in de lijst toegevoegd zodat te zien is welke bijvoorbeeld politieke valpartijen zijn.
    [Show full text]
  • Structural- Versus Emancipatory Social History and the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) in the 1970S
    Two tendencies and one Institution: Structural- versus Emancipatory Social History and the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) in the 1970s. Paper for the conference ‘Unofficial Histories’ Manchester 15 and 16 June 2013 Intro For a non-Dutch audience it is necessary to introduce the main players in this history, Van Tijn and Harmsen a bit more. In the present historical profession in the Netherlands they are both still relatively well known. But Van Tijn already died 21 years ago, and when Harmsen died in 2005 the times had changed that much, that no obituary appeared in the established press of the discipline. In the nineteen seventies that was completely different. Both dominated the debate in the field of social history in the Netherlands, Harmsen even more than Van Tijn. After the introduction of these two historians we will introduce the main institution for social history in the Netherlands, the International Institute of Social History, IISH. Subsequently I will pay attention to a number of organizations in the field. People interested in social history were organized in the Dutch Association for the practice of Social History (NVSG), founded in 1967. It had a forerunner, founded in 1953, the Social-Historical Study Circle (SHS). In the nineteen seventies a group exclusively interested in Labour History emerged, the Working Group History of the Dutch Labour Movement (Werkgroep Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Arbeidersbeweging: WGNA). In the Dutch Association Van Tijn was prominent, in the Working Group, Harmsen. The Dutch Association published the journal Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis (Journal of Social History), TvSG; a group within the Working Group the Jaarboek voor de Geschiedenis van Socialisme en Arbeidersbeweging in Nederland, (Yearbook of the History of Socialism and Labour Movement in the Netherlands) further named Yaerbook.
    [Show full text]
  • Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
    Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Niamh Bhreathnach
    Why third-level fees were abolished in Ireland Niamh Bhreathnach recounts the decision-making process that led to the end of university fees during her tenure as Minister for Education in the 1990s Why the abolition of fees? it would only benefit those on family incomes A commitment in the Fianna Fail and of £2] ,000 or less. Large numbers of lower Labour Party Programme for a Partnership middle class parents, already struggling to Government, published in 1993, promised put their children through third level, would that access to third-level education would be lose out totally and access to this new increased during that Government's term of generation of Leaving Cert graduate would office. At a time when the economic climate become nearly impossible. was improving, when graduates were urgently needed to increase our graduate workforce, Abolishing the tax covenant the Government was committed to increasing It was when I examined the figures in the education provision to help us meet that need. report that it emerged just how much the How this could be achieved quickly was my covenant tax relief scheme was costing the challenge as Minister for Education. Exchequer. I realised that I could meet From a personal perspective, the challenge the commitment in the Programme for to increase access to third-level education was Government to give access to third-level driven by my own experience as a primary education fairly quickly if I had access to school teacher, when in the 1960s I taught at "By covenanting funds, managers those tax credits. Of course, the tax revenue Cook Street National School, a school situated that would be saved if the covenant scheme up the road from Trinity College Dublin.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Votegate' Irish Independent Political Team Cormac Mcquinn, Fionn
    Investigation: The political scandal that became known as ‘Votegate’ Irish Independent Political Team Cormac McQuinn, Fionnan Sheahan, Kevin Doyle, Philip Ryan and Hugh O’Connell In October 2019, an investigation by the Irish Independent revealed a matter of grave political and legal significance and immense public interest by disclosing TDs were acting in breach of their Constitutional duties in Dáil votes. The initial investigation of one incident of bad practice led to a floodgate of allegations that saw our reporters review more than 50 hours of Dáil footage. Several other examples were uncovered, leading Ceann Comhairle Sean Ó Fearghail to tell the Dáil that what the Irish Independent exposed had “eroded public confidence in how our National Parliament conducts its business”. He said it was “sobering to reflect on the voting irregularities” and insisted that “under no circumstances can they be allowed to happen again”. The so-called ‘Votegate’ affair also led to renewed scrutiny of working arrangements in Leinster House and in particular the system of clocking in for the purposes of expenses. The Irish Independent highlighted how some TDs missed votes despite being ‘clocked in’. A story about Michael Healy Rae being at a funeral while also registered as attending the Dáil gained huge traction. The spotlight also fell on Fine Gael’s Dara Murphy who was double-jobbing in Europe while marked present in Leinster House. In light of the seriousness of the issues, two members of the Opposition frontbench resigned, four TDs apologised on the Dáil record for their behaviour and three separate investigations were initiated within the Houses of the Oireachtas.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: Parties and Policy Making in Ireland
    Introduction: Parties and policy making in Ireland C o n t i n u i t y One of the most remarkable aspects of post-Treaty Ireland was how well the political institutions established by the British colonial administration survived. This is not altogether surprising when one considers that the Irish struggle for independence ended in ‘a compromise with the former coloniser which denied true emancipation’. 1 Many members of the new elite ‘found nothing better to do with their freedom than to duplicate the British system’ while ‘a new use was found for the Irish language as a kind of green spray-paint to be coated over the remaining British pillar boxes, systems and titles, in order to conceal the ever-growing similarity with the British way of life’. 2 Kevin O’Higgins ’ s conviction that they ‘were probably the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution’ 3 gives some idea of the limitations and parameters within which the Free State would take shape. The survival of the British civil service, based in Dublin Castle, provides a striking example of the basic continuity that followed the Treaty. ‘Independence’, Basil Chubb notes, ‘did not much aff ect the well-established and powerful departments’ and for the former British civil service ‘life went on much as before’. 4 Under the Treaty, the position of former colonial administration employees was protected and most managed to exchange political masters with equanimity. A small number (about one hundred) voluntarily transferred to Belfast to serve the Northern Ireland administration. The transition from colonial power to a native administration did not, therefore, impinge greatly on the civil service.
    [Show full text]
  • Haughey and Fitzgerald| A1 Sample Answer
    Haughey and FitzGerald| A1 Sample answer What were the contributions of Charles Haughey and Garret FitzGerald to Irish Affairs? Charles Haughey and Garret FitzGerald were the two dominant men of Irish politic in the 1980s. In many ways they were polar opposites, Haughey was a working-class Northsider who craved power, while Fitzgerald was a privileged, idealistic Southsider. Both were forced to make huge decisions which would set the course of the country, sometimes for better, sometimes for worse. Haughey had a huge influence on Irish affairs even before he became Taoiseach. He entered his father-in-law Séan Lemass’ cabinet in 1961 as Minister for Justice, as part of a new breed of young, dynamic ministers who would help reinvent Ireland. He introduced the Succession Act which guaranteed financial entitlement and stability for widows. He brought similar reform to the Department for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966. Under Jack Lynch he served as Minister for Finance, and in that position he introduced tax exemptions for artists, free travel for the elderly and free electricity allowance for pensioners also. However, in 1970, along with Minister Neil Blaney he was accused of using public monies to smuggle illegal arms to nationalists in the North. As a result of this ‘Arms Crisis’ Haughey was dismissed from cabinet and would spent most of the 1970s slowly working his way back up the Fianna Fáil ranks. When Fianna Fáil next came to power in 1977 he was appointed Minister for health and Social Welfare. In this position he introduced the first anti-smoking campaign and a controversial family planning bill.
    [Show full text]
  • Clark (Eds.) Radical Or Redundant? Minor Parties in Irish Political Life Dublin: History Press, 2012
    To the left of Labour: The Workers’ Party and Democratic Left in L. Weeks and A. Clark (eds.) Radical or redundant? Minor Parties in Irish political life Dublin: History Press, 2012. 173-187. To the Left of Labour: the Workers’ Party and Democratic Left, 1982–97 Kevin Rafter Introduction Over the last 90 years new parties have repeatedly attempted to break into the national political arena in Ireland so as to challenge the longtime dominance of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour. The new entrants have periodically challenged the established order in terms of shaping policy agendas, winning seats and participating in multi- party governmental arrangements. A limited number of small parties have achieved these three outcomes – impact on policy, Dáil representation and governmental involvement – including Clann na Poblachta, Clann na Talmhan, the Progressive Democrats, Democratic Left and the Green Party. Others, including the Workers’ Party, while not experiencing a period in power, have both impacted on policy formation and enjoyed national electoral success. All these new entrants, however, share one common trait – namely, a poor record in sustaining their challenge to the big three parties. It has been pointed out that smaller parties can ‘add a richness and depth that has an impact on democracy and representation’ (Copus et al, 2009: 4). In an Irish context, however, despite this democratic value, these parties have failed to sustain a lasting political and electoral presence. Ireland’s so-called ‘two and a half party system’ was defined – until the general election in 2011 – by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour repeatedly filling the same pecking order in terms of votes and seats.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture Revised Jan09
    The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture of the Irish Association for Industrial Relations, Delivered at Trinity College, Dublin, on the 25th November 2008. Social Partnership: From Lemass to Cowen Bill Roche Professor of Industrial Relations and Human Resources School of Business, University College Dublin I am honoured to present the 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture. The first woman elected to the House of Commons and Minister for Labour in the First Dail, Constance Markievicz lived in tumultuous times. I well remember, some years ago, reading through the rather slim file in the State Papers’ Office on the early work of the Department of Labour, where I came across Constance Markievicz’s famous warning in 1921 of the imminence of social revolution in Ireland.1 This was an era when the very basis and character of Irish society seemed ‘up for grabs’. The dislocation to civil order caused by the War of Independence, combined with the new-found strength and confidence of workers in the booming rural economy of the First World War, had fuelled a surge in industrial militancy, as well as a spate of factory and land seizures throughout the country. Creamery workers plied their trade under the banner ‘we make butter not profits’ while the establishment of a co-operative fishery in Castleconnel inspired the newspaper headline: ‘Soviet eels in the Shannon’!2 We live in less tumultuous times than these. Indeed the subject of my lecture this evening, social partnership, has been associated with ‘low voltage’ politics, or what Peter Katzenstein has described as a ‘relatively dull and predictable kind of politics’.3 Dull and predictable though it may be, especially when contrasted with the ‘heroic’ era of labour and industrial 1 For details of Markievicz’s memorandum to the cabinet see Arthur Mitchell, Labour in Irish Politics 1890-1930, Dublin: Irish University Press, 1974, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57
    Irish Marxist Review Editor: John Molyneux Deputy Editor: Dave O’Farrell Website Editor: Memet Uludag Editorial Board: Marnie Holborow, Sinéad Kennedy, Tina MacVeigh, Paul O’Brien, Peadar O’Grady Cover Design: Daryl Southern Published: November 2016 SWP PO.Box 1648 Dublin 8 Phone: John Molyneux 085 735 6424 Email: [email protected] Website: www.irishmarxistreview.net Irish Marxist Review is published in association with the Socialist Workers Party (Ireland), but articles express the opinions of individual authors unless otherwise stated. We welcome proposals for articles and reviews for IMR. If you have a suggestion please phone or email as above. i Irish Marxist Review 16 Contents Editorial 1 Equality, Democracy, Solidarity: The Politics of Abortion Melisa Halpin and Peadar O’Grady 3 Into the limelight: tax haven Ireland Kieran Allen 14 Can the European Union be reformed? Marnie Holborow 28 Secularism, Islamophobia and the politics of religion John Molyneux 41 A Socialist in Stormont An interview with Gerry Carroll MLA 52 Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57 The socialist tradition in the disability movement: Lessons for contemporary activists Ivanka Antova 65 Science, Politics and Public Policy Dave O’Farrell 70 The Starry Plough – a historical note Damian Lawlor 76 Review: Kieran Allen, The Politics of James Connolly Shaun Doherty 78 Review: Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #Black Lives Matter to Black Liberation Conor Kennelly 80 ii Editorial: Interesting Times ‘May you live in interesting times’ is a lishment’s talk of recovery has given rise, well known Chinese curse. These are cer- not surprisingly, to workers demanding their tainly interesting times in Ireland at the mo- share.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Groningen Van De Straat Naar De Staat? Groenlinks 1990-2010 Lucardie, Anthonie; Voerman, Gerrit
    University of Groningen Van de straat naar de staat? GroenLinks 1990-2010 Lucardie, Anthonie; Voerman, Gerrit IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2010 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Lucardie, A. P. M., & Voerman, G. (editors) (2010). Van de straat naar de staat? GroenLinks 1990-2010. Amsterdam: Boom. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 10-02-2018 Van de straat naar de staat Paul Lucardie en Gerrit Voerman (redactie) Van de straat naar de staat GroenLinks 1990-2010 Boom – Amsterdam Tenzij anders vermeld zijn de affiches afkomstig van het Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen van de Rijksuniversiteit, Groningen. Afbeelding omslag: Utrecht, 19 februari 2010, in de aanloop naar de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen (foto: Bert Spiertz/Hollandse Hoogte).
    [Show full text]