Bojan Aleksov
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Dragana Mašović
FACTA UNIVERSITATIS Series: Philosophy and Sociology Vol. 2, No 8, 2001, pp. 545 - 555 THE ROMANIES IN SERBIAN (DAILY) PRESS UDC 316.334.52:070(=914.99) Dragana Mašović Faculty of Philosophy, Niš Abstract. The paper deals with the presence of Romanies' concerns in Serbian daily press. More precisely, it tries to confirm the assumption that not enough space is devoted to the issue as evident in a small-scale analysis done on seven daily papers during the sample period of a week. The results show that not only mere absence of Romanies' issues is the key problem. Even more important are the ways in which the editorial startegy and the language used in the published articles turn out to be (when unbiased and non-trivial) indirect, allusive and "imbued with promises and optimism" so far as the presumed difficulties and problems of the Romanies are concerned. Thus they seem to avoid facing the reality as it is. Key Words: Romanies, Serbian daily press INTRODUCTION In Mary Woolstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1972) there is an urgent imperative mentioned that can also be applied to the issue of Romanies presence in our press. Namely, she suggested that "in the present state of society it appears necessary to go back to first principles in search of the most simple truths, and to dispute with some prevailing prejudice every inch of ground." More precisely, in the case of the Romanies' presence in the press the question to be asked is what would be the "first principles" that Woolstonecraft refers to? No doubt that in this context they refer to what has always been considered the very basis of every democratic, open-minded and tolerant society, that is, the true equality of all the citizens as reflected in every aspect of the society that proclaims itself to be multi-cultural. -
Media Watch Serbia1 Print Media Monitoring
Media Watch Serbia1 Print Media Monitoring METHODOLOGY The analysis of the daily press from the viewpoint of the observance of generally accepted ethical norms is based on a structural quality analysis of the contents of selected newspaper articles. The monitoring includes eight dailies: Politika, Danas, Vecernje novosti, Blic, Glas javnosti, Kurir, Balkan and Internacional. Four weeklies are also the subject of the analysis: Vreme, NIN, Evropa and Nedeljni Telegraf. The basic research question requiring a reply is the following: What are the most frequent forms of the violation of the generally accepted ethical norms and standards in the Serbian press? The previously determined and defined categories of professional reporting are used as the unit of the analysis in the analysis of ethical structure of reporting. The texts do not identify all the categories but the dominant ones only, three being the maximum. The results of the analysis do not refer to the space they take or the frequency of their appearances but stress the ethical norms mostly violated and those which represent the most obvious abuse of public writing by the journalists. The study will not only point out typical or representative cases of non-ethical reporting but positive examples as well whereas individual non- standard cases of the violation of the professional ethics will be underlined in particular. Finally, at the end of each monitoring period, a detailed quality study of selected articles will provide a deep analysis of the monitored topics and cases. 1 The Media Watch Serbia Cultural Education and Development Project for Increasing Ethical and Legal Standards in Serbian Journalism is financed and supported by UNESCO. -
FOM Director
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe The Representative on Freedom of the Media Freimut Duve Report to the Permanent Council Vienna, 30 March 2000 Madame Chairperson, Ladies and Gentlemen, In my first quarterly report to the Permanent Council this year, I will cover our main activities since December 1999. And as last year, at the end of March, I would like to present to you again our Yearbook that covers our main themes and activities since February 1999. But first of all, two remarks on current issues: I am concerned about developments in Kyrgyzstan last week. One journalist of Res Publika newspaper was arrested for some days after covering a peaceful demonstration in Bishkek. Vash Advocat has seized publication as the tax inspection authorities have frozen its accounts. The state-owned distribution network has refused to distribute three newspapers. These developments are disturbing in the election context as all papers in question were involved in election coverage. On Belarus: More than 30 journalists, both Belarusian and international were arrested during the opposition-staged demonstration in Minsk on 25 March. The police did not express the reason for detention. Some of the journalists have been illegally searched, some lost their film and other equipment, and none were permitted to inform relatives or employers about their detention. This type of action is totally unacceptable in an OSCE participating State and must be condemned in the strongest terms. It endangers, once more, the political and social dialogue in Belarus about elections in the course of this year. I have asked the Foreign Minister to ensure that the journalists remaining in custody should be immediately released. -
SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković
SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković porocilo.indb 327 20.5.2014 9:04:47 INTRODUCTION Serbia’s transition to democratic governance started in 2000. Reconstruction of the media system – aimed at developing free, independent and pluralistic media – was an important part of reform processes. After 13 years of democratisation eff orts, no one can argue that a new media system has not been put in place. Th e system is pluralistic; the media are predominantly in private ownership; the legal framework includes European democratic standards; broadcasting is regulated by bodies separated from executive state power; public service broadcasters have evolved from the former state-run radio and tel- evision company which acted as a pillar of the fallen autocratic regime. However, there is no public consensus that the changes have produced more positive than negative results. Th e media sector is liberalized but this has not brought a better-in- formed public. Media freedom has been expanded but it has endangered the concept of socially responsible journalism. Among about 1200 media outlets many have neither po- litical nor economic independence. Th e only industrial segments on the rise are the enter- tainment press and cable channels featuring reality shows and entertainment. Th e level of professionalism and reputation of journalists have been drastically reduced. Th e current media system suff ers from many weaknesses. Media legislation is incom- plete, inconsistent and outdated. Privatisation of state-owned media, stipulated as mandato- ry 10 years ago, is uncompleted. Th e media market is very poorly regulated resulting in dras- tically unequal conditions for state-owned and private media. -
Implementation of Transitional Laws in Serbia 2009
IMPLEMENTATION OF TRANSITIONAL LAWS IN SERBIA 2009 1 Youth Initiative for Human Rights Human Rights Program 31 March 2010 For Publisher Maja Stojanovic Editor Dragan Popovic Authors Maja Micic Dusan Lopusina Gazmend Selmani Sladjana Djurdjevic Design/Prepress Nikola Milenkovic Human Rights Program and this report were supported by Civil Rights Defenders We are grateful to all partners for their support Printing Zlatna knjiga, Kragujevac Copies: 300 ISBN 978-86-85381-21-8 Copyright© Youth Initiative for Human Rights www.yihr.org 2 Contents INTRODUCTION 5 EValUATION OF The Degree OF RUle OF Law in Serbia 7 Law Against Discrimination 8 Introduction / History 8 Key events in 2009 9 Analisys OF The Law AgainsT DiscriminaTION 13 Conclusions / Recommendations 19 HATE Speech 21 Hate Speech in the Law on Public Information 21 Hate Speech in the Law Against Discrimination 22 Hate Speech in International Documents 22 Key Events in 2009 23 Hate Speesh Lawsuits 23 Lawsuit against the “Nova srpska politicka misao“ magazine 25 Conclusions / Recommendations 27 Law ON CHUrches and ReligiOUS COmmUniTies 29 Introduction / History 29 Key Events in 2009 32 Registration of Religious Communities 32 Incidents Based on Religion 40 Relations Between Minority Religious Communities and State Organs 42 Conclusions 44 Recommendations 45 RepORT ON The STATE OF HUman RighTS OF Members OF The Albanian NATIOnal COmmUniTY in The PreseVO and BUJanOVac MUnicipaliTies 47 Introduction 47 Key Events in 2009 49 Political and Security Situation 49 Freedom of Expressing Nationality -
Sensationalism in the Media: Case of Serbia
Sensationalism in the media: case of Serbia By Katarina Belic Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Oana Lup CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016. Abstract This research investigates the causes and the consequences of the crisis of the press in Serbia, with a special emphasis on one of its major features – sensationalism. I offer journalistic perspectives on this topic, enriching the academic literature on sensationalism, using qualitative interviews with seven journalists from different outlets in Serbia. The study also explores the effect of sensationalism on journalists’ roles and habits. The analysis showed the specific character of sensationalism in Serbia reflects in journalists’ belief that it is being used not only because of public demand, but also by the political elite with a purpose of distracting the public from important social and political problems. High level of sensationalism in Serbia is also explained by Serbian public being more prone to this kind of news because of specific political and economic circumstances of a transitional country. Lacking proper legal framework, according to the journalists, is the main cause of sensationalism perpetuating. The “ideal journalistic role” in their opinions, because of the mentioned trends, could be described as less demanding, making journalists feel powerless to change the direction of the developments. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgments Thank you: Oana Lup, for being everything a person could ask from a supervisor. Even more, and even faster. Mira, Zoki, Jovana and Majki, for making me feel grateful I have you day after day. -
Pravni Zapisi 2016-01.Indd
PRAVNI ZAPISI, God. VII, br. 1 (2016) UDK 929 Živanović T. © 2016 Pravni fakultet Univerziteta Union doi:10.5937/pravzap0-11185 IZVORNI NAUČNI ČLANAK Ivan Janković* PRILOZI ZA BIOGRAFIJU TOME ŽIVANOVIĆA1 Apstrakt: Rad sadrži nove podatke o Tomi Živanoviću. Iako je on u Srbiji danas po- znat kao naučnik svetskog glasa i žrtva komunističkog režima, o Živanoviću posto- ji i jedna usmena tradicija, koja ga pamti kao sebičnog, škrtog i svadljivog čoveka, moralno neispravnog i nespremnog da pomogne studentima. Rad kritički ispituje tu tradiciju i delimično je potvrđuje a delimično opovrgava. Živanović je patio od kom- pleksa inferiornosti, pa je u socijalnoj komunikaciji reagovao arogantno i agresivno. U mladosti je njegova socijalna integracija bila otežana, ali je kasnije ušao u najviše krugove jugoslovenskog društva, delom zahvaljujući supruzi. Njegovi rani radovi o tri- partitnom sistemu krivičnog prava i sintetičkoj pravnoj filozofiji bili su dobro primlje- ni, a on sam je bio istaknut član međunarodnih udruženja za krivične nauke i učesnik svih značajnijih skupova iz te oblasti. Po dolasku komunista na vlast je penzionisan, ali je kao član Akademije nauka vodio istraživačke projekte i putovao u inostranstvo na studijske boravke i međunarodne kongrese. U teorijskom pogledu, u ovom periodu Živanović nije stvorio ništa novo. Naprotiv, postao je opsednut značajem sopstvenih ranijih doprinosa, koje je smatrao univerzalno primenljivim „otkrićima”. Ova opsed- nutost je poljuljala njegov smisao za stvarnost, pa je sebe dva puta kandidovao za Nobelovu nagradu. Ocena Živanovićevog doprinosa pravnoj teoriji koja preovlađuje u domaćoj literaturi je preterana, mada nema sumnje da je između dva svetska rata on spadao među dvadesetak najuglednijih teoretičara prava u svetu. -
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Not for citation without the author’s permission NUMBER 66 THE THIRD YUGOSLAVIA, 1992 - 2001 Sabrina P. Ramet July 2001 EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES This essay is one of a series of Occasional Papers published by East European Studies at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC. The series aims to extend the work of East European scholars and specialists to all those interested in the region and to help authors obtain constructive criticism of work in progress. Occasional Papers are written by resident scholars at the Wilson Center as well as by visiting speakers. They are papers presented at or resulting from discussions, seminars, colloquia, and conferences held under the auspices of East European Studies. The most current Occasional Papers as well as a list of Occasional Papers are available on the EES web site: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/ees. Printed copies of papers may also be obtained free of charge by contacting the EES offices: East European Studies The Woodrow Wilson Center One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 (tel) 202-691-4000; (fax) 202-691-4001 [email protected] Established in 1985 as the East European Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, EES provides a center in Washington, DC, where advanced research on Eastern Europe could be pursued by qualified scholars; where encouragement and support could be given to the cultivation of East European studies throughout the country; and where contact could be maintained with similar institutions abroad. Renamed East European Studies in 1989, it also seeks to provide a meeting place for East European scholars, government officials, analysts, and other specialists and practitioners in the field and related areas. -
Introduction: the Wars of Yesterday: the Balkan Wars and The
The Wars of Yesterday The Balkan Wars and the Emergence of Modern Military Conflict, 1912/13 An Introduction Katrin Boeckh and Sabine Rutar The Balkan Wars of 1912/13 and their outcomes have shaped much of the military and political thinking of the Balkan elites during the last century. At the same time, these wars were intimations of what was to become the bloodiest, most violent century in Europe’s and indeed humankind’s history. Wars often lead to other wars. Yet this process of contagion happened in a particularly gruesome manner during the twentieth century. In Europe, the Balkan Wars marked the beginning of the twentieth century’s history of warfare. In the First Balkan War (October 1912–May 1913), Serbia, Monte- negro, Greece and Bulgaria declared war on the Ottoman Empire; in the Second Balkan War (June–August 1913), Bulgaria fought Serbia, Montenegro and Greece over the Ottoman territories they had each just gained. From July onwards, Serbia, Montenegro and Greece were supported by Romania, who entered the war hoping to seize the southern Dobruja from Bulgaria. These hopes were realized. Albania, declared an independent state in November 1912, was thus a product of the First Balkan War. The borders of other territories were changed and obtained features that partially remain valid up to the present: the historical region of Macedonia, a main theatre of the wars, was divided among Greece (Aegean Macedonia), Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia) and Serbia (Vardar Macedonia, corresponding largely to today’s Republic of Macedonia, established in 1991). The Ottoman Empire’s loss of most of its European territories in the conflict was one more warning sign of its inner weakness; it ceased to exist in the aftermath of the First World War, and was succeeded by the Republic of Turkey in 1923. -
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Südosteuropa 58 (2010), H. 1, S. 15-40 DEMOCRATIC VALUES AND ETHNIC POLARIZATION SABRINA P. RAMET Serbia since July 2008: at the Doorstep of the EU Abstract. With some Serbs subscribing to liberal values in line with those of the European Union and others adhering to nationalist values, reaching consensus on how to tackle the challenges that Serbs face has been difficult. Nationalists’ calls to rehabilitate Axis collabo- rators distract Serbs from other issues on the political agenda. The dominant sectors of the media as well as the educational and legal systems have been replicating the nationalist syndrome, a process that has impeded the development of a broader civic culture. However, the formation of a coalition government dominated by the Democratic Party in July 2008 marked a partial break with dysfunctional nationalism and has opened a new chapter in Serbian political development. Sabrina P. Ramet is a Professor of Political Science at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, and a Senior Researcher with the Centre for the Study of Civil War (PRIO), Oslo. Every society is politically polarized to some extent, but the particular issues and mental frameworks that define Left and Right differ from region to region, and sometimes even from country to country. The post-Yugoslav region is distinctive because alongside religious vs. liberal and capitalist vs. socialist/ social democratic cleavages, orientations towards World War Two and the sig- nificance of the ethnos to the imagined community are also divisive political issues. Disputes about these latter issues may be found to various extents in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Serbia. -
Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe
Activity Report COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE DUNJA MIJATOVIĆ 3RD QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2020 1 July to 30 September Presented to the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly Strasbourg, 30 November 2020 CommDH(2020)29 CommDH(2020)29 This report contains a summary of the activities carried out by the Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, between 1 July and 30 September. 1. Reports and continuous dialogue Letter to the Spanish Ministers of Home Affairs and for Inclusion, Social Security and Migration In a letter to the Spanish Ministers of Home Affairs and for Inclusion, Social Security and Migration, published on 3 September, the Commissioner raised concerns about the situation of migrants including asylum seekers accommodated in the Melilla bullring following the prolonged lockdown of Melilla’s reception centre for migrants owing to the COVID-19 pandemic. She expressed concern about the substandard conditions in which around 500 people were living, especially those placed in quarantine, who were in an even more precarious situation owing to lack of access to basic facilities, sufficient water and food, and asylum proceedings. She urged the authorities to find alternatives to accommodation in the bullring. Referring to two Supreme Court decisions of July 2020 confirming that persons who have requested asylum in Ceuta or Melilla have the right to freedom of movement in Spain, she stressed that the authorities should extend transfers to the mainland, particularly asylum seekers and vulnerable persons, to alleviate the pressure on Melilla’s limited reception capacity and provide more human rights-compatible options. Lastly, the Commissioner expressed her dismay at continuing reports of persons drowning trying to reach the shores of Spain, especially the Canary Islands, and drew the authorities’ attention to her Recommendation of 2019 entitled “Lives saved. -
Marian Apparitions in Međugorje in the Dissolution of Yugoslavia
1. KorreKtur Marian Apparitions in Međ ugorje in the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Bojan Aleksov In the dusk of 24 June 1981, the day when the Catholic Church celebrates Saint John the Baptist, a group of four girls and two boys ranging in age from twelve to sev- enteen years, announced that they had seen and talked with the Virgin Mary on the Crnica Hill near Međugorje in Herzegovina, Yugoslavia. Soon after, Međugorje be- came one of the world’s major sites of Marian pilgrimages, second only to Lourdes and Fátima. Yet in the chronology that marked the 1980s as a decade of crisis with the breakup of Yugoslavia, the events in Međugorje have remained largely overshadowed by symbolically more recognizable and politically more palpable historical events like Tito’s death in 1980 or the mass protests of the Kosovo Albanians earlier in 1981. In scholarly literature the “apparition” of Gospa (as the Virgin Mary is locally called) was most often interpreted as being provoked by an internal crisis within the Catholic Church.1 This paper however follows the approach of anthropologist E. A. Hammel, who distinguishes at least three levels of inquiry in the Međugorje events – one that focuses on the apparition itself, one that looks at people’s sightings, and one that ex- plores the differing perceptions of these events.2 Focusing on the last level, this paper hopes to contribute to the study of Međugorje’s conflict potential within the context of the Yugoslav crisis in the 1980s by analyzing the various perceptions of the alleged 1 The common belief is that the alleged apparitions have been used by the local Franciscans to chal- lenge the authority of the diocese of Mostar-Duvno to which Međugorje belongs.