1 The search for knowledge among the Seventh-day Adventists in the area of Maroantsetra, Madagascar Eva Salome Keller London School of Economics and Political Science Doctor of Philosophy 2002 UMI Number: U615598 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615598 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "Th c I S£- S F 7?6>7 ‘•4 2 Abstract The thesis is an ethnographic inquiry into the nature of Seventh-day Adventism in Maroantsetra, a small town on the northeast coast of Madagascar, and Sahameloka, a nearby village. The Seventh-day Adventists in Maroantsetra and Sahameloka do not participate in traditional practices through which local people communicate with their ancestors, because they consider such practices to be the work of the devil. This is highly significant in the context of Madagascar and causes serious tension between Adventist and non-Adventist kin. The thesis examines whether the members of the church form a discrete community, but finds that they remain firmly embedded in existing kinship networks despite the difficulties involved. The main body of the thesis is concerned with the nature of the commitment of local church members to Seventh-day Adventism. It is argued that the core of their commitment, and what they value most, is the practice of Bible study and the pleasure which derives from that activity. Moreover, it is suggested that Adventist Bible study is similar to certain aspects of scientific practice. The thesis further examines the ways in which Bible study is conceptually linked to an image of clarity, an image of dis-covering the truth from beneath Satan’s many deceptions and of acquiring a clear vision of reality. In conclusion, it is argued that while other studies of phenomena labelled ‘religious fundamentalism’ have tried to understand what kinds of people join movements such as Seventh-day Adventism, and why they do so, insufficient attention has been paid to the nature of converts’ commitment beyond initial conversion. Finally, it is suggested that Seventh-day Adventism in Maroantsetra and Sahameloka does not correspond to the modem concept of Christianity based on belief as an inner state. 3 Contents List of maps and photographs 6 Note on the orthography of Malagasy words 7 Acknowledgements 8 1 Introduction 12 Outline 12 The anthropology of Madagascar 18 The Christian missions in Maroantsetra 24 Introduction to Seventh-day Adventism 31 A brief review of the literature on Seventh-day Adventism 42 and religious fundamentalism Part One People, and their social context 2 People in search of a living 54 Maroantsetra: People on the move 54 Sahameloka: People becoming rooted 70 3 Profiles: Diversity and commonalities 84 Impressionistic portraits of selected informants 84 Conversion stories 93 Ethnic and religious background, and age 96 Socio-economic status 97 4 Organisation, participation, seniority and authority 103 Organisation 103 Participation 104 Seniority 108 Authority 113 5 From day to day, from week to week 119 From day to day 120 From week to week 123 From month to month 123 From year to year 125 In a lifetime ... 128 ... and after death 131 Decision-making processes 131 Conclusion 133 6 Social relations 134 Living within the wider society 134 Negotiating kinship 137 Conclusion 154 4 Part Two Study and Dis-covery 7 The Great Controversy 158 God’s and Satan’s angels 159 Denise’s baptism 169 Satan’s omnipresence 161 God’s apprentice 162 The written word 164 God and Satan as moral persons 165 A matter of choice 166 Clarity of mind 168 Conclusion 169 8 The ambiguous ‘ways of the ancestors’ 172 and the construction of ancestral religion The ambiguous ‘ways of the ancestors’ 173 The construction of ancestral religion 179 9 Studying and learning 186 Studying and learning at home 189 Studying and learning in church 196 Conclusion 219 10 Knowing and seeing clearly 224 “Adventists are people who know the Bible” 224 Incorporating and doing science 229 Incorporating science 231 Transmission of information 232 Doing science 234 Looking through Adventist-tinted spectacles ... but not always 240 Bible expertise and school knowledge 242 The question of emotional commitment 250 11 Literacy, books and potency 257 The significance of writing in Madagascar 257 Studying and potency 260 Selling books 264 Conclusion 267 12 Conclusions 268 Glossary 295 Bibliography 296 5 in memory of Bodo 6 Maps and photographs Maps 1. Map of Madagascar 18 2. Location of Antongil Bay 56 3. Map of the area of Maroantsetra 70 Photographs 1. Kiki studying the Bible 11 2. Kiki studying the Bible 194 3. Papan'i Fredel and his nephew discussing a Biblical issue 195 4. People taking notes during Sabbath School 198 5. People taking notes during Sabbath School 198 All photographs were taken by the author between 1998 and 2000. 7 Note on the orthography of Malagasy words The dialect spoken in Maroantsetra and Sahameloka contains numerous velar nasals. Following other studies of coastal populations of Madagascar, among whom this sounds is common, I have spelt it as /n/ (local people also spell it as /gn/). In official Malagasy language, spoken [u] is spelt /o/. For example loholona (head of people) is pronounced [luhuluna]. However, in the area of Maroantsetra, the vowel /o/ is mostly pronounced as a closed [o], which I have spelt as16/. Thus in the local dialect, loholona, for example, becomes loholo, pronounced [loholu]. Acknowledgements Any ethnographic study is made possible, above all others , by the local people among whom fieldwork is conducted. Therefore, I wish to thank first of all those people in Maroantsetra and Sahameloka, to whom I feel particularly indebted. Those with whom I lived, and many others, knew that I was going to write a ‘book’ about them, and I think they felt proud that their names would appear in it. For this reason, it would have been inappropriate to disguise people’s real identities, or change the names of locations, as is often done in anthropology for the sake of privacy, and sometimes, protection. My host family in Maroantsetra, with whom I have been friends since my first visit to Madagascar in 1987, introduced me to Seventh-day Adventism and looked after me, in all matters, from the beginning to the end of my fieldwork for which I am deeply grateful. Papan' i Beby (Dimilahy Maurice) was my teacher, Maman' i Beby (Arlette Rasoamalala David) my most intimate friend, their children Kiki (Dimilahy Chrispin Odilon) and Beby (Beatrice Adoree Razafindratelo) my little brother and sister. To me, the four of them feel like family, and I hope I do to them as well. In Maroantsetra, I also wish to thank many other people all of whom I cannot mention here by name, but in particular Pastor Ranala Isaac who was always extremely helpful, as well as his wife Lalao Alexandrine. Maman1 i Omino (Zandry Marie Laure) took me along on many of her church related activities in and around town, and she became a good friend. And so did Mandina Eleonore Laurent who helped me with understanding recorded conversations. In Sahameloka, I lived with a family whom I had not previously known. Nevertheless, they welcomed me into their household and let me take part in their daily lives. For their hospitality and generosity, I am grateful to Papan' i Claude (Dahy Justin), Maman' i Claude (Claire Mahefa), Claude (Mahefa Claudien) and Mazavatiana; for their tolerance towards a bizarre intruder, I must also express thanks to the two little boys of the family, Mezaquei and Ezakela. The father of Maman' i Claude (Mahefa) and her brother Papan’ i Emilie (Bemanively) also welcomed me warmly. Many members of the village’s Adventist congregation have become not only invaluable informants, but also close friends. Among them, Papan' i Fredel (Bemitompo Christoph), Maman' i Fredel (Soazafy Martine), Papan’ and Maman’ i Vange (Joseph 9 and Maritine), Maman’ and Papan’ i Silivie (Feno Terrine and Vintice), Papan’ and Maman’ i Filiette (Fulgence and Zoralette) and Maman’ and Papan’ i Relien (Noline and Aumat). But my research has also greatly benefitted from the help of many other people in Sahameloka, in particular Claudine, who was my companion in non-Adventist spaces, as well as Jaonarison, Ravelonavy, Jao Robert and Ranto Felix, all of whom were my teachers of village history. It is the open-mindedness and open-heartedness of all the people mentioned by name, and many others, which made the project of learning about Seventh-day Adventism in Madagascar not only possible, but also enjoyable. I feel deeply indebted to them all. In Antananarivo, I wish to acknowledge the help of Matthew Hatchwell as well as Michel Razafiarivony, who not only was an anchor in an unfamiliar city and organised my research visa, but who also proofread my Malagasy transcriptions. I am also grateful to the Seventh-day Adventist headquarters in Antananarivo for providing useful information. The research on which this thesis is based was funded by several institutions and persons in Europe. In Switzerland, I wish to express my gratitude to the Janggen-Pohn Stifhmg in St. Gallen which provided very generous financial aid.