This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G

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This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. The Social Origins of Alliances: Uneven and Combined Development and the Case of Jordan 1955-7 James Allinson PhD The University of Edinburgh 2011 Declaration I declare that this thesis is of my own composition, based on my own work, with acknowledgement of other sources and has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. James Allinson i Table of Contents DECLARATION I ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS VI ABSTRACT VIII NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION IX GLOSSARY X TABLE OF FIGURES XII 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 The International Relations of the Southern State: the literature 2 1.1.1 Consensus: the dilemma of the Southern State 3 1.1.2 Theoretical Solution(s): quasi-states, subaltern realists and omni-balancers 5 1.1.3 Empirical problems: omni-balancing, Middle East International Relations and Jordan 7 1.1.4 Gap and Critique: the importing of neo-realist assumptions 11 1.2 Thesis contribution: historical sociology and uneven and combined development 14 1.2.1 The Definition and Traditions of Historical Sociology 15 1.2.2 Historical Sociology in International Relations and the Middle East 16 1.2.3 Jordan in the Literature: the need for explanation beyond diplomacy 18 1.2.4 The Contribution of Uneven and Combined Development 21 1.3 Research Methods and Case Selection 23 1.3.1 Methods and Data 24 1.3.1 Jordanian Alignments as small N-Case study: data points and selection criteria 26 1.4 Summary of the Thesis Argument 29 2. THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF UNEVEN AND COMBINED DEVELOPMENT 34 2.1 Why Uneven and Combined Development? 35 2.2 Basic concepts of Historical Materialism 38 2.2.1 Social Relations of Production and Modes of Production 39 2.2.2 The Capitalist Mode of Production 41 2.2.3 The Capitalist Mode of Production, Primitive Accumulation and World Economy 43 2.3 Theoretical Inheritance: Marxists and International Relations 47 2.3.1 Classical Marxism: Lenin, Bukharin, Luxemburg 47 2.3.2 ‘Structuralism’: Dependency and World Systems Theory 50 2.3.3 The revival of Marxist IR and uneven and combined development 53 2.4 Uneven and Combined Development: History and Structure 57 ii 2.4.1 Origins of Trotsky’s Idea 57 2.4.2 Unevenness 58 2.4.3 The Whip of External Necessity 61 2.4.4. Combination 65 2.5 States, Ideas and Agents in Uneven and Combined Development 72 2.5.1 The Problem of the State 72 2.5.2 Agents, Ideas and Classes 74 2.6 Conclusion 77 3. OTTOMAN TRANSJORDAN AND THE EMERGENCE OF A COMBINED SOCIAL FORMATION 80 3.1 Understanding the Ottoman Period: Tributary Social Relations 81 3.1.1 Tribes, Power and Tributary Social Relations of Production 81 3.1.2 Tribes, Tribute and Coercive Power 83 3.2 Tributary Relations in Late Ottoman Transjordan 85 3.2.1 Sedentary and Nomadic Communities: Similarities of Structure 86 3.2.2 Sedentary and Nomadic Communities: Relations of Tribute 88 3.3 The Origins of Ottoman Mimetic Reform: the ‘Whip of External Necessity’ 91 3.3.1 How Uneven Was Ottoman Development? 92 3.3.2 Ottoman Reform as Response to the Whip of External Necessity 93 3.4.The process of Ottoman Mimetic Reform 95 3.4.1The Land Code 95 3.4.2 Breaking Tributary Power 97 3.5 Results of Ottoman Mimetic Reform 100 3.5.1 Geographical Extent of the Impact of Ottoman Reform 100 3.5.2 Beginnings of a Combined Social Formation 102 3.6 Conclusion 105 4.LAND AND THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF THE JORDANIAN MILITARY 107 4.1 Context: the origins of Transjordan and its military 109 4.1.1 The Birth of Transjordan 110 4.1.2 Understanding the Arab Legion 112 4.2 Land distribution and Primitive Accumulation in Mandate Jordan and Iraq 117 4.2.1 Class, Collective Tenure and Land Settlement 117 4.2.2 The Results of Land Settlement: Land Distribution in Transjordan and Iraq 119 4.2.3 Landlessness and Wage Labour 120 4.3 Combination and the integration of tribes into the mandate state 123 4.3.1 The Dilemmas of Mandate Rule: Governance and Shifting Social Relations 124 4.3.2 Iraq: The Making of the Sheikhs 125 4.3.3 Jordan: The Army and Primitive Accumulation on the Steppe 127 4.3.4 Glubb, ‘Humane Imperialism’ and Subsidy as Combination 129 4.4 Conclusion 135 iii 5. THE BAGHDAD PACT 136 5.1 Understanding the Baghdad Pact Conjuncture: Existing Explanations 137 5.1.1 Realist Explanations 138 5.1.2 Constructivist Explanations 139 5.2 Social Formation and Historical Conjuncture in the Baghdad Pact 142 5.2.1 The Effendiyya and the Arab Nationalist Moment 143 5.2.2 The Pro-Baghdad Pact Forces 148 5.2.3 The Social Base of the anti-Baghdad Pact Movement 150 5.3 Historical Outcome: the Baghdad Pact Struggle 156 5.3.1 Early Negotiations: The Crucial Subsidy 157 5.3.2 Turning Points: The Czech Arms Deal and the Baghdad Pact Intifada 158 5.4 Conclusion 161 6. JORDAN BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND COLONIALISM 162 6.1 Origins of the alignments: unevenness and combination 163 6.2 Glubb and the British officers 165 6.2.1The Dilemma and Conflict 165 6.2.2 The Outcome 168 6.3 Suez 171 6.3.1 The Dilemma and Conflict 171 6.3.2 The Outcome 174 6.4 Anglo-Jordanian Treaty abrogation 175 6.4.1 The Dilemma and the Conflict 176 6.4.2 The Outcome 178 6.5 The Eisenhower Doctrine 179 6.5.1 The Dilemma 179 6.5.2 The outcome 181 6.6 Conclusion 182 7. CONCLUSION, DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 184 7.1 Summary of Chapters 186 7.2 The Contribution of Uneven and Combined Development: the dialectic of universal and particular in the Middle East 193 7.2.1 Intervening in the Debate: Particularism and Universalism in the Middle East 193 7.2.2 The Advantages of Uneven and Combined Development 195 7.2.3 The Risks and Responses to Eurocentrism 196 7.3 Lessons of the thesis 199 7.3.1 Specifying uneveness and combination: social relations of production 200 7.3.2 Mechanisms of Combination 201 iv 7.4 The potential for further research 203 7.4.1Extending the research framework beyond the case 203 7.4.2 The potential for new cases 204 7.4.3 The Potential for New Themes 205 7.5 Uneven and Combined Development and the Return of Revolution? 206 LIST OF INTERVIEWEES 212 BIBLIOGRAPHY 213 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I thought it would be easier, and take less time, to write this thesis. The list of people who made the project less difficult⎯who made it possible at all⎯would stretch to a greater length than the work itself. Of those who can be fitted on to this page, I would first like to acknowledge the support of ESRC Award Number PTA-031-2006- 00106. I also gratefully acknowledge Toby Kelly, Adham Saouli and, in an earlier incarnation, Roland Dannreuther, for their role as supervisors. Their time, dedication and intellectual engagement with a project whose theoretical premises they did not share made an invaluable contribution. In Jordan I accrued innumerable debts of gratitude, both intellectual and personal. I am grateful to the Center for Strategic Studies, for giving me their time, facilities and aid in contacting interviewees. I particularly thank Mohammed El-Masri for his help, intellectual stimulation and provision of ideas on pastoral nomadism. Tariq Tell was, and remains, a lodestar for Jordanian politics, sociology and history, and much else besides. Hassan Nasrallah provided both intellectual companionship and aid with interviews, as did Marwan Hassoun. Maha Jazi’s aid was also invaluable. I would like to thank the participants at the Theory and Practice workshop of the Politics and IR department at Edinburgh, the International Politics Research Group and the Historical Materialism, WOCMES, SGIR, and Mediterranean Research Meeting conferences for their input. Parts of this thesis developed from co-authored articles published in The Cambridge Review of International Affairs and Capital Class, and I thank the reviewers and editors for their comments. Justin Rosenberg, John Glenn, Luke Cooper and Kamran Matin also all proved excellent critics. My dear friends and comrades Gonzalo Pozo-Martin and Rosalind Cavaghan provided intellectual and emotional support in equal measure. Paolo Maggiolini helped the development of this thesis as both friend and collaborator on a conference paper for the Matrice Mediorientale seminar. More than anyone else, this thesis has emerged in dialogue, published and not, with Alex Anievas. Without him I would have slept more, but my life and work would have been much poorer. Aoife McKenna, to whom I owe more than can be written, not only improved the final draft both intellectually and grammatically but also provided an vi inspiration to continue throughout the difficult closing stages.
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