Focusing on the 'Margins' of Sophocles' Ajax
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Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
The Erotics of Imperialism: 5Th Century Literary Representations of Helen & Alcibiades
The Erotics of Imperialism: 5th Century Literary Representations of Helen & Alcibiades Sarah Elizabeth Gonzalez Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in The Classical Studies Department under the advisement of Kate Gilhuly May 2020 © 2020 Sarah Elizabeth Gonzalez Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..3 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..5 Eros Unleashed Translation Note………………………………………………………………………………….10 Chapter 1…………………………………………………………………………………………11 The Literary History of Helen Chapter 2…………………………………………………………………………………………40 Imperialistic Intent and Genre Play in Euripides’ Helen Chapter 3…………………………………………………………………………………………80 Political Eroticism in Book 6 of The History of the Peloponnesian War Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...121 Eros Interrupted Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………135 2 Acknowledgements This thesis was a labor of love -- and not the chaotic love I discuss in this thesis! While I was piloting this thesis ship, there were numerous crew mates behind the scenes helping me keep this project afloat. Without you, this ship would not have reached the harbor with as much ease or grace. First, to my thesis committee: Kate Gilhuly, Carol Dougherty and William Cain. To my thesis advisor and volunteer life coach, Kate Gilhuly: Thank you for taking on this project with me, and for having faith in the final product from the very beginning. Under your supervision, I have grown as both an academic and an adult. I cannot envision my time at Wellesley without your guidance and friendship. To my second reader, Carol Dougherty: Thank you for your helpful insight and encouragement throughout the composition of this thesis. As a result of your mentorship over the years, I have learned to think boldly and challenge myself to proudly vocalize my thoughts. If I had not enrolled in your Beginning Greek course my first year, this thesis might have been very different. -
Sophocles' Philoctetes Roisman, Hanna M Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1997; 38, 2; Proquest Pg
The appropriation of a son: Sophocles' Philoctetes Roisman, Hanna M Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1997; 38, 2; ProQuest pg. 127 The Appropriation of a Son: Sophocles' Philoctetes Hanna M. Roisman ANHOOD in archaic and classical Greece-as in modern times-is generally manifested not so much in relation M ships with women as in relationships with other men, especially in the relationship between father and son. The Greek male is expected to produce sons who will continue his oikos (e.g. Soph. Ant. 641-45; Eur. Ale. 62lf, 654-57). Further, as Hesiod makes clear, sons should resemble their fathers in both looks and conduct, especially the latter (Op. 182,235; ef Ii. 6.476-81; Theophr. Char. 5.5). Such resemblance earns the father public esteem and proves his manliness; the lack of it may be cause for disparagement and calls his manliness into question. 1 We learn from Ajax and Philoctetes that Sophocles follows the Hesiodic imperative that sons should resemble their fathers in their natures and their accomplishments. Ajax sees himself as an unworthy son, having lost Achilles' arms to Odysseus, and prefers to commit suicide rather than face his father, Telamon, who took part in Heracles' expedition to Troy and got Hesione, the best part of the booty, as a reward (Aj. 430-40,462-65, 470ff, 1300-303; Diod. 4.32.5). At the same time, he expects his son, Eurysaces, to be like himself in nature, valor, and in everything else ('ttl.~' aA.A.' OIlOlO~, Aj. 545-51). Sophocles' Philoctetes, on the other hand, presents the strug gle between Odysseus and Philoctetes for the 'paternity' of Neoptolemus, as each tries to mold the young man in his own 1 Even in contemporary Greece the intense male rivalry for proving oneself takes place among men alone, while women and flocks serve as the object of this rivalry. -
Sophocles' Ajax and the Greek Epic Cycle
Eating from the Tables of Others: Sophocles’ Ajax and the Greek Epic Cycle1 Athenaeus in his Deipnosophistai remarks that “Sophocles took great pleasure in the Epic Cycle and composed whole dramas in which he followed the Cycle’s version of myths” (ἔχαιρε δὲ Σοφοκλῆς τῷ ἐπικῷ κύκλῳ, ὡς καὶ ὅλα δράματα ποιῆσαι κατακολουθῶν τῇ ἐν τούτῳ μυθοποιίᾳ, Deipnosophistai 277c).2 This statement is equally apposite for his Ajax Philoctetes, Oedipus (both Tyrannus and Coloneus) and Antigone. However, while examining in depth the plot and the construction of some of the characters in Sophoclean tragedy, one realizes that Sophocles, although indebted to the poets of the Epic Cycle for his plots, feasts at Homer’s table as well, reminding us of what Aeschylus said about his tragedies as being slices from Homer’s great dinner parties (τὸ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ λαμπροῦ Αἰσχύλου, ὃς τὰς αὑτοῦ τραγῳδίας τεμάχη εἶναι ἔλεγεν τῶν Ὁμήρου μεγάλων δείπνων, Athenaeus Deipnosophistai 347e). The second point I would like to make refers to a methodological principle. I subscribe to the view that a playwright of fifth c. BCE Athens not only “feasts” at the tables of others but freely transforms and adapts his borrowings to the new ideology of his genre and the social and political circumstances of his time.3 In Sophocles’ time, there is the polis, with a value system that has evolved gradually but steadily, from the Homeric, through the archaic, down to the classical period. Moreover, Sophocles, as with all poets, had a particular style and personal preoccupations that characterize his work.4 1 I would like to thank the participants in the Greek Epic Cycle Conference, held in ancient Olympia on 9–10 July 2010, for their useful comments on the oral presentation of the present paper. -
SOPHOCLES' AJAX, a Translation by Dennis Daly
Wilderness House Literary Review 6/4 Dennis Daly SOPHOCLES’ AJAX ©2012 Dennis Daly Introduction Sophocles lived during the golden age of ancient Greece. He was born around 496 BC in Colonus, just outside of Athens, and died 90 years later. He probably came from a wealthy merchant family and lived what many would think of as a near perfect life. So the dry facts seem to say. At sixteen years of age Sophocles led the paean, celebrating a decisive Greek victory over the Persians at Salamis. This was more than just an everyday honor. You needed the physique, athleticism, a stage presence and the ability to sing. Sophocles held numerous civic positions of high honor including treasurer, gen- eral (he served with the legendary Pericles), priest, and commissioner. His friends included the great historian Herodotus. Of all of Sophocles’ 123 plays only seven survive. They are Oedipus Rex, Antigone, Oedipus at Colonus, Electra, Women of Trachis, Philoctetes, and Ajax. Sophocles wrote his plays specifically as entries for the Dionysia festivals held annually in Athens. Playwrights usually entered four plays at a time into these competitions. The so-called Theban plays of Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, Antigone, and Oedipus at Colonus, were never entered together, but were each entered with another set of plays. Early on Sophocles bested his older rival Aeschylus and never looked back winning many more competitions than either Aeschylus or his young- er rival, Euripides. The power of these tragedies and their subject matter belie the official biogra- phy of Sophocles. The dramatist simply understood shame, degradation, alien- ation, despair and madness a little too well. -
Neoptolemus: the Making of a Cruel Warrior
Neoptolemus: The Making of a Cruel Warrior. Thanks to Schein’s recent commentary (2013), Sophocles’ Philoctetes has been given a fresh perspective. Taking Schein’s comments on Heracles’ cautionary words to Neoptolemus at the end of the play as a starting point, this paper argues that Sophocles constructs the character of Neoptolemus based on his later involvement in the sack of Troy. It presents a departure from the trend of reading Philoctetes in the context of contemporary Athens (as compellingly presented in, for example, Scodel 2012) and instead presents Neoptolemus as a character in direct engagement with his own complex mythological heritage. In particular, it argues that Neoptolemus’ later (moral) savage behaviour is foreshadowed in Philoctetes in a way that mirrors the (physical) savagery of Philoctetes himself and his wound that has been noted as a significant aspect of this play (Segal, 1995; Worman 2000). Neoptolemus is an ephebic youth in Philoctetes, struggling to understand himself and his place within the Greek army (for example, Allan, 2001). After Heracles’ intervention ex machina, it is understood that both Philoctetes and Neoptolemus will return to Troy, but lingering in Heracles’ words is the unsettling foreshadowing of Neoptolemus’ behaviour in Troy during the sack. For an audience familiar with the tradition, this warning against bad behaviour would not have come as a surprise. This paper argues that the later incarnation of Neoptolemus was meant to be central in the audience’s mind throughout Philoctetes. Building on the work of Fuqua (1976) and Davidson (1995), the paper argues for the importance of mythological tradition in the interpretation Neoptolemus in Philoctetes. -
Sophocles: Philoctetes’ In: the Literary Encyclopedia (Published Version)
Citation: Paillard, Elodie. "Philoctetes". The Literary Encyclopedia. 8 August 2017. [http://www.litencyc.com/php/sworks.php?rec=true&UID=2784, accessed 9 August 2017.] Elodie Paillard, Entry ‘Sophocles: Philoctetes’ in: The Literary Encyclopedia (Published version) Sophocles: Philoctetes Philoctetes is one of the very rare plays by Sophocles that can be dated precisely: it was first performed in Athens’ City Dionysia in 409 BC and won the first prize. The myth staged in this play would have been familiar to the audience and can be related to the saga of the Trojan War. Before embarking with the Greeks for Troy, Philoctetes is linked to the legend of Heracles. Because Philoctetes had agreed to light the funeral pyre on which he wished to be burnt alive, Heracles gave Philoctetes his own bow, a special, almost magical, weapon: its arrows never miss their target. As the Greeks were sailing to Troy, they stopped to offer a sacrifice on the island of Chrysē (or to a deity called Chrysē), and Philoctetes was bitten on the foot by a water-snake during this stopover. The injury is so painful that Philoctetes’ cries of agony never stop and prevent the peaceful performing of the religious rites. The wound also emits a terrible smell. Odysseus and the Atreids thus decide to abandon Philoctetes on Lemnos and he is supposed to never come back. However, several years later, near the end of the Trojan War, the Greeks hear from Helenos, a Trojan seer, a prophecy saying that Troy could never be captured without Philoctetes and his bow. -
The Development of Tragedy in Ancient Greece Marsha D. Wiese
Fiske Hall Graduate Paper Award What's All the Drama About?: The Development of Tragedy in Ancient Greece Marsha D. Wiese The art of storytelling is only a step away from the art of performance. Yet it took centuries to develop into the form we easily recognize today. Theatre, a gift of ancient Greece, pulled threads from many facets of Greek society -religion, festival, poetry, and competition. And yet, as much as historians know about the Greek theatre, they are still theorizing about its origins and how it suddenly developed and flourished within the confines of the 5th century B.C. Fascination concerning the origin of the theatre developed as quickly as the 4'h century B.C. and remains a topic of speculation even today. Many simply state that drama and tragedy developed out of the cult of Dionysus and the dithyramb, certainly ignoring other important factors of its development. As this paper will argue, during the 7•h and 6th centuries B.C. epic poetry and hero worship intersected with the cult of Dionysus and the dithyramb. This collision of cult worship and poetic art created the high drama of the tragedy found in the late 6th century B.C. and throughout the 5•h century B.C. Therefore, the cult of Dionysus and the dithyramb merely served as catalysts in creating tragic drama and were not its origin. It was during this collision of poetry and religion that tragedy flourished; however, by the 4th century B.C., theatre had moved away from its original religious context to a more political context, shifting the theatre away from tragedy and towards comedy. -
What Was the Law of Leptines' Really About? Reflections on Athenian
Const Polit Econ https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-018-9260-7 ORIGINAL PAPER What was the law of Leptines’ really about? Refections on Athenian public economy and legislation in the fourth century BCE Mirko Canevaro1 © The Author(s) 2018 Abstract The article investigates a case study of fscal policy formation in fourth century BCE Athens: that of the law of Leptines. The law was enacted but later challenged through a procedure of constitutional judicial review (graphe nomon me epitedeion theinai). Through a detailed analysis of the arguments at the trial, the article reconstructs the fnancial issues that the law was meant to solve, regarding the liturgical system and its wider implications. Recent scholarship has highlighted the complexity and sophistication of Athenian public fnances and economic pol- icy. The article fnds a window into the debates from which the relevant institutions originated. Keywords Public fnances · Athens · Trade · Taxation · Ancient economy JEL Classifcation F13 · H2 · H3 · K4 · N43 1 Introduction: war, fnancial problems and trade in mid‑fourth‑century Athens Scholarship on the ancient Greek city-states has abandoned in recent years primi- tivist assumptions to acknowledge the extraordinary level of economic and fscal All references to ancient sources are according to the abbreviations of the Oxford Classical Dictionary: http://classics.oxfordre.com/staticfles/images/ORECLA/OCD.ABBREVIATIONS.pdf. All references to Classical journals follow the abbreviations of L’Année philologique: http://www. annee-philologique.com/fles/sigles_fr.pdf. * Mirko Canevaro [email protected] 1 The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland, UK 1 3 M. -
Aeschylus' Geographic Imagination
Classica (Brasil) 22.2, 270-280, 2009 Aeschylus’ geographic imagination Peter w . Rose Miami University of Ohio EUA Abstract . After reviewing various scholars’ accounts of geographical references in Aeschylus’ plays, some seeing exoticism, some serious geographic knowledge reflecting Ionian science, some focused exclusively on the opposition of Greek and barbarian, I argue that regardless of what one might posit as Aeschylus’ intentions, the sheer quantity of geographic allusions are best understood as contributing to the formation of an imperialist consciousness by representing the non-Athenian Mediter- ranean world, some of it already under the control of Athens, as inherently fascinating. kEywords . Geography; barbarian; orientalism; map; imperialism. Any reader of Homer’s catalogue of the ships is confronted with a particularly Greek love of the poetry of places – evocative names enriched with specifying epithets and occasionally other details to summon up familiar or vividly imagined places. Sam Lee Greenwood’s dissertation, while eschewing any overarching principle that could comprehend all the uses of geographical language even in a single dramatist, much less all three tragedians, refers repeatedly to ‘geographical ornament’ 1. This is the dominant assumption informing his brief survey (68 pages). I would like to explore what sorts of functions this ‘ornament’ may play in the Athenian world of Aeschylus after the onslaught of Persia. More recently Helen Bacon2 and Edith Hall3 have examined the three tragedians within the framework of a fundamental differentiation of Greeks and barbarians. In the case of Bacon, the primary focus was on determining the extent and relative accuracy of the poets’ knowledge of the non-Greek world. -
'Significant Actions in Sophocles' Philoctetes'
Significant Actions in Sophocles' "Philoctetes" Taplin, Oliver Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1971; 12, 1; ProQuest pg. 25 Significant Actions in Sophocles' Philoetetes Oliver Taplin HAT HAPPENS in a Greek tragedy? The tale is widespread W that nothing happens; that all the action takes place off stage, and that on stage people stand still and simply talk or sing. On the contrary, all the significant action takes place on stage: what goes on off stage only matters in so far as it is given a bearing on the play on stage. All the great brute deeds-voyages, battles, crunching of bones and sacking of cities-all these concern the play in as much as they are given attention on stage; while the small stage actions-arrival, departure, embracing, separating, handing over ob jects-slight deeds like these take on, in their context, greatly magni fied significance, and become the embodiments of tragedy. Greek tragedy may be static and uneventful compared with some other kinds of drama, but there is still plenty of action if you look for the right kind of thing. It is a commonplace these days that Greek tragedy was created to be performed; that the dramatist was his own producer, composer and choreographer, and the reader must therefore try to envisage the play in his mind's eye and to hear it with his inner ear. Yet while nearly all scholars pay lip service to these tenets, very few put them into practice. Translations, let alone commentaries, are very careless with even the minimal stage instructions. -
The Recovery of Helen
THE RECOVERYOF HELEN JrT is my purposehere to examineaspects of the iconographyof the Recoveryof Helen on the night that Troy fell. The attempt seems the more worth while now that a canonical pattern of interpretation is likely to be established by Kunze's short but authoritative study and by the detailed, well-illustrated treatment in the recent book by Mme. Lilly B. Ghali-Kahil.1 The main episodes of the Recovery, established by the end of -the sixth century B.C., are credited to the Cyclic Epic poets Arktinos and Lesches, the lyricists Ibykos and his older contemporary Stesichoros. The first three alone are concerned with the iconography of the Recovery as it appears during the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.2 The earliest extant reference to an episode of the Recovery is found at Andro- mache 627-631, Euripides' play staged about 425 B.C.3 The old lord Peleus speaks, insulting Menelaos: EAXW&E Tpotav.. OvKOKKravEg EKT,E 7VcvKLyvvatKa XEtptav~'~ XacW,8AaBV, aAAX,g eTet&Eg pacrrov, EK/ctXOv ti'oo 4n I E8E!, IT/ O8OTlV atKaAXOVKva, 71rTOIV -7TE4VK&J KVmpt8og, d' KaaKUtrTE 01. When you took Troy, you failed to put your wife to death, though you had her in your power- on the contrary, when you looked at her breast, you threw away your sword and accepted her kiss, caressing the traitorous bitch, you miserable wretch, born slave to lust. E. Kunze, Archaische Schildbander (Olympische Forschungen, II, 1950), pp. 163-167; Lilly B. Ghali-Kahil, Les enlevements et le retour d'Helene, Paris, 1955, particularly pp.