Revelations from the Dead: Using Funeral Home Records to Help Reconstruct the History of Black Toledo, 1912-1917

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REVELATIONS FROM THE DEAD: USING FUNERAL HOME RECORDS TO HELP RECONSTRUCT THE HISTORY OF BLACK TOLEDO, 1912-1917

Camillia Z. Rodgers

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

August 2011

Committee:

Lillian Ashcraft-Eason, Advisor

Kefa Otiso Graduate Faculty Representative

Apollos Nwauwa

Gary Hess

Camillia Rodgers

iii ABSTRACT

Lillian Ashcraft-Eason, Advisor

The purpose of this study is to examine September 1912 through June 1917 records from the Wanzo Funeral Home toward reconstructing aspects of the history of black Toledo,

Ohio during its formative years. That time period marks the early years of the Great

Migration and the beginning years of World War I, coinciding with the burgeoning of

Toledo’s black community. The funeral records are currently housed at the Dale-Riggs

Funeral Home, which in earlier years was owned by Elvin B. Wanzo and was the first publically listed black funeral home in Toledo.

This study benefits from the use of both quantitative and qualitative research methods. One of the methodological components of this study is a quantitative approach that allows me to statistically analyze five years in the Wanzo funeral records.

Categorization and analysis of the information in the ledgers will help to provide a narrative that offers insights into community dynamics and ultimately creates a profile of the late formative years of black Toledo. This study complements and augments data used in prior studies on black Toledo. The records provide a glimpse into this Mid-western industrial city’s black intra-community social relations, social and economic issues and development, patterns of migration, shifting residential boundaries and burial traditions and related to the disposing of remains of the deceased. Additionally, this study permits explorations in turn- of-the-twentieth century conditions associated with sickness and dying in Toledo. The ledger entries present an abstraction of each individual and propel the researcher toward a

iv larger composite profile of various aspects of the black Toledo community in that period.

This methodological framework can be extended to doing histories of other local communities throughout the United States.

A Colored Girl’s Life

Forty acres and a mule Is enough for me Payment for the disintegration of my history Judas’ kiss of deception and thirty pieces of silver They probably would have sold me for less Because I am three-fifths of a man And all human Alive and yet dead, Like the blood of Attucks Death for freedom But not mine And not his Jambo one day Yes suh the next Negro than African-American But still a nigger The jails await me The ghettos imprison me I live inside of one And am condemned to another And yet what is the difference between a slave and a citizen Color, Class, Oppression, The new trinity We shall overcome and yet curriculum hasn’t Education, religion, don’t include me From genre to genocide Oh freedom Oh freedom Should I die in vain Nimrod to Zipporah to Wheatley to Sojourner to Emmett to me A lineage of pain, Of enslavement, Of death, And yet today I live

By Janella Rodgers

This work is dedicated to those who have gone before me: To my grandmothers Sallie

Rodgers and Christine Baskerville, whose belief in the value of education inspired me; to my

godfather Djisovi whose creative and intellectual genius inspired so many; and to Elvin B.

Wanzo whose records made this work possible.

vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As an old African proverb states, “it takes a village to raise a child,” although this

quote is in reference to childrearing, it also seems to be an appropriate quote that can be

directed to the process of completing a doctoral dissertation. There are numerous people

who have supported and encouraged me along this journey, and I am sincerely appreciative

to the “village” of individuals who have assisted me. I would like to express my sincere

gratitude and appreciation to my dissertation advisor and mentor Dr. Lillian Ashcraft-Eason;

she not only nurtured my intellectual prowess, but my spiritual, physical and emotional

being. Her foresight, unrelenting support and constant encouragement during my tenure at

Bowling Green State University were essential to the completion of this dissertation.

Additionally her zest for knowledge, research and writing, as well as for life in general, was

truly an inspiration. She has made a profound impact on my life. I am also truly grateful to

the members of my committee for their assistance and support: Dr. Apollos Nwauwa, for his

constant words of encouragement, support, advice, scholarly critique and valuable input; Dr.

Gary Hess, for his insightful questions and valuable input, and for disseminating his

enthusiasm for US foreign policy and policy studies; he left a lasting impression; and Dr.

Kefa Otiso, for his valuable critique of, questions about, and input on, the dissertation.

I am indebted and truly grateful to Sheryl Riggs, Managing Director of the Dale-

Riggs Funeral Home, Inc., without her this project truly would not have been possible. She assisted me in various ways and with numerous resources--providing me access to the

Wanzo Funeral Home Records and allowing me to stay afterhours while she waited patiently for me to collect data. Her constant support, enthusiasm for the project, and love for history encouraged me throughout the project. I am also appreciative of the Dale-Riggs Funeral

viii Home staff. They were always so gracious and helpful when I was conducting research at

the funeral home collecting data.

Furthermore, I am sincerely appreciative of the following individuals and institutions that contributed to this project: the National Funeral Directors Association (NFDA), especially Information and Education Specialist Kathleen Walczak, she helped me navigate the archival materials at the Howard C. Raether Library and answered numerous questions about the history of NFDA and the funeral industry; the National Funeral Directors &

Morticians Association, Inc., (NFDMA) for the archival materials and information they provided; the funeral directors and industry affiliates at the International National Funeral

Directors Association Convention in Boston, who allowed me to gather information from them about funerary records and industry practices--Bruce Barnes, Barnes Funeral Home,

Inc., Indiana and Ohio, Gus Nichols, Nichols Funeral Home, Dublin, Ireland., Nigel Lymn

Rose, The Family Funeral Service, Nottingham, England, Bill Olner, MP, House of

Commons, London, England, Dominic Maguire, Scotland, Great Britain, Ernst C. Adams,

Watson, Garret, & Woods Mortuary, Inc, Greenville, SC, Gregory Owens, Westhaven

Memorial Funeral Home, Jackson, MS, Charles S. Childs, Jr., A.A. Rayner & Sons,

Chicago, IL, Shawnte Harvell, McCall’s Bronxwood Funeral Home, Inc., Bronx, New

York, Stephanie and Kenneth Clarke, Clarkes’s Funeral Home, Nassau, Bahamas, Eleanor

Davis Starks, founder of 100 Black Women in Funeral Service, Inc.; and the countless

others that I interrogated.

I am grateful to the History Department, especially to Tina Amos and DeeDee

Wentland, for their assistance, positive attitudes, and support. I would also like to express

my sincere appreciation to the following people and institutions: Mary Wrighten, former

ix Bowling Green State University Multicultural Librarian; Carol Singer, Research Librarian;

the staff at the Center for Archival Collections at Bowling Green State University; the

Toledo Law Association Library staff, they were all so helpful; University of Toledo Law

Library staff; the staff at the Lucas County Library Local History Room; Dr. Nancy Schafer

Boudreau from the Applied Statistics and Operations Research Department, she provided

training on how to run descriptive analysis in SPSS; and Dr. Jualynne Dodson of the African

Atlantic Research Team at Michigan State University, who encouraged me, provided

research advice and input on the project during its initial stages.

Finally, I am eternally grateful to my family and friends who have assisted and supported me throughout this process. They are too many to name here, so I will name a few who were closely related to helping me complete the dissertation: Dax Sullinger—for his help with some of the numerical components of the project; Brian Christian—for his some of the more technical aspects of the dissertation; Dr. Djahna Akinyemi—for advice on the medical terms; Dr. Seneca Vaught--for his editing assistance and for his constant words of encouragement and collegial support; Drs. Michael Kithinji, Ogechi Anyanwu, and Christi

Bartman who offered laughter, words of encouragement and a barrage of constant questions pertaining to the completion of the dissertation; my dear friend Dr. Angelique Richardson who supported and encouraged me, she empathized with the many challenges that I faced; my colleagues Shirley and Chris whose friendship and support was refreshing; Ms. Betty

Moore and Ms. Barbara Allison—for their constant support and encouragement over the years; Dulani Williams--for his support throughout the entire process; my church family who have been a tremendous support to me and made my tenure at BGSU more delightful; Kay and Dr. David Albrecht, especially Kay, she was a Godsend, I could not have accomplished

x this feat without her help. Last, but certainly not least, I am extremely appreciative of the lifetime of love, encouragement and support from my parents Shirley and Emmanuel

Rodgers, without their help, the completion of the dissertation would have been impossible–I am grateful to my mother who instilled in me that I could do anything and never to give up on my dreams; her encouragement and unrelenting belief in me helped to motivate me during challenging times. I am thankful to my dad who has always offered his support and advice, which has been helpful in many ways. Also, I am extremely grateful for the constant support and encouragement from my sisters Michaela and Janella, they have been with me every step of this journey and credit many of my academic experiences to the motivation from, and standards set by, my sisters. Above all, I am thankful to God, he has been my guide and sustainer in life; without Him none of this would have been possible.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I. AN INTRODUCTION TO FUNERAL RECORDS ...... 1

PART I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY…………………………………………….. 1

ORIGIN AND VALUE OF LEDGERS DRIVEN BY POLICY AND

TRADITION……………………………………………………………………… 7

INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGY AND PARAMETERS OF

STUDY……………………………………………………………………………… 8

REVIEW OF FORMER WORKS USING FUNERARY RECORDS ………… 11

A CRITIQUE OF THE LITERATURE ……………………………………… 15

STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION………………………………………… 21

PART II. FUNERARY POLICY AND RECORDKEEPING IN THE UNITED STATES... 23

MORTUARY POLICY: AN OVERVIEW………………………………………. 23

PUBLIC HEALTH, VITAL STATISTICS AND RECORDKEEPING…………. 33

FUNERAL DIRECTORS AND FUNERARY POLICY IN OHIO……………… 44

CHAPTER II. A GLIMPSE INTO BLACK TOLEDO: RESEARCH METHODS AND

ANALYSIS ………………………………………………………………………………. 58

A STATEMENT OF METHODOLOGY ...... 63

PRESENTATION OF TABLES AND DATA ANALYSIS...... 65

CHAPTER III. FUNERAL HOME RECORDS: A MISSING RESOURCE IN

CONVENTIONAL HISTORIES ...... 161

CHAPTER IV. TOWARD A RECONSTRUCTION OF BLACK TOLEDO HISTORY 199

AN OVERVIEW OF TOLEDO ...... 200 vii

BLACK MIGRATION AND TOLEDO, 1912-1917 ...... 202

MIGRATION, MARITAL STATUS, AND FUNERAL EXPENSES……………. 219

RESIDENTIAL BOUNDARIES AND EMPLOYMENT………………………… 231

BLACK INSTITUTIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITIES………….... 241

HEALTH, WEALTH AND FUNERAL TRADITIONS………………………….. 256

CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………………. 281

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 287

APPENDIX A. COMPLETE FREQUENCY TABLES ...... 302

APPENDIX B. PERCENTAGE TABLES ...... 331

APPENDIX C. WANZO FUNERAL HOME PICTURES AND OHIO CERTIFICATE OF

DEATH ……………………………………………………………………………………. 344 viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Black Population of Toledo, 1840-1930 ...... 66

2 Year of Funeral ...... 67

3 Race………… ...... 68

4 Gender ……… ...... 70

5 Cross-tabulation Gender * Year of Death ...... 70

6 Month of Funeral ...... 72

7 General Cause of Death ...... 73

8 Cross-tabulation Gender * General Cause of Death ...... 75

9 Marital Status ...... 77

10 Cross-tabulation Gender * Marital Status...... 78

11 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Age Range ...... 79

12 Age Range…… ...... 80

13 Cross-tabulation Gender * Age Range ...... 81

14 General Cause of Death * Age Range ...... 82

15 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * General Cause of Death ...... 86

16 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * General Cause of Death ...... 88

17 Occupation of the Deceased ...... 91

18 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Gender ...... 93

19 Decedent’s State or Country of Birth...... 95

20 Mother’s Birthplace State or Country ...... 99

21 Father's Birthplace State or Country ...... 101 ix

22 Residence of Deceased ...... 103

23 Religious Affiliation ...... 107

24 Cross-tabulation Gender * Religious Affiliation ...... 108

25 Church Affiliation ...... 109

26 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Religious Affiliation ...... 110

27 Clergymen…...... 112

28 Location of Death ...... 115

29 Certifying Physicians or Undertakers ...... 118

30 Location of Funeral Service ...... 120

31 Time of Funeral Service ...... 124

32 Internment…… ...... 125

33 Transportation to Cemetery ...... 127

34 Hearse ………...... …………………… 128

35 Body Embalmed ...... 129

36 Burial Robe…...... 130

37 Price of Casket...... 131

38 Cross-tabulation Gender * Price of Casket...... 132

39 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Price of Casket ...... 133

40 Funeral Costs… ...... 134

41 Cross-tabulation Funeral Costs * Age Range ...... 137

42 Cross-tabulation Gender * Funeral Costs ...... 138

43 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Funeral Costs ...... 139

44 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Funeral Costs...... 140 x

45 Cross-tabulation How Paid * Funeral Costs ...... 142

46 Paid in Full…… ...... 145

47 Cross-tabulation Paid in Full * Funeral Cost ...... 146

48 Cross-tabulation How Paid * Paid in Full ...... 147

49 Occupation of Deceased * Paid in Full Cross-tabulation ...... 150

50 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * How Paid ...... 151

51 Insurance Carriers and/or Contributors to Bill ...... 153

52 Insurance Carriers and/or Contributors to Bill ...... 195

2.1 Age of Decedents ...... 302

2.2 General Cause of Death Complete List ...... 306

2.3 Deceased Year of Birth Complete List ...... 309

2.4 Deceased City or County of Birth ...... 312

2.5 Certifying Physician Complete List ...... 316

2.6 Residences: Complete Street Addresses ...... 320

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1 Cross-tabulation How Paid* Funeral Costs ...... 331

2 Cross-tabulation How Paid * Paid in Full ...... 332

3 Cross-tabulation Paid in Full * Funeral Cost ...... 333

4 Cross-tabulation Funeral * Cost Age Range ...... 333

5 Cross-tabulation Gender * Price of Casket...... 333

6 Cross-tabulation Gender * Funeral Cost ...... 334

7 Cross-tabulation Gender * Paid in Full...... 334

8 Cross-tabulation Gender * How Paid...... 334

9 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Price of Casket ...... 335

10 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * How Paid ...... 335

11 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Paid in Full ...... 336

12 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Funeral Cost…… ...... 336

13 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Age Range ...... 337

14 Cross-tabulation Gender * Marital Status...... 337

15 Cross-tabulation Gender * Age Range ...... 337

16 Cross-tabulation Gender * Religious Affiliation ...... 338

17 Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Cause of Death ...... 338

18 Cross-tabulation Gender * General Cause of Death ...... 338

19 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * General Cause of Death ...... 339

20 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Religious Affiliation ...... 340

21 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Gender ...... 341 xii

22 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Paid in Full ...... 342

23 Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased *Funeral Cost ...... 343

2.1 First Funeral Home – 1412 Monroe St...... 344

2.2 Window of Ferns ...... 344

2.3 First Funeral Home – 1412 Monroe St...... 345

2.4 Our 2nd Funeral Home - 1301 Washington St...... 345

2.5 Our 3rd Funeral Home – 1210 Washington St...... 346

2.6 Our 4th Funeral Home & Last – 572 Nebraska Ave...... 346

2.7 Our First Horse Drawn Hearse ...... 347

2.8 Our Horse Drawn Hearse...... 347

2.9 Our First Auto Hearse ...... 347

2.10 Our Limousine Hearse ...... 348

2.11 Art of Funeral Procession – 1303 Washington St...... 348

2.12 Ohio Department of Health Vital Statistics Death Certificate ...... 349

xiii

PREFACE

The Dale-Riggs Funeral Home sits on the corner of Nebraska Avenue and City Park

Avenue and is located at 572 Nebraska Avenue in Toledo, Ohio. It is housed in a turn-of-the- twentieth century Victorian-style, reddish-brick, four-story edifice. The home still maintains much of its old charms, and upon entering the building, the ornate woodwork and stained glass windows make it evident that this antique building possesses a great amount of history. Elvin

Burris Wanzo came to the Toledo area from Rutland, Ohio and opened this establishment as one of the first black funeral homes in the Toledo area around 1912. When Wanzo retired in 1946, he sold the home to his employee and fellow funeral director, Clarence J. Dale. Now known as the Dale-Riggs Funeral Home, this establishment is under the direction of Sheryl Riggs.

Long before January 2011 when the Toledo Blade published an article about the one- hundred year old funeral records that were housed at the Dale-Riggs Funeral Home, Drs. Djisovi

Eason and Lillian Ashcraft-Eason were working with Dr. Edrene Cole, in 2004, on a Toledo-area oral history project. Director Sheryl Riggs informed them that the funeral home had recently discovered some old ledger books. The Easons informed me--an assistant to the oral history project--that the funeral home possessed several ledger books that contained virtually unexplored funeral records from the early 1900s. Initially that information did not resonate with me. What could one do with old funeral home ledgers besides genealogical research, and I was relatively confident that I did not have any family members in Toledo that I was considering researching.

Although I was advised that there could be a dissertation project associated with these records, I still was not convinced. Nevertheless, I set up a consultation with Sheryl Riggs in order to peruse the ledger books. Following the consultation with her, I examined and categorized all of xiv

the ledger books by date. There were numerous ledger books dating from 1912 to 1948. They

contained a voluminous amount of information on the deceased, whom the respective directors

had attended. The books contained information ranging from funerary services to biographical

data on hundreds of deceased people. After my perusal, it dawned on me that these books were

truly an historical treasure and could be extremely useful in helping to profile aspects of the late-

formative years of the black Toledo community, which had its beginnings, as an aggregate entity around the 1890s. It is with this in mind that I set out on a long and tedious journey to demonstrate how these funeral records could be used to reconstruct aspects of the early history of

black Toledo. Additionally, I perceived that these records and those of other local funeral homes

around the country could be useful archival resources for helping to reconstruct histories of local

communities in their formative years and during other periods.

CHAPTER I

AN INTRODUCTION TO FUNERAL RECORDS

PART I: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

This chapter is divided into two parts; the first half provides an introduction to the

research by detailing the significance of the study, reviewing previous scholarship on black

Toledo for the purpose of understanding how funeral records can offer a unique approach and

information on black Toledo by enhancing the existing studies on the subject. The chapter also

examines former scholarship that incorporated funeral records in order to show how useful the records can be as well as to show how this study offers a unique approach in utilizing funeral records. Additionally, the first half of the chapter explores the study’s research questions. The second half of this chapter addresses the funerary policy component of the research for the purpose of establishing the policy and/or practice of recordkeeping on the deceased amongst funeral directors, in order to document how and why funeral records were taken and maintained and have ultimately become an archival resource that is accessible to historians and other researchers

The first page of a 1912 funeral record book, The American Funeral Record: A Ready

Reference Day-Book for Undertakers, reads as follows:

The Record Book will be of great assistance to your profession in entering up funerals and arrangements for same, correctly, intelligently and completely. You will find it prudent to record all items that are given therein, as in doing this you will not only enhance the prestige of the profession, but also create admiration and confidence of your patrons in your work. Record items of a deceased are looked for at the Undertaker’s quite frequently, and the more exact you keep a record of incidentals that have bearing on the funeral, the better will be the results…The Funeral Record has been compiled after laborious and close study into the proper requirements of your profession.1

1 F. J. Feineman. The American Funeral Record: A Ready Reference Day-Book for Undertakers. (St. Louis: F.J. Feineman, 1912), 1. 2

Frederick Johann Feineman (also known as F.J. Feineman), the publisher of The American

Funeral Record, created a book that would be useful for funeral directors to assist them in promoting good recordkeeping, which became an important principle of the profession. The publisher understood that funeral records were important and that records of the deceased were often inquired about at a later time. Conceivably he thought that for family members, perhaps for certain officials, and for business purposes, good recordkeeping would be valuable.

Therefore, he fashioned a ledger book that facilitated good recordkeeping and many funeral directors over the years used his ledger books to keep relatively meticulous records about the deceased; and in doing so, have provided researchers with invaluable information. This research seeks to look at the funeral records that were kept in the Feineman funeral ledgers at the Wanzo

Funeral Home for what they indicate about the black Toledo, Ohio community from 1912 through 1917. The research in this dissertation represents an original work to the extent that this genre of records has not been mined by historians as documentary sources, to profile the black

Toledo community.

Feineman’s reference day-book format provides the space for the following information to be entered on the deceased: name, address, parents’ names, race, gender, age, marital status, religion, occupation, date of birth and death, parents’ birthplace, how the funeral was secured, who the bill was charged to, who gave the order, the date and time of the funeral, the location of the funeral service, the clergyman presiding, the cemetery where the body was interred as well as lot or grave number, and/or shipment of the body, the price of the casket, the total funeral charges, whether or not the bill was paid in full, how the bill was paid, insurance carriers or contributors to the bill, whether the body was embalmed and the price of embalming, burial accoutrements and price of those accessories, the price of transportation services including the 3 hearse, automobiles or carriages to the cemetery and/or shipping, the name of the certifying physician and their address, the cause of death, location of death and date of death. The information that is recorded in the ledgers can help to provide an in-depth profile of a community in which the records were taken.

United States death certificates can provide some of the same information as funeral records however the death certificate information contains limited information for the years in exploration. After viewing a copy of a 1909 death certificate for Nellie Barnholt, who was serviced by the Neidecker Funeral Home, of Port Clinton, Ohio, the findings showed that the information recorded in the Wanzo funeral ledgers was more detailed than what could be found on the Ohio Certificate of Death. Additionally, without specific biographical information, it can be more challenging to obtain death certificates for numerous members of a community, therefore, making the task of using death certificates, for example, to profile the black Toledo community challenging, if not impossible. Consequently, the fact that Toledo had a black funeral home in 1912 with records, presented a significant opportunity for further defining the formative period of the black Toledo community. This time period is important because as Karla

Holloway noted in her book, Passed On, it draws attention to the beginning of the twentieth century, when “many communities in the United States had no black funeral homes…

[Although] there had been black funeral businesses a white mortician would have had black bodies, at least for preliminaries of embalming.”2 Thus, there is a strong possibility that some record information on black decedents would have been housed in white funeral homes, making it more challenging to locate such scattered records.

2 Karla Holloway, Passed On: African American Mourning Stories, (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002) 16. 4

The years between 1912 and 1917 were chosen as the scope of this study for several reasons. The first reason is that this period marks the beginning of the Great Migration and of

World War I, when southern blacks migrated to northern industrial cities in droves to take advantage of the employment, educational, and social opportunities in these locations, oftentimes joining an existing black community in these cities. This period also encompassed a movement of blacks intra-regionally. Wanzo’s story in Chapter IV highlights how he moved from one city

in Ohio to another to search for various opportunities. Additionally, this period coincided with

the first burgeoning growth of Toledo’s black community since 1890, which began in earnest

around 1910.3 This period also ran parallel to the beginning years of the Wanzo Funeral Home in Toledo. Wanzo’s presence in the Toledo area can be traced back at least to 1911, where his name appears in the Toledo City Directory. The first published acknowledgement of his funeral home was in 1912, when Wanzo’s name was printed in the Toledo City Directory, in the business section under “undertakers” and “funeral directors.”

The five years spanning from 1912–1917 marks a formative period for black Toledo that

has not been definitively studied in any of the scholarship reviewed for this work. In a relatively recent study on black Toledo by Anthony Quinn, the author alluded to the paucity of scholarship in this field. The following statement captures his observation on the matter: “Toledo as most smaller cities, is either completely forgotten or given very little attention in scholarly work.” 4

Moreover Edrene Cole, a former local Toledo resident and historian, whose study on black

3 The first chapter of Leroy Williams’ dissertation on black Toledo stated that it is uncertain when the first blacks came to Toledo, but three years after Toledo became a city, around 1840, there were fifty-four black people living in Toledo. This period marked the early formative years of the black Toledo community. Throughout the 19th century blacks made up a small population of Toledo that increasingly grew from 1840. Between 1890 and 1920 the black population in Toledo significantly grew especially after 1910, with the beginnings of the Great Migration. Leroy T. Williams, “Black Toledo: Afro-Americans in Toledo, Ohio 1890-1930” (PhD diss., University of Toledo, 1977), 7. 4 Anthony Quinn, “The Great Migrations to Toledo, Ohio, 1910-1950: The Quinn-Harris Families As Case Studies” (master’s thesis, University of Toledo, 2000), 2. 5

Toledo preceded the above study, also mentioned the scarcity of works on black Toledo, she stated that: “many historical accounts of Toledo do not treat the black community there…Although there are isolated accounts of Negroes in regional histories and newspaper accounts, there neither is a chronological recording of events nor a collection of significant activities of blacks in our area.”5 Additionally, Leroy T. Williams in his work stated: “that black

Toledo has not been the subject of either scholarly books or extensive articles such as those

which have probed New York’s “Harlem”, Chicago’s “South Side” and Cleveland’s “East

Side.”…Perhaps the relatively small population…has precluded detailed investigations by

scholars.”6 All of these authors express concern for the lack of scholarship on black Toledo and seek to contribute to scholarship on the subject.

While there is scholarship that treats various topics on black Toledo they do not

thoroughly examine the 1912-1917 time period, a period that marks the enlargement of the black

Toledo community. Additionally many of the works examine a single person or a family, in

order to use these individuals as a case study, not the community as a whole. Imelda Hunt’s,

“An Oral History of Art Tatum During His Years in Toledo, Ohio 1909-1932,” explores

specifically the life of Art Tatum from birth in 1909 up to 1932 when he left Toledo, Ohio.

Kimberly Caldwell’s work, “From Africatown to Out Stickney Reminiscences of Toledo, Ohio

African-American Community, 1919-1960,” examines the black Stickney community in Toledo after 1919. Anthony Quinn’s, “The Great Migrations to Toledo, Ohio, 1910-1950: The Quinn-

Harris Families as Case Studies,” tells the stories of the Quinn-Harris families in Toledo. None of these works particularly focus on the black community in Toledo as a whole around the formative expanding years of 1912-1917.

5 Edrene Cole, “Blacks in Toledo: A Resource Unit for Elementary Teachers” (master’s thesis, University of Toledo, 1972), 1. 6 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 274. 6

E.L. Wheaton’s work, “The Social Status of the Negro in Toledo, Ohio,” provides a brief overview of the social status of blacks in Toledo, beginning with the early black residents of the

1800s through the 1920s. His work is not a thorough investigation of the black Toledo community of that period, for the purpose of his study was to expose the racial injustices in

Toledo as a microcosm of the racial double standard in the United States in the 1920s and throughout several periods before the 1920s. John Rinehart’s thesis, “A Negro in A Congested

Toledo Area,” addresses social and economic issues in black Toledo in 1939 in order to present

“common facts” to the public. Edrene Cole’s “Blacks in Toledo: A Resource Unit for

Elementary Teachers,” was written for the purpose of developing reference materials on blacks in Toledo from 1865-1930, for the purpose of informing and training of Toledo school teachers.

Leroy T. Williams’ dissertation, “Black Toledo: Afro Americans in Toledo, Ohio,” is more of a comparative work that examines a broad time period of black Toledo from 1890 to 1930 to compare social and economic aspects of the black community with white immigrant groups.

After reviewing the literature on black Toledo questions emerged as to how another work on black Toledo could enhance existing studies, offer a unique approach to, and perspective on, the history of black Toledo, as well as make an original contribution to the existing scholarship on the subject. After much thought and exploratory research of the ledger books at the Dale-

Riggs Funeral Home in Toledo, Ohio, the following research questions have not been answered by existing works in the field. Can funeral home records help to reconstruct aspects of black

Toledo history during the formative years of 1912 through 1917? If so, how do the ledgers profile or help to reconstruct aspects of the formative years of the black Toledo community?

What type of specific information do these records provide? What do the records suggest or what insights do they provide about the culture, practices, and social traditions in addition to the 7 social conditions of the black community in Toledo? What was the community like during the

years of 1912 to 1917? What is it about the format of the funerary ledgers at the Dale-Riggs

Funeral Home that gives a profile of the individual’s life cycle and circumstances of final disposal? Do these records provide new information about the black community or contradictory information or do they help to support the information that already exists on the black Toledo

community? What do the ledgers reveal about one of the earliest black funeral homes, the Wanzo

Funeral Home, in the community?

Addressing the preceding questions, the primary focus of this work is to analyze selected

data in the 1912-1917 ledger books of Toledo’s Wanzo Funeral Home using a quantitative

methodology and to create an historical narrative which elucidates aspects of Toledo’s black population and funerary policy during this community’s formative years.

ORIGIN AND VALUE OF LEDGERS DRIVEN BY POLICY AND TRADITION

After perusing the Wanzo funeral records on numerous occasions other questions arose

related to the origins of the ledger books. Why did the Wanzo Funeral Home record and keep

information on the deceased? Was the funeral home just being meticulous or were they using a universal standard of record keeping in the United States? Did other funeral homes record and keep similar records? If not, what motivated funeral homes to keep records? Moreover, what did F.J. Feineman, the publisher of the funeral ledger book of forms that Wanzo used, actually mean by “proper requirements of your profession” in the following quote: “The Funeral Record has been compiled after laborious and close study into the proper requirements of your profession?” 7 Were there certain requirements and/or traditions that funeral directors had to abide by in regards to record keeping? If so, were these requirements mandated by the funeral profession or by local, state or federal policies? That line of inquiry brought to the research a

7 Feineman, The American Funeral Record, 1. 8 funerary policy component, which explores the role of funerary policy, related only to better understanding the funeral home ledgers as an archival resource that is accessible to historians and other researchers.

This research also raises significant questions in regards to policy. To what extent does

the keeping of funerary records derive from established government policies, specifically

funerary policies? This work emphasizes that the significance of funeral records as an archival source that is often underutilized in regional and national histories.

INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGY AND PARAMETERS OF STUDY

The methodology for this project relies on documentary research, quantitative historical

analyses, and some oral conversations. Gary Kornblith, a professor of history at Oberlin

College, asserts that quantitative historians have used numeric data and statistical analysis to

assist them in answering questions and framing interpretations. In a publication on the topic of quantitative history he mentions the following:

…Quantitative history is history that involves the use of numeric data—or other evidence that can be counted—as a primary source for analysis and interpretation…Some quantitative studies focus on small groups of people; others encompass huge populations. Some quantitative studies use data originally collected in numeric form, such as tax assessments or business ledgers; others involve the conversion of non-numeric evidence, such as city directories or church membership lists, into numeric form as a first step of analysis. 8

Therefore the quantitative analysis of the data in the ledgers focuses on how it can be used to

provide a qualitative narrative which can reflect identity shifts in the profiles of the families

living in the Toledo area in addition to the shifts in community development between 1912 and

1917. The quantitative data entry and analysis provides new insights into the black population of

Toledo, which can be used to augment and revise existing qualitative studies. Three hundred

pages of funeral records were analyzed for the time period covered. The funeral data were

8 Gary Kornblith, “Making Sense of Numbers” History Matters: The US Survey Course on the Web, (July 2002), http:// www.historymatters.gmu.edu /mse/numbers/. 9 extracted from the records and entered into an excel database and organized into thirty seven different categories. Subsequently, the information was then imported into SPSS, statistical analysis software, which provided a descriptive analysis (frequencies) of the data abstracted from the funeral ledgers. Prior to analyzing the data in SPSS the data were coded 9 and in some cases recoded. The data details specific information about the community.

In addition to funeral records maintained by the [Wanzo]-Dale-Riggs Funeral Home,

other primary source documents that were important to this study were accessed at the National

Funeral Directors Association in Brookfield, Wisconsin, the National Funeral Directors

Association Conference in Boston, Massachusetts, the Center for Archival Collections at

Bowling Green State University, the Ohio Funeral Directors Association, the University of

Toledo College of Law, Lucas County Law Library, the Toledo Public Library’s Local History

Room, and the Federal Trade Commission. These records were accessed in order to determine funerary policy and the possible role the policy played in the creation of the ledgers, and conversations with other local funeral homes were conducted to investigate whether or not the keeping of this type of detailed information was customary/common practice. Conversations like these were important to clarify policy implementation. This research also relied on secondary source materials in the form of books, journal articles, dissertations and theses as appropriate. Other funerary studies were used for the purpose of gaining insights that would inform the qualitative analysis.

The qualitative analyses help to demonstrate how funeral records can be used to augment

data and interpretations in previous studies of black Toledo’s formative years. This

methodological framework could be extended to the research community at large by indicating

9 Coding is the “progressive process of sorting and defining and defining and sorting those scraps of collected data.” Corrine Glesne, Becoming Qualitative Researchers an Introduction, 2nd ed. ( Boston: Addison Wesley Longman, 1999), 146-149. 10 through the case study of Toledo and the Dale-Riggs ledgers how local funeral home records can be a useful archival resource to reconstruct histories of communities from their formative years and in other selected historical periods.

When conducting research many local scholars examine various primary sources in private and/or public archives. They explore census records, newspapers, and other government documents. But one of the problems that local scholars encounter when using the above traditional sources to research information on early communities, especially when researching formative black or other minority communities, is that specific information can be difficult to find. Oftentimes when researching these earlier communities critical information, for instance births, deaths, change of addresses, etc., may not have been registered with information agencies such as Vital Statistics or the Census Bureau. This makes it more difficult and at times impossible to find specific information, thus forcing historians to turn to oral interviews which can be problematic. In their book, Black Migration in America, Rex Campbell and Daniel

Johnson address accuracy issues in the census records arguing that “information about blacks has

long been questioned because of unknown irregularities in the procedures used to define a person

as a Negro, or black, and in the completeness with which the enumerations were carried out.” 10

They asserted that the Census Office did not have any control over enumeration procedures until

1880 and that the 1870 United States Federal Census was believed to be inaccurate in its enumeration of the South. They argued that “U.S. marshals and their appointees had the responsibility for gathering the census information and many of these men lacked the necessary skills, knowledge of the locale, and dedication to carry out an accurate count of the

10 Daniel Johnson and Rex Campbell. Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History, (Durham: Duke University Press, 1981), 57. 11 population.”11 According to Campbell and Johnson one of the superintendants of the census,

Francis Walker, gave a critique of the census count and described it as “inadequate, partial and

inaccurate, often in shameful degree.” 12 Furthermore, they asserted that the 1890 census seemed to under-count blacks when comparing it to the 1880 and 1900 census returns. Additionally,

they argued that the 1920 census was also questioned due to the fact that enumeration was

moved to the beginning of the year, January 1, when census workers were thought to have been

impeded by bad weather, specifically in rural areas.13

This work seeks to address these shortcomings by recommending the use of a neglected archive

of end of life records that by their nature are virtually free of social bias, because of the non-

threatening context within which the data are ascertained and recorded. Funeral records unlike single interviews can highlight broad themes of social life. The ledgers provide data that can be quantified and used to provide a qualitative narrative that addresses comprehensive, health, cultural, social and demographic aspects of the community. The accuracy and value of funeral records is of course determined by the meticulousness of the recorder. So funeral records are not immune from the accuracy problems that traditional sources might contain.

REVIEW OF FORMER WORKS USING FUNERARY RECORDS

The purpose of this section is to review previous works that used funerary records to see how they were applied in previous studies. By doing so, this will ultimately demonstrate the pioneering nature of this research study which uses funerary records in a unique manner to

reconstruct aspects of a locality’s history. Throughout history those affiliated with undertaking or “the laying out of the dead,” (i.e., the minister, warden or sexton, and undertaker) have been

the gatekeepers of information in the sense that they have provided some type of record in

11 Johnson and Campbell. Black Migration in America, 57. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 12 relation to death and burial proceedings. The possibilities of this resource have been limited to the purview of funeral home workers and occasional genealogists. Although others have used these records for research purposes they have not been used for correcting history. In the book,

The History of American Funeral Home Directing, by Robert Habenstein and William Lamers, a funeral record from 1784, in the form of a bill, demonstrates different funeral tasks, which included information on the deceased such as the person’s name and date of services.14 This

information has important implications for those conducting research on earlier periods. The

information that these types of funeral records generate, greatly assists historians researching

earlier periods where certain information may be unavailable from other records. The records

can provide a qualitative narrative that can offer a more thorough profile of a community where

such records have not been used.

Denise Kelley and Randy Bobbitt, who have both done work in genealogical studies,

wrote a short four page article on the value of funeral records on genealogical research. In the

study they highlight the importance of primary sources that document family relationships on

genealogical research. With this in mind, the authors suggested that funeral home records can

assist in many ways. For example, the information found within the records can provide critical

background information and funeral records can give additional information and insight on an

ancestor(s) as well as other family members, thereby helping to provide a relatively “complete

genealogical picture.”15

A short 1982 article in the Journal of Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society by Reverend C. Bernard Ruffin, who published the information he abstracted from the Sellars

14 Robert W. Habenstein and William M. Lamers, The History of American Funeral Directing, (Milwaukee: Radtke Bro. and Kortsch, 1962), 238. 15Denise Kelley and Randy Bobbitt, “Funeral Home Records and Their Value on Genealogical Research,” Journal of Tampa Bay Research ,no. 3(1981): 84-87. 13

Funeral Home records in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, highlights black families found in

funeral records. He references the importance of the records by stating that the funeral home is

“fortunate in its possession of burial records going as far back as 1866…Since the state of

Pennsylvania began to require the registration of marriages only in 1885 and Franklin County

began the certification of deaths in 1893 and of births in 1894…the Sellars Funeral ledger books

provide information which is not available from any other source.” 16 Important information and registration systems, such as the Vital Records and Statistics System, did not exist in most states

until the early to mid 1900s.17 So there was not an organized public system for keeping vital statistics that funeral records could supplement; these ledgers often served as the sole repository of vital information on a community

Ruffin’s work only makes available information on black families found in the records

from 1866 to 1933. Besides listing the information for genealogical purposes he does not appear

to use the records or indicate any methodological purpose for them nor does he provide any type of statistical or qualitative analyses of the information. Ruffin provides a catalogue of such information as the price of the casket, dates of death, and burial location, but leaves out other details.

Ruffin makes reference to the fact that from 1909 to 1915 more thorough information can be found in the funeral home’s ledger books and during that period the funeral home used the

“National Ledger,” which conceivably refers to a record book that the funeral profession encouraged undertakers to use in order to take more detailed and accurate records of funerals and

16 Bernard C. Ruffin, “Records of the Sellers Funeral Home, Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, Relating to the Black Families of Franklin County, 1866-1933,” Journal of the Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society 3, no. 2 (1982): 73. 17A.M. Hetzel, “History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System,” National Center for Health Statistics, 1997 includes reprint of “History and Organization of the Vital Statistic System to 1950,” Vital Statistics of the United States, no. 1 (1950), 1–19. 14 arrangements,18 “which called for the birthplace of the deceased, the site of the funeral service, and the parents of the deceased.”19 The information he mentions regarding the “National Ledger” attributes greater significance to the research period, 1912-1915, selected for this project. These articles are relevant because they reference the significance of funeral home documents on genealogical research and how these records can contribute to more thorough research on an individual and consequently on a community.

This study contributes to the scholarship on black Toledo by using funeral records, a

resource that the other existing works neglected in researching this community, resulting in an enhanced history of the formative years of black Toledo from 1912-1917. Additionally, this work will contribute to the literature on local history resources, suggesting to the national and international community of historians, a different method for conducting histories of all local communities, nationally and internationally, especially in regards to the community’s early development.

This work endeavors to broaden the usefulness of such records to provide a framework on how to use funeral records in local history, particularly in profiling a community by providing a quantitative analysis of data in funeral ledgers in order to offer a qualitative narrative of a community, and to enhance the writing of local histories. Not only does this work seek to do the aforementioned, it also highlights the impact of policy and the policy process (intended and unintended) on institutions, specifically funeral homes, on creating institutional memory particularly on creating and maintaining funeral records which ultimately provided an archival resource. The next section will review literature on black Toledo to demonstrate how funeral

18In volume I of the 1912 American Funeral Record: A Ready Reference Day-Book For Undertakers, the introduction talks about how this record book will be of great assistance to the funeral profession and how this book conforms to the proper requirements of the funerary profession. 19Ruffin, “Records of the Sellers Funeral Home,” 73. 15 records can augment data in the existing former studies to provide a more complete and reconstructed profile of the black Toledo community.

A CRITIQUE OF THE LITERATURE

The purpose of this section is to examine selected local histories of black Toledo, the sources they used, indicate how funeral ledgers could have helped to augment their research and, to provide a broader and more thorough profile of the community. This section will also critique

these sources to indicate the value of data in funeral home ledgers as primary sources.

One of the earliest works that examined African Americans in Toledo is Emmett

Wheaton’s master’s thesis, “The Social Status of the Negro in Toledo, Ohio,” completed 1927,

sixteen years after Wanzo Funeral Home opened for business and began keeping records.

Wheaton used conventional archival sources to obtain information for his thesis: census reports

and statistics from the Toledo Health Department’s Vital Statistics Office, supplementing them

with a survey he devised. Returns on this survey seem to have been inconsistent with the

archival data, causing him to question the accuracy of the conventional archival sources. He

surmised that there was partiality in the way the conventional data were collected and reported.

Wheaton expressed particular concern with the data that were reported on the birth and death rates and diseases of African Americans in Toledo: “The figures of the Toledo Health

[Department] are at best only an approximation, and point in the direction where the real facts lie. They are not the whole truth, but they contain what we call the preponderance of evidence, and afford a basis for more thorough and impartial investigation.”20 His concerns seemed to be

with the enumerators (collectors) and analyzers of the data who might have had an agenda that

would alter or report the data to promote black inferiority and white superiority. Up to the

20 Emmett Wheaton, “The Social Status of the Negro in Toledo, Ohio,” (master’s thesis, University of Toledo, 1927), 32. 16

1920s, prevailing racist theories advanced by pseudo-scientists and historians like William

Dunning who trained social scientists to promote racial superiority when recording and analyzing data, gave Wheaton valid cause for concern. He explicitly expressed his skepticism about the data and its interpretations in official reports.

When the lions become painters and paint the picture, man will not always be shown as whipping the lion in every combat…When white investigators and statisticians constitute the judges, jurors, prosecutors, and witnesses, being consciously and unconsciously obsessed with the superiority complex of their race, the black litigant at the bar may never expect a decision only in terms of his basic and inherent inferiority.

Black funeral records could have been useful to Wheaton in addressing the above

concerns by providing additional material and an alternative source, which he could have used as

a cross-reference with the materials he obtained from the agencies, material whose accuracy he

questioned. The information found in the funeral records in some ways may have validated his

claims or confirmed the data reported in the other sources. Funeral records can be used as a tool

to answer his call for a more thorough and impartial investigation into the accuracy of the

information reported during that time period which might lead to a more accurate profile of the

black Toledo community.

Another earlier piece of research highlighting an aspect of black Toledo is John

Rinehart’s 1940 master’s thesis, “The Negro in a Congested Toledo Area.” He conducted

interviews for his study and additionally used surveys as his primary sources. Rinehart claimed

that there was little information in print or in manuscript form concerning the conditions of life

of the Negro population in Toledo. He asserted that with the “exception of the statistical data of

the census and other similar reports nothing else seemed to be available in print on black

Toledo.”21 Therefore the purpose of his study was “to bring forth more common facts

21John Rinehart, “The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area,” (master’s thesis, Bowling Green State University, 1940), 3. 17 concerning the Negro in Toledo,”22 specifically in regards to housing and economic conditions in

the 1930s. Although he did not identify the “other similar reports,” Funeral home records could

have been helpful to Rinehart in contesting data and interpretations in official records, as well as

in augmenting his study in several ways.

First the funeral home records could have provided more specific information about a

larger group of people than a single interviewee could not provide. Furthermore, this study was

limited to a single city block but could have been broadened beyond a city block if funeral

records were used because funeral homes service the community at large. Additionally, the

records could have enhanced his study in offering a more historical approach for studying the

development of the living conditions of blacks in Toledo over time, in order to see if their

conditions improved, worsened, or stayed the same, for this latter was one of the goals of his

research. Examining the records for such information as where the deceased migrated from,

where they lived in Toledo, their occupations, their cause of death, the cost of the funeral and

how it was paid for could have given Rinehart insight into the past and present conditions and/or

status of blacks in Toledo.

In 1972, thirty-two years after Rinehart’s thesis came out, Edrene B. Cole’s master’s

thesis “Blacks in Toledo: A Resource Unit for Elementary School Teachers,” was completed.

This resource was created to develop “black reference materials for presentation to the Afro-

American Resource Center of the Toledo Board of Education.” 23 This work was intended for

“teachers, social workers, history buffs or for community members [in order for them] to make

the content of social studies curriculum more relevant to black youth by highlighting Toledo’s

22 Rinehart, “The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area.,” 3. 23 Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 1. 18 black history.” 24 Cole focused mainly on organizations, businesses and structures in the black community, with vignettes on individuals and their occupations. Cole’s work, like other local histories, used conventional sources, complementing them with oral interviews and the notes of organizations in a large part of her work. Newspaper clippings and funeral records would have enhanced her study in many ways, specifically as a cross-reference and by providing additional categories of information. The funeral records contain such information as the pastors who eulogized the deceased, the name of the church attended by the deceased, as well as the names of the doctors that signed the death certificate and/or pronounced the cause of death. These records could have verified the information that the interviewees gave as well as provided additional information that the interviewees might not have known.

Cole’s work provides background information on black life in Toledo. She gives a list of

churches and the names and tenures of the pastors for each church. Her work includes a list of

the black businesses in Toledo as well as a list of black professionals. Funeral records could

provide insight into the community in an occupational way. Her list is only about three or four

pages long on a limited number of occupations, but by using funeral records, she could have had more of an extensive list because the occupations of the deceased were usually included in the funeral record. Moreover, her research or profile of the black community in Toledo would have been broadened if funeral home records were utilized.

Five years after Cole’s work was completed, Leroy T. Williams wrote his dissertation in

1977, “Black Toledo: Afro-Americans in Toledo, Ohio 1890-1930,” which will be thoroughly addressed in Chapter III. Williams addressed the issue that major works on the subject of Black

Toledo were limited. The paucity of scholarship on the formative years of Black Toledo, which he dates back to the 1890s, was surprising to him especially in light of the fact, as he pointed out,

24“Cole, Blacks in Toledo,” vi. 19 that Toledo was listed “thirty-third among the nation’s fifty principal cities and had a black population of around “1.3 percent or 1,077 of the city’s 81,434 residents.”25

The Wanzo funeral records, which will be analyzed in Chapter II, cover the later segment

of black Toledo’s formative years, which saw a rapid increase in the black population from 1910

to 1917—years corresponding to the period of the Great Migration of Blacks from rural areas in

the South to cities in the North and corroborated by statistics in the Wanzo funeral home reocrds.

This current study will contribute by providing an additional source of information on the

formative years of the black Toledo community.

The dissertation, “From Africatown to ‘Out Stickney’”: Reminiscences of a Toledo, Ohio

African-American Community, 1919-1960” by Kimberly Caldwell, is a pioneering work that

chronicles the history of black Stickney residents. She examined the history of the black

Toledoans who lived outside the central or, as she terms it, “nuclear” black Toledo community in

areas such as Stickney, Manhattan, Swanton, and Rossford. Her work “seeks to chronicle [only]

a portion of this extended black community.”26 However, she broadens her focus by examining the social interactions of Stickney residents and asserts that they interacted socially with other blacks who lived in other parts of the Toledo community. So although blacks migrated to specific enclaves around Toledo they remained a cohesive social unit. Caldwell implies that this was the case because of the fact that many people who migrated from the South came from segregated communities and “perhaps this contributed to the fact that although blacks worked with whites they sought no social interaction, nor affirmation from them.”27

25Williams, “Black Toledo,” 1. 26Kimberly Caldwell, “From Africatown to “Out Stickney”: Reminiscences of a Toledo, Ohio African- American Community, 1919-1960,” (PhD diss., Bowling Green State University, 2001), xxii. 27Ibid., 7. 20

This work is not concerned with the specifics of the Stickney community per-se.

However, the funeral records from which this research is drawn enhances Caldwell’s findings by

highlighting broader social connections between those blacks that lived “out Stickney” and those

blacks who resided in the central locations of Toledo. New data explored here is useful in

enhancing her work, showing that those residents who lived in Stickney attended church services

in certain locations, frequented hospitals in certain locations, saw specific physicians in certain

locations, were buried in certain locations, utilized Wanzo’s funeral services or had friends or

relatives that did – this information highlights the social cohesiveness of blacks from various

communities. The funeral records could also be useful as a cross-reference and a supplemental

reference to validate or show the street names where black Toledoans resided. The street

information could also help to broaden understanding of the communities that are referenced.

Although it might appear that this work exceeds the period parameters for the proposed

research project, Caldwell’s study is important because it is an oral history about a specific black

community in the Toledo area given by its former residents who provide insights into their local

community as well as the black community as a whole. Some of the interviewees talk about

Toledo during the early formative years before 1919. The Wanzo ledgers offer data that can be

used to document and refine the analysis of Caldwell’s oral interviews about that period. Funeral

records can complement memory. Furthermore, Caldwell’s work possesses “archival and

pictorial materials”28 that can be used as a cross-reference for some of the data recorded in the ledger books. For example, a 1913 class picture from Spring Elementary School in the Stickney community highlights black students in the community. Given that members of the community were serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home, the funeral records can provide complementary

28 Caldwell, “From Africatown to “Out Stickney, 11. 21 information to show addresses of people who were present in the community as well as their occupations, the cause of death, and other information.

After examining the above local histories on black Toledo, the tentative conclusion can

be made that these works used traditional sources as their primary method of information to

inform their studies/research. The histories are limited by the sources that were used. In their respective works on local history and archival sources, historians Carol Kammen and Linda

Shopes indicated likely shortfalls, when writing or reconstructing local histories, e.g., social bias

in recording and interpreting traditional sources. Kammen’s rallying cry and Shopes’ echo of

that cry, suggest the need to “expand beyond the traditional source base and find new ways to

use the materials that are extant in conventionally recognized archival collections and seek

additions to the archive of documents [in order to produce histories] that are more representative

of all people of the past.”29 To answer this cry, this study argues that by using funeral home

records as a supplement to the conventional sources used in previous studies, the data and

findings in them will be useful towards enhancing existing studies on black Toledo.

STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION

This dissertation is divided into four chapters: Chapter I offers an introduction to the

research by providing background information on the subject in addition to detailing the

significance of the research. This chapter also provides an introduction to the methodological

approach of the study. Additionally this chapter examines the evolution of local, state and federal funerary policy particularly focusing on policies through 1917. Furthermore, this chapter examines the formal, legal or extralegal stipulations of how the funerary process should operate, particularly in regards to the funeral embalmers and directors, especially how these policies

29Carol Kammen, On Doing Local History,2nd ed., (Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press, 2003), 43.

22 facilitated the record keeping process among funeral homes. Chapter II further discusses the methodology for this study in addition to detailing the type of information that can be found in the Wanzo-Dale-Riggs ledger books generally and the range of their dates. This chapter provides the quantitative components of the research, the data collection and the results section of the data analysis. Additionally, the chapter examines how the information found in the ledger books profiles the black community from 1912-1917. Chapter III discusses traditionally used sources such as oral histories and analyzes Leroy T. Williams’ dissertation for demonstrating how this analysis will indicate how local histories missed the opportunity that would have led to more comprehensively studying black local communities, particularly black Toledo, when they did not utilize funeral home records. Additionally, this chapter indicates how these records help to provide a more comprehensive history of black Toledo. Chapter IV will culminate with a suggestion for the reconstruction of the early history of black Toledo, summarizing and drawing conclusions based on the analysis of the information found in the ledger books and based on previous histories. This chapter will also provide vignettes of community members lives to help reconstruct the black Toledo community between 1912 and 1917.

PART II: FUNERARY POLICY AND RECORDKEEPING IN THE UNITED STATES

This half of the chapter will examine formal and informal policies for whether/how they

require the undertaking of the affairs of the deceased. Additionally, this section of the chapter

will explore various policies and funeral traditions for whether/how the policies/traditions

mandate that funeral homes keep detailed records on each of the deceased, which consequently

elucidate the role or influence of funerary policy and traditions, related not only to better understanding of the funeral home ledgers, which funeral director Elvin B. Wanzo and subsequent funeral directors preserved, as an archival resource that is accessible to historians and other researchers. This section of the research will show the path of development up to current practices, therefore present tense will be used in parts of this section when referring to present facts.

MORTUARY POLICY: AN OVERVIEW

Historians, archeologists, anthropologists, along with other scholars have traced funerary practices as far back as the ancient Egyptian civilization if not further. The funerary or mortuary practices of the ancient Egyptian civilization have been passed down to and adopted by other civilizations. For example, scholars have found that the ancient Egyptians implemented various body rituals and burial practices such as embalming,30 dry burial31and burial offerings to the

dead (allocating a great amount of expense for the dead). In addition, concern for the afterlife

and the soul was very important to the Egyptians so preservation of the body was essential.

Many of the same funerary rituals and practices were observed among funeral traditions in the

30 Embalming in modern terms is defined as: “The disinfection or preservation of the dead human body, entire or in part, by the use of chemical substance, embalmers fluid or gases on the body, or by the introduction of the same into the body, by either arterial or cavity embalming or by hypodermic injection of fluid ordinarily used for embalming.” A.L.H. Street, American Funeral Law, (Chicago: Trade Periodical Company,1920), 4. 31 “In dry burials, bodies were shrouded in course cloth and were laid upon beds of charcoal under six feet of sand on the edge of the great plain at Memphis, and above the reach of the flooding…the dry air and nitrous soil provided for their slow and inoffensive decomposition, and they were as well preserved from putrid decay as if they had been embalmed.” Habenstein and Lamers, The History of American Funeral Directing, 11. 24

United States throughout several periods of US history and currently can be seen in the contemporary burial practices and preservation techniques of funeral professionals32 in the US

today.

Robert Habenstein and William Lamers support the above statement in the following

statement from their book on the history of funerals, The History of American Funeral Directing;

“American funerary practice stems from the Christian tradition…in turn the rudiments of the

Christian funeral outlook are in the main derived from Hebrew religious and ethical

concepts…these again are influenced by the death beliefs and mortuary practices of the early

Egyptians and other ancient civilizations.” 33 While Egyptian funerary religious and preservation

customs were passed on from civilization to civilization and their influence is evident on US

funerary practices, so too were public health concerns in regards to the disposal of the dead and

the decomposition of the bodies of the dead. The following quote reinforces that point:

Combined with the religious motive, the concern of the ancient Egyptians for the proper disposal of the dead had some kind of sanitary purpose… dry burial [was sometimes used] to keep the products of putrefaction from seeping into the soil and thus generating plague[s]…dry burial…was a cheaper form of embalming available to the Egyptian masses… the people of Egypt felt themselves continually menaced by some great epidemic scourge and took precautions accordingly. 34

In the above quote Lamers and Habenstein, the foremost scholars on the history of American

funeral directing (most if not all funeral directors are familiar with their work and have had to

read their work), refer to the Egyptian’s concern for public health and certain precautionary

measures that were put in place in order to prevent any public health epidemics. The Egyptian

influence on US funerary practices and sanitary conditions can be seen in the way the United

32 “Funeral Service Licensees are known by several titles…funeral director, undertaker, mortician, embalmer, mortuary science licensee and mortuary science practitioner.” George Tolson et. al., “Funeral Director’s Handbook on Death Registration and Fetal Death Reporting 2003 revision,” US Department of Health and Human Services Centers for Disease Control and Prevention National Center for Health Statistics, (2004), iii. http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/misc/hb_fun.pdf. 33Habenstein and Lamers, The History of American Funeral Directing, 6. 34 Ibid., 11-12 25

States became concerned with public health issues towards the late 1800s and early 1900s that would have a profound effect on policy implementations surrounding the funeral industry, which would lead to a series of processes that would require a more stringent type of recordkeeping on the deceased by requiring funeral homes to file death certificates and apply for burial permits.

The public health policy concerns (and the policy implementation because of those concerns) produced a unique set of archival materials that are integral to this study, as it pertains to reconstructing aspects of the formative years of black Toledo from 1912-1917. The questions that the study addresses in regards to policy are: To what extent does the keeping of funeral home records derive from established government policies, specifically funerary policies? Why were these funeral records taken and preserved at Wanzo funeral home? What is the history of

funerary policy that is pertinent to keeping data on the deceased? When was it established and at

what government levels (e.g., federal, state, local)? What role did government policy including

funerary policy, health and registration policy, customary and statutory, play in the keeping of

these records? How did the Wanzo Funeral Home conform to the funerary policy? Do other

funeral homes keep ledger books? How has funeral policy facilitated and/or permitted a funeral

home to become an archive?

This study asserts that death certificate and burial certificate applications submitted by

funeral directors, as prescribed by government/funerary policy, influenced the keeping of funeral

records within the funeral industry in the United States. Moreover, this work will examine the

function of government policy, specifically Ohio funerary policy, on influencing record keeping

that ultimately produced an archival source.

In order to understand the development of formal and informal funerary policy and its

influence on record keeping amongst funeral homes, it is important to first examine the origins of 26 funerary or mortuary policy as a whole. To do this it is necessary to examine the laws or statutes that were formed in regards to the funeral industry. To facilitate a better understanding of the development of the legal system/the law in the United States, a brief overview of its history in general is appropriate in order to establish the influence/origins of the law on mortuary policy.

Generally defined, Law, according to Thomas Stueve, a former Law Professor at The

Cincinnati College of Mortuary Science, in the book Mortuary Law, “is the body of rules of conduct and action prescribed and enforced by the governing authority for the practical function and protection of organized society.”35 Essentially the quote characterizes Law as policies that are formed and enacted for the purpose of keeping society functioning in an orderly, progressive manner as well as to protect the public.

To understand the origins of mortuary law or funerary policy in the US, it is important to

provide a brief synopsis of the historical basis of various legal systems and laws to see how they

influenced the system of law in the United States. Professor Stueve identified six legal systems

of historical importance which are as follows: “The Law of the Sea or admiralty, the Torah or

Talmudic law, [Islamic (Sharia) Law], Roman law, Canon law, Code Napoleon, [and] Anglo-

American common law.” 36 These systems form the foundation for the law of various nations.

Law can be broken down into three main categories: civil, common and religious law. In an article published by The Federal Judicial Center of the United States, James G. Apple, Chief,

Inter-judicial Affairs Office Federal Judicial System, and Robert P. Deyling, Judicial Fellow

Administrative Office of the US Courts, established the definitions and historical significance of the civil and common law systems on various nations including the US, the definitions are as follows:

35 Thomas Stueve, Mortuary Law, 7th ed., (Cincinnati: Cincinnati Foundation for Mortuary Education, 1984), 1. 36 Ibid., 2. 27

Civil law is a codified group of laws influenced by Roman law or Justinian law…Corpus Juris Civilis furnished many of the substantive rules of law contained in the forerunners of major legal codes of European countries… the civil law system has comprehensive legal codes often developed from a single drafting event. Common Law countries have statutes in those areas sometimes collected into codes, they have been derived more from an ad hoc process over many years. Codes in common law countries very often reflect rules made through Judicial Decisions (statutory embodiment of rules developed through the judicial decision making process)37

Apple and Deyling established that the foundation of the United States’ legal system was founded on British common law, which had its beginnings in Britain around 1210 to

1260.38

Because of the variations of laws---which could have an effect on how mortuary policies are formed and adapted---could lead to different mortuary policies in various countries, the law that will be addressed for this particular study derived mainly from Anglo-American common law. Traditionally, funerary policy has been the main concern of public health officials, legislators and individuals involved or affiliated with the funeral industry, such as funeral directors or undertakers, and have not been of particular concern to, or the theme of major investigation by historians. Mortuary law, which is also referred to as mortuary jurisprudence, as Stueve asserts, is often called a subject of extensive scope. He defines mortuary law as being a “distinct branch of the law which treats the rules of conduct and action governing the mortician in his [her] legal relation.”39 He goes on to further elaborate on the definition of mortuary law by stating the following:

They are the rules of law appertaining to the mortician as distinguished from those rules of law to which he [she] is amenable, as a citizen and person, in common with all members of society.

37 For more information on the history of the legal system please refer to this article. James G. Apple and Robert P. Deyling, “A Primer on the Civil-Law System,” prepared and published by the Federal Judicial Center, 1- 38. http://www.fjc.gov/public/pdf.nsf/lookup/CivilLaw.pdf/$file/CivilLaw.pdf. 38 British Common Law can be traced back to the following: “Although Ancient Greece had a procedure somewhat analogous to the modern jury system, the true origin of that system was in medieval France and was connected with royal power. The system originated with Frankish kings, who from time to time ordered a group of men…to declare, after being sworn in, what lands were owned by the king in the district and what rights he had or ought to have there. This procedure was often used as a substitute for trial by battle or ordeal.” Apple and Deyling, “A Primer on the Civil-Law System,” The Federal Judicial Center, 33. http://www.fjc.gov/public/pdf.nsf/lookup/CivilLaw.pdf/$file/CivilLaw.pdf. 39 Stueve, Mortuary Law, 1. 28

Mortuary law is specifically the study of those branches of the law which peculiarly relate to matters growing out of and concerned with the disposal of the dead. Mortuary law, or mortuary jurisprudence, may also be broadly defined as mortuary service in relation to the law; mortuary service being the science or art of disposing of the dead.40

Stueve establishes that historically the general rules and principles of mortuary law are

essentially the rules and principles surrounding the disposing of the dead, that were formulated

by members of society, as deemed necessary by society, in order to regulate and direct the

actions and conduct of the ones responsible for the undertaking of the dead. He concluded that

mortuary law was essentially formulated by court decisions and/or by state and local legislative

bodies in the form of statutes and ordinances. The states have primary authority in regards to

establishing mortuary law although there are federal laws and decisions that exist in regards to

mortuary law however they are limited in breadth and scope. Therefore funerary policy is

formulated at the federal, state, and local levels with the majority of the policies stemming from state and local governments. 41

According to Stueve, the principle source of funerary policy is provided by the statutes

and ordinances adopted by various representative bodies. Using his definition, a statute is a

decision or law made by the state assembly. Conversely, an ordinance is a decision or law made

by local units of the state such as a municipal council, like the city council. These laws and

ordinances are derived from what Stueve defines as the exercise of the police power by the

legislature.42 The following quote defines what is meant by the police power of the legislature:

The inherent right of every sovereignty to pass laws regulating and restraining private rights for the general welfare, health, and security. It is the power the people have to guard the…health and welfare and to promote the common good. If the purpose or policy of a statute relating to mortuary practice is to promote an end necessary for the welfare, safety or health of the public then each statute will be upheld by the courts as a constitutional exercise of the police power. Laws regulating mortuary practice are upheld on this ground.43

40 Stueve, Mortuary Law, 1. 41 Ibid., 2. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 29

The above quote states that laws can be made by the state legislature in order to protect the health and welfare of the citizens living within in the state and/or locality. In addition, as stated earlier in the chapter, many of the principles and rules of mortuary law are expressed in the decisions of the court. “The written expressions of mortuary law are found in the published laws of the several states, the municipalities, and in the reported court decisions, state and federal.”44

In the 1909 case, Wyeth v. Board of Health, the decision was made that “under the police power

a state legislature has the right to regulate and fully control all matters relating to the dead which

affect public health and safety.”45 Furthermore, in a 1934 Supreme Court decision, People v.

Supreme Court, 505, 89 A.L.R. 1469, it was decided that “The legislature can properly determine that undertakers bear such a relation to public health and welfare that they should be subject to regulations and license…We sustain the authority of the legislature to pass a statute to license and regulate the business of undertakers to protect the health, morals, and general welfare of the state…”46 What is not expressed in the statutes or ordinances in regards to mortuary law

is determined by Common law. “The Common law consists of those maxims, principles, forms,

of judicial proceedings founded upon the laws of nature and the dictates of reason which by

custom and usage have become interwoven with the written law. In theory if fills all gaps in the

legal system.”47

There is no uniform state and local funerary policy across all states, although there are many similarities in policies in most states. Each state determines its own policies:

Moreover, legislative bodies do not attempt to pass uniform legislation because of the different conditions prevailing among the several states…[do] not consider the rules of mortuary law universal in application despite the similarity which may exist among the laws, ordinances, and decisions of the several states. Local conditions are often a vital factor in the formation of the law,

44Stueve, Mortuary Law, 225. 45Ibid., 3. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid., 4. 30

particularly with respect to the regulation of sanitation in disposing of the dead and the rules and regulations governing licensing and supervision of morticians and funeral homes.48

Laws might be slightly different in many states and localities for various reasons. Issues

that plague one state do not necessarily plague another and this is no different when it

comes to funerary policies. Laws also change in various states and localities for many

reasons. As Professor Stueve so aptly puts it “the law is not static…ever seeking to keep

pace with the demands of reality…Law changes in conformity with social progress.” 49

The preceding paragraphs addressed the topic of state and local mortuary laws but did not

address federal mortuary policies. Before 1970, federal laws and regulations pertaining to

funeral directors were the same laws that other professionals were facing as well, for example,

“tax and minimum wage laws, social security, veterans and armed forces entitlements.”50 In

1970 the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) was passed by Congress which added a federal policy component to the funeral industry, which had more of an effect on the industry after 1988 with formaldehyde exposure and protection against blood-borne pathogen

regulations.51 The main federal law that regulates funeral providers is the Federal Trade

Commission Rule (FTC) which took effect on April 30, 1984 according to Frank Rosenaker,

J.D., in Mortuary Law. These laws were not in existence at the time Elvin B. Wanzo was practicing however this information provides insights into the scope of Federal laws that direct the funeral industry and the influence of customary laws and practices on Federal laws that were established. The FTC rule governs all providers of funeral service merchandise and services.

The purpose of this rule is to provide detailed information to the consumer which includes a price list, an itemization of charges, and mandatory statements that do not mislead the client.

48 Stueve, Mortuary Law, 5. 49 Ibid. 50 “The American Funeral,” (Paper National Funeral Directors Association Research and Information Department, Brookfield, WI, October 2001), 18. 51 Ibid. 31

The FTC rules require that each funeral director follow certain procedures in regards to recordkeeping which are as follows: “You must keep price lists for at least one year from the date you last distributed them to customers. You must keep a copy of each completed Statement of Funeral Goods and Services Selected for at least one year from the date of arrangements conference. You must make these documents available for inspection by FTC representatives upon request.”52

The FTC does require recordkeeping amongst funeral homes. It was stated by

Rosenacker that the recordkeeping requirement by the FTC as detailed above “should place no

additional problem on funeral directors because they are known for keeping detailed information

concerning past funerals.”53 This statement is important because it helps to support the fact that

traditionally funeral directors as a whole have kept detailed records concerning the deceased and

business related to the deceased for many years, whether or not the recordkeeping was mandated

by law, tradition, or good business practices. It demonstrates that funerary records did not come

about with the FTC rule, they preceded the federal regulations. Another supporting statement on

funeral directors and their recordkeeping can be found in the ledger books themselves, the

American Funeral Record Book: an Information and Cost Ledger for Funeral Directors, published and sold by F.J. Feineman Company since the late 1800s, on the front page of the book contains introductory information to the ledger which lends support the aforesaid statements on recordkeeping:

This ledger book enables the Funeral Director to record all the cost of the goods and services used in a Funeral Service as well as the complete informational background on the deceased on a single page. It is invaluable as a historical ledger where the complete funeral information can be obtained easily and rapidly. Some Funeral Directors have used this Ledger and its periodically

52 Federal Trade Commission,” Complying with the Funeral Rule,” (June 2004), 29. 53 Stueve, Mortuary Law, 154. 32

upgraded printings for over 70 years…This ledger has been revised to assist the Funeral Director in complying with recent rulings by the Federal Trade Commission.54

The aforementioned statements pertain particularly to funerary records, which are different from

business records that funeral homes keep in relation to business operations (e.g. overhead, payroll, income, expenses, etc.) these records are specifically related to the deceased. This allows funeral homes a certain uniqueness in regards to funerary records that is unlike any other business.

“Funerals: A Consumer’s Guide to Understanding Why They Are Important and How to

Make Them Meaningful” by Alan D, Wolfelt, estimated that there were about 23,000 funeral homes in the United States as of 2001. The Red book: The National Directory of Morticians, estimated in 2010 there were 20,038 funeral homes in the US.55 “Many of them [funeral homes] have been run by the same family for generations.”56 And each of these funeral homes is

required to keep certain records for a designated amount of time. Since many of these funeral

homes are generationally owned this can lend to continuity in regards to recordkeeping and

record preservation, which allows them to be very valuable to historians and other scholars.

With that said, if recordkeeping preceded the FTC Rule of 1984 why did funeral directors have a

long history, as stated earlier, of keeping records on the deceased? Did state and local laws

require them to keep such records? The next section will examine the policies and regulations

that influenced/mandated this type of recordkeeping amongst funeral homes.

54 American Funeral Record Book: An Information and Cost Ledger for Funeral Directors, N0. 4300-F, Revision 1, (San Jose:F.J. Feineman Co.), 1. 55 The Red Book: The National Directory of Morticians online directory, accessed May 18, 2010, http://www.funeral-dir.com/directory/search.aspx. 56 Alan D. Wolfelt, Funerals A Consumer’s Guide to Understanding Why They Are Important and How to Make Them Meaningful, Batesville, 2001, 9. 33

PUBLIC HEALTH, VITAL STATISTICS AND RECORDKEEPING

Throughout history those affiliated with undertaking or “the laying out of the dead,” the minister, warden or sexton, undertaker, etc., have been the gatekeepers of information in the sense that they have provided some type of record in relation to death and burial proceedings. In

The History of American Funeral Directing, a funeral record from 1784, in the form of a bill, demonstrates different funeral tasks, which included information on the deceased such as the

person’s name and date of service.57 Alice Hetzel who wrote about the history of the Vital

Statistics organization noted that death records of some sort were kept by the early American colonies. Scholars have noted that sources like John Winthrop’s journal, clergy lists of parish dead and burial returns by cemetery sextons made to town officers are just a few examples of where such early records can be found. One of the reasons for these early recordings of death, according to Hetzel was believed to be a result of the many cases of contagious diseases such as cholera, dysentery, typhoid fever, yellow fever, smallpox, in addition to other infectious diseases, along with starvation, that devastated many of the British North American mainland colonies and threatened their existence.58

Consequently, the concept of keeping some type of record on the deceased was not a novel concept for funeral directors in the early 1900s and during more contemporary periods, however what was its origin? In order to fully understand why records on the deceased have been kept by funeral directors, especially during the early 1900s in America, it is important to provide a brief overview on the history of the registration and vital statistics system.

Additionally, it is also important to provide information on the role of public health so as to

57 Habenstein and Lamers, The History of American Funeral Directing, 238. 58 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, Reprint, 45. 34 examine the influence these systems and institutions had on funerary policy in the United States and ultimately on recordkeeping amongst funeral directors on the deceased.

As mentioned earlier many of the funerary customs and practices were passed down or taken from the ancient Egyptians. The Ancient Egyptians were concerned with public health, one of the many reasons why they chose to embalm or use the dry burial method, likewise the

US developed similar concerns over public health particularly during the Progressive Era. The registration and vital statistics system was born out of many Progressive Era reforms, especially dealing with public sanitation and health, along with medicine’s push to keep statistics on persons in the country for medical purposes. The US Constitution made provisions for a decennial census, but the Constitution did not provide for a national vital registration system.

Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution states:

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers . . . The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct.59

According to Hetzel, “The need for vital statistics was unrecognized when the Constitution was framed and the vital records and statistics system developed originally not as a national undertaking [like the decennial census for Congressional representation purposes] but first as a local, then as a State function.”60 Vital statistics developed at these levels based on State and

local needs. It is necessary to understand the differences between the census and vital records

and statistics system in order to understand the history of the vital statistics system, why both are

important and why the vital statistics system developed after the decennial census. This is

essential to understanding the vital statistics system’s impact on funerary policy in regards to

59 US Code, United States Constitution, Law Revision Council of the US House of Representatives, updated September 20, 2004, http://house.gov/house/Contsitution/Constitution.html. US Census Bureau History. http://www.census.gov/history/www/programs/demographic/decennial_census.html. 60 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 44 35 recordkeeping on the deceased. The statement below defines the difference between the two systems.

Between census and vital statistics they supplement and enrich each other in practice [however] there are two essential differences. First the census is based on enumeration—a periodic count of the population and its characteristics made by canvassers in house to house interviews; vital statistics, on the other hand are derived from vital records which record events that occur to individuals. The second difference is that the census is decennial; vital records are made continuously as events occur. 61

The history of the registration of vital occurrences such as births, marriages, and deaths in

the United States stretches back to the North American British mainland colonies. According to

a report written by Alice Hetzel for the National Center of Health Statistics, recordkeeping for

the early British settlers was not a foreign concept, they were familiar with registering marriages,

christenings and burials, it was something they were required to do in England, which had its

beginnings around 1538. This date marked the beginning of the requirements for clergy in all

parishes in England to keep a weekly record of all events. These traditions were passed on to the

British North American mainland colonies and registration laws were enacted within various

colonies like the Virginia colony, the Grand Assembly of Virginia in 1632, required the clergy

from each parish to appear in front of the Court, on June 1st, and present a record of traditional

events recorded by the church, such as marriages, christenings, burials, amongst other events.,

for the year. The Virginia law was directed more towards church related events and the onus

was on the clergy or church officials to record and report the information.62

Furthermore other colonies like the Massachusetts Bay Colony, enacted registration laws,

the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1639 required the recording of vital

events such as births, deaths, and marriages, but not religious ceremonies, “it is therefore by this

Court ordered and decreed by hence forward every judgment, with all the evidence, be recorded

61Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 44. 62Ibid., 44. 36 in a book, to be kept to posterity,…that there be records… of every marriage, birth, and death of every person within this jurisdiction.”63 Unlike the Virginia law the Massachusetts Bay Colony placed the responsibility for the registration of these vital events on government officials not on church officials. Initially, neither colony used vital records for health purposes or for any real statistical purposes.64 According to Hetzel however, the records were regarded as statements of

fact essential to the protection of individual rights, especially those relating to the ownership and

distribution of property. “Thus, at the basis of the vital registration was the principle that the

records are legal statements of fact that help assure the rights of individuals…authentic evidence

was essential to the just administration of the law.”65 This form of vital event recordkeeping for

business and legal concerns would be past down to later generations.

Massachusetts as well as other colonies continually reformed registration laws in order to

strengthen them, for example, in 1644 and then again in 1692 Massachusetts expanded its laws

to include a fine be placed upon individuals that did not report vital information, in addition to

giving town clerks the power to: collect money (three pence) from close relatives for every birth

or death; and charge (sixpence) for a certificate of birth or death. Although there were revisions

to registration laws, the laws were not effective or far reaching geographically. Hetzel asserts

that only a small number of cities and localities actually sustained an active registration and no

registration system encompassed the entire state or regional area. The push for an all

encompassing registration system would come years later.66

63 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint 44. 64 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States: Preparing for the Next Century” Population Index 61 no. 4 Office of Population Research Princeton University. (winter 1995)527-539. http://popindex.princeton.edu/Articles/Weed. htm 65 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 45. 66Ibid. 37

The drive for using vital records as the foundation of a public health data system developed after statisticians and medical professionals came to the understanding that records of births and deaths, principally records of deaths by cause of death, “could provide information needed for the control of epidemics and the conservation of human life through sanitary reform.”67 In England, for example, towards the end of the 1500s “bills of mortality,” which

listed the age and death of the deceased were kept for over a century, according to the Hetzel

publication, before an attempt was made to examine the records. The push to analyze the records

for public health benefits came about after the bubonic plague epidemic spread throughout

London. Scholars have traced the modern basis for vital statistics back to a 1662 publication,

entitled “Natural and Political Observations in a Following Index, and Made Upon the Bills of

Mortality,” by John Graunt. He surmised that “vital events often follow regular patterns.”68 For

example he was able to analyze the records to find certain trends like birthrates according to sex

and mortality rates towards the beginning of life.

This type of analysis concerning information that could be gathered about a population

from vital statistics stimulated further research among other scholars in various parts of the

world. According to Hetzel, in New England in 1721 clergyman Cotton Mather used death

records for statistical purposes during a severe smallpox epidemic, he noted from the records that

among those who were inoculated only one in sixty died but among those who were not, one in

six died.69 This push and investigation into using vital information for statistics research, along

with the spreading of infectious disease like the yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia and

Baltimore during the late 1700s, caused both cities to be the first to establish local boards of

67 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 68 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 45. 68 Ibid., 45-46. 69 Ibid., 45. 38 health to manage the yellow fever epidemic in their respective cities. In 1792 Massachusetts enacted the first State law authorizing the creation of local health boards and in the city of

Baltimore death records were collected and compiled by the health department since 1797, in spite of the fact that death certificates were not required by state law until 1875.70

Moreover, the Industrial Revolution had a profound effect on the development of the registration and vital statistics system. As a result of the Industrial Revolution and the effects of rapid urbanization, the overcrowding of cities and the deterioration of social and living conditions, many reform movements in large US cities were sparked during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Many of the reforms addressed issues of sanitation, health, and public safety.

The quote below, taken from an article on the invention of modern medicine, sheds further light on the above statement.

After 1831 there was a sudden increase of interest throughout Europe and America in the whole problem of public hygiene. Fear now combined with humanitarianism to demand investigations, cleanups, and general sanitary reform...further invasions of cholera, supplemented by occasional outbreaks of yellow fever, typhoid, typhus, and smallpox, terrified authorities into renewed activity…In these circumstances is to be found the genesis of the modern public health movement.71

Public health reformers began to link general sanitary reform with the ability to control

epidemics of disease. Those concerned with sanitation reform such as medical professionals,

statisticians, and government officials used death statistics to make the public aware of the need

for improved sanitation. 72

According to Hetzel’s report on the history of vital statistics and registration system in the US during the 1800s, the English-speaking world lagged behind in vital registration. The regions in which deaths and births were routinely registered such as France, Belgium, Austria,

Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Scandinavian countries including Finland, covered approximately 80

70 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 45-46. 71 Ibid., 46. 72 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 39 million people, about one-tenth of the world’s population. Cities in the US such as Boston, New

York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans, containing only six percent of the United

States’ population, were the five cities in the US where deaths and births were recorded. It was

not until the works of public health reformers in England, like Edwin Chadwick (1800–1890),

Secretary of the Poor Law Inquiry Commission, and Dr. William Farr (1807–1883), a medical

statistician and compiler of abstracts for the Register Office, and in the US, Lemuel Shattuck

(1793–1859), founding member of the American Statistical Association, insisted on more

accurate statistics through effective registration practices and laws, that the public health

organization and practice, including the recording of vital statistics, significantly developed in

the more dominant English speaking regions of the world.73 “Thus, the history of public health is largely the history of vital registration and statistics.”74

In the United States, Shattuck was the primary advancer of a law in Massachusetts that

required central state filing, standard forms, fees and penalties, placed the responsibility of each

kind of records on designated officials, among other requirements.75

In 1850 the Shattuck Report, “Report of the Sanitary Commission of Massachusetts,”

referred to as “one of the most significant single documents in the history of public health” by

bacteriologist and public health expert Charles Edward Armory Winslow, was released providing

fifty recommendations including the creation of a state board of health, whose program was to be

based on complete vital statistics and registration. However twenty years passed before

Massachusetts adopted this as its health department law.

The American Medical Association (AMA), founded in 1847,76 was also very influential in pushing for more registration and vital statistics laws. The National Medical Convention,

73 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 46. 74 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 75 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 46. 40 which became the AMA in 1846, became interested in registration and created a committee to improve registration of marriages, births and deaths. A year later they addressed the State legislatures on the need for registration laws. Many physicians also realized the grave problem of diseases and poor sanitary conditions on the main populace and how the collection of vital statistics could be helpful to prevent future outbreaks through the ability to see what people were being infected with, the volumes of people that were being infected, and those who died as a result of their infection/disease. In1855 the AMA adopted a resolution to try to improve the sanitary conditions of many cities. The resolution is as follows:

Resolved, That the members of the medical profession throughout the Union be urgently requested to take immediate and concerted action for petitioning their several legislative bodies to establish offices for the collection of vital statistics...Resolved that a committee of one from each State be appointed to report upon a uniform system of registration of marriages, births, and deaths.77

It was believed that this action was taken as a result of the high death rates in many US cities, for

example, in Chicago the rate of death by typhoid fever was 175.1 per 100,000.78 Additionally, a

number of physicians, around the Civil War period, particularly John Shaw Billings, Medical

Statistician of the Army of the Potomac, became interested in public health because he saw

disease as being more lethal than the opposing army during the Civil War. After the war,

Billings as well as others were drawn to the public health arena. 79

Massachusetts was the leader in health reform through its enactment of a comprehensive

State health law which was heavily influenced and modeled after the Shattuck report.

Subsequently, the District of Columbia, California, and Virginia enacted similar legislation by

1872. “Thus began the period of rapid growth in state health organization which in most

76 “The Founding of the AMA,” American Medical Association Webpage. accessed June 20,1010, http://www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/about-ama/our-history/the-founding-of-ama.shtml. 77 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 49. 78 Ibid. 79 Ibid. 41 instances was to include registration and vital statistics as regular health department function.”80

Also in 1872 a group of physicians developed the American Public Health Association (APHA) which pushed for a public health program which encompassed sanitary reform and strong vital statistics as its principal entities. In 1879, after a catastrophic yellow fever outbreak in the South,

Congress passed the National Board of Health, which was based largely off the plans of the

APHA. The National Board of Health and the Marine Hospital Service (later the US Public

Health Service) encouraged uniformity in registration procedures and published mortality summaries from cities able to supply information from vital records. John Shaw Billings, former

Medical Statistician of the Army of the Potomac, became chairman of the National Board of

Health Committee on Vital Statistics and was placed in charge of the 1880 census on mortality.81

To obtain national data on births, deaths, etc., before a registration and vital statistic

system was put in place, the decennial censuses in the latter half of the nineteenth century

included questions about vital events, such as: "Born within the year," "Married within the year,"

and "Disease, if died within the year."82 Physicians were also supplied with books of blank forms, later known as death certificates, and were requested to fill out a form for each death they attended. The books were then collected by the census takers and were used to obtain information on additional deaths. All these procedures were implemented by Billings.83

In 1880 the census withdrew mortality schedules and accepted registration records from

any areas having records in satisfactory condition. One reason for the withdrawal was the fact

that until 1900, census enumerators collected information on births and deaths, however, the time

that elapsed between the occurrence of a birth or death and the census enumeration, many reports

80 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 49. 81 Ibid. 82 “Vital Statistics,” Encyclopedia of Public Health, Ed. Lester Breslow, Gale Cengage, 2002, enotes.com 2006. http://www.enotes.com/public-health-encyclopedia/vital-statistics.. 83 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics, reprint, 50. 42 were inaccurate and incomplete. According to Hetzel, the first three census counts of death

(1850, 1860, 1870 censuses) were faulty and insufficient/deficient, the count had fallen short of actual number of deaths by 40 percent.84 The 1880 census demonstrated that “the laws governing death registration, the degree of enforcement of such laws, and the manner of obtaining and recording data were so varied that the process of these records by the census office was difficult and subject to considerable error.”85 The census office pushed for national

uniformity in registration forms, such as death certificates, and procedures. Therefore in the

1890 census, the Census Bureau recommended some type of form, such as a death certificate, be

used in order to obtain better and more uniform data.86

In 1900 the death registration areas included only ten states, the nation’s capitol, and a

few cities located in non-registration states. “The registration area in 1900 included 40.5 percent

of the population of the continental US. The original registration areas were predominantly

urban and characterized by a high proportion of whites.” 87 This information is important because it lends credence to the argument that minority populations and underrepresented

communities were oftentimes not counted/included in the statistics during the formative years of

the vital statistics and registration system (1890-1930). For this reason, funerary records are very

useful in documenting what official government records did not.

On January 1, 1900, it was recommended by the Census Bureau for all areas to adopt a

death reporting form (the first "US Standard Certificate of Death"). Twelve states adopted the

form completely, six states and Washington, DC had adopted only parts of it and seventy-one

84 Hetzel. History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 50. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid., 50-51. 87 Ibid., 57. 43 major cities in various states adopted the form in its entirety or with revisions.88 Those areas that adopted the form and whose death registration was ninety percent complete were to be included in a national death-registration area that had been established in 1880.89

In 1902 the Bureau of the Census became a permanent agency of the federal government.

Annually, the bureau was allowed to obtain copies of records filed in the vital statistics offices of

localities that had adequate death registration systems. Ten states and cities provided death

records to the Census Bureau in 1902. According to the Encyclopedia on Public Health this

marked the beginning of the National Vital Statistics System. By 1902 many states had not

enacted laws requiring the registration of deaths additionally existing laws were inadequately

enforced in many states. In the same year, the Bureau of the Census completely abandoned the

procedure of trying to obtain mortality information by census counts and relied completely upon

registration records. Over many years laws to collect death and birth information were adopted

by every state in the United States.90

Massachusetts and New Jersey by 1880 had death registration and all states in the US by

1933 were registering live births and deaths and providing the required information.91 In

subsequent years (in 1946) the responsibility for collecting and publishing vital statistics information transferred from the Census Bureau to the United States Public Health Service. At this point it was established that the registration and vital statistics system was closely linked to the development of public health organization and practice. 92

88 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics, reprint, 57. 89 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 90 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 52. 91 “Vital Statistics,” Encyclopedia of Public Health, Ed. Lester Breslow, Gale Cengage, 2002, enotes.com 2006. 92 In 1915 the national birth-registration area was established and in 1946 the responsibility for collecting and publishing vital statistics was transferred from the Census Bureau to the US Public Health Service, first in the National Office of Vital Statistics and later (1960) in the National Center of Health Statistics (NCHS). In 1987 44

The push for public health and sanitation reform ultimately led to the development of the

National Registration and Vital Statistics System. In effect these reforms required a uniform form, known as the death certificate, to be used to record all deaths in the US, which ultimately led to the establishment of a codified system of laws nationally and locally surrounding the registration of the dead and the reporting of vital statistics. This transformational policy had a profound impact on the funerary industry and policy, particularly on funeral directors.

As mentioned earlier in this chapter, physicians were supplied with death certificates and were requested to fill out a form for each death they attended and how the books were then collected by the census takers and were used to obtain information on additional deaths.

However, there was no mention of the role funeral directors assumed in the processing of death certificates or how they became involved in the registration process. The next section examines how the development of the vital statistics and registration system impacted funerary policy, placing a particular responsibility on funeral home directors and funeral homes, which ultimately led the funeral home to formally and informally adopt a policy of keeping records on the deceased/decedents which subsequently, yet unintentionally, led to an archival resource for historians and other scholars.

FUNERAL DIRECTORS AND FUNERARY POLICY IN OHIO

This section will examine how funerary policy developed over time. Certain practices exist today but oftentimes people seldom ask how these policies came into existence. The

National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) in the US is based on a coordinated effort between separate local, state and federal agencies. According to the report on the history of the NVSS,

“The legal responsibilities for the registration and preservation of vital records are laid upon

NCHS became part of the Center for Disease Control. “Vital Statistics,” Encyclopedia of Public Health, Ed. Lester Breslow, Gale Cengage, 2002, enotes.com 2006.

45 private citizens and upon officials at all levels of government… the Responsibility for statistical services also is laid by law upon agencies of government at all three levels.” 93 However, by law

each state has the authority for the registration of deaths, including fetal deaths, and induced

termination of pregnancy. The registration system is comprised of fifty-seven registration areas

which include the fifty states, such localities as New York City and Washington, DC, and the US

territories---Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, and the Commonwealth of

the Northern Marianas which also have legal authority for vital registrations.94 “The states are the full legal proprietors of the vital statistics records and the information contained therein, and are responsible for maintaining registries according to state law, and issuing copies of death certificates. The civil laws of every state provide for a continuous, permanent, and compulsory vital registration system.”95 To make the collection of vital records easier, the registration

offices in most states are broken down geographically into local registration districts, which

could encompass any of the following: village, town, township, city, county or other geographic

area. However, by law some states vital records are sent directly to the state’s vital statistics

office by the reporting source (i.e. funeral director, physician, etc.).96

The original copy of each vital record is filed within each state and is stored according to

state regulations or customs. It is important that state and federal governmental entities

cooperate with each other in order for the federal government to obtain registration based vital

statistics from each state, since the authority for the collection of vital information is the

responsibility of the states.97 After 1987, when the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS)

93 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 63. 94 George Tolson et al., “Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 9. 95 James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 96 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 65. 97 “Since the late 1970s, that relationship has included a formal arrangement called the Vital Statistics Cooperative Program (VSCP). Under the VSCP, the Federal Government, acting through its agent, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), partially supports state costs of producing vital statistics through a contract 46 became part of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the CDC and NCHS maintain a contract with each state that permits the federal government to use information from the state’s records for the purpose of producing national vital statistics. At the national level, the

Center for Disease Control and the National Center for Health Statistics oversees the administration of vital statistics functions.98

The effectiveness of each state’s registration system depends on the entities preparing and certifying the required data needed for the records. The collection of vital records and reports originates with private citizens—members of the families affected by the events, their physicians, funeral directors, etc. “By law, the registration of deaths is the direct responsibility of the funeral director, or persons acting as such…The responsibilities of these individuals are defined in state laws, and penalties for noncompliance are also provided by statute.” 99 The responsibility of completing and filing the death certificate falls on the funeral director or persons acting in that capacity. “This responsibility makes the funeral director the anchor of the country’s death registration system.”100 In general the duties of the funeral director are as

follows:

Complete…every item on the death certificate; obtain the cause of death information and certification statement from the attending physician or medical examiner or coroner; secure the signature of the one pronouncing death on the certificate, and review the certificate with completeness and accuracy; file the certificate with the proper state or local official within the time specified in the vital statistics laws of the state; notify the medical examiner or coroner of any death that is believed to have been due to an accident, suicide, or homicide or to have occurred without medical attendance, unless this has already been done by the pronouncing or certifying physician or the police; obtain and use all necessary permits and other forms associated with the death registration system; cooperate with state and local registrars concerning queries on certificates entries; cooperate with pathologists in cases involving postmortem examinations and be thoroughly familiar with laws, rules, and regulations, governing the vital statistics system… 101

with each state. The Division of Vital Statistics (DVS) within the NCHS administers the VSCP.” James Weed, “Vital Statistics in the United States,” 527-539. 98George Tolson et.al., “Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 2. 99 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 63. 100 George Tolson et. al, “CDC Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 2. 101 Ibid., 4-5. 47

It is the funeral director’s responsibility to obtain the required data for the death certificate, other than the cause of death, from the “best qualified person.” According to the “CDC Funeral

Director’s Handbook” the best qualified person typically knows the deceased really well and in most cases is a member or close friend of the family. The individuals who qualify to be an informant are as follows: “spouse, a parent, a child [of the deceased], another relative or other person who has knowledge of the facts.”102 Whoever the informant may be, they are usually required to sign the death certificate as informant to attest to the truthfulness of the facts recorded. Also the name, relationship to descendant, and mailing address of the informant must appear on the certificate in the space provided. Because regulation is originated at the state level as well as at the local level, obtaining information for the death certificate is not necessarily a uniform process, among states and localities; it can vary from one locality to another. However, many states have adopted a uniform certificate of death and burial permit for the purpose of recording death and burial officially.103 Death certificates used in the US can differ to some

degree among states, however, all certificates include the following information on the deceased

and his or her family: “information about the decedent and his or her family the disposition of

the body; certification by the physician, medical examiner, or coroner or some other person

legally authorized to certify, and information about the cause of death.” 104

After each certificate is filed with the individual state’s vital statistics’ offices, the

respective offices inspect each record for “promptness of filing, completeness, and accuracy of

information, queries for missing or inconsistent information; numbers the records; prepares

102 George Tolson et. al, “CDC Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 10. 103 Ibid., 10. Stueve , Mortuary Law, 65. 104 There was an effort in 2000 to promote uniformity in data collection among registration areas by setting specifications to collect data for death certificates. George Tolson et. al., “CDC Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 3. 48 indexes; processes the records; and stores the document for permanent record safekeeping.” 105

The handbook asserts that every individual who is a part of the vital registration process needs to aim for accuracy in addition promptness in filing and reporting vital events. The handbook stresses that detailed information is more useful than more general information and therefore it is important to follow each step of the procedure as carefully and thoroughly as possible.106

Therefore, the usefulness of records depends greatly upon the meticulousness with which every step of the process is handled by the informants, funeral directors and the various offices, workers, and practitioners at the local, state and national levels. The impetus behind requiring the filing of the death certificate before a burial permit can be issued was so that boards of health could collect information on the cause of death which allowed them to preserve the public’s

health by trying to avoid the spread of disease. Additionally, according to Arthur Street’s book

on mortuary jurisprudence it was likely that courts would have justified the preservation of death

records because of their value in offering proof of death for individuals for “establishing

citizenship, rights to widows and old age pensions, right to collect life insurance, etc.”107

The State of Ohio mandated the filing of death certificates in 1908, according to the state’s vital statistics office. Death certificates began to be filed at the state office after 1945.108

In most states, the local registrar of the district, where a death occurred, must issue a burial and transit permit, which the funeral director must obtain, after the death certificate has been issued, before the body of the deceased can be removed from the district, buried, or disposed of in another manner.109 In the State of Ohio, according to Ohio Revised Code (O.R.C.) Sec. 3705.24,

105 George Tolson et. al, “CDC Funeral Director’s Handbook,” 10 and 58. 106Ibid., 2. 107 Arthur L. H. Street, Street’s Mortuary Jurisprudence: A Treatise on the Legal Rights and Liabilities Involved in the Operation of Funeral Establishments, (New York: Kates-Boylston Publications, 1948) 32. 108 “Ohio Death Records and Certificates,” Vital Records US, accessed 6/10/2010, http://www.vitalrecordsus.com/ohio-death-records.html. 109 Hetzel, History and Organization of the Vital Statistics System, reprint, 63. 49 the principal permits required are: the death certificate, burial permit, and transit permit. By law it is the funeral director’s duty to obtain permits required by authorities before the director can dispose of the body. Laws have been passed within each state regulating the disposition of dead bodies for the primary purpose of protecting the public’s health. More stringent laws are put in place to regulate deaths that occur as a result of contagious or infectious disease.110 According

to Arthur Street, Ohio’s laws states the following:

the body of a person whose death occurs in the state shall not be interred, deposited in a vault or tomb, cremated, or otherwise deposed of, or removed into a registration district until a permit for burial, removal or other disposition shall have been properly issued by local registrar of the registration district in which the death occurs. No such burial or removal certificate shall be issued by any registrar until a complete and satisfactory certificate of death has been filed with them.111

At the local level, particularly focusing on Toledo, Ohio, since this work will examine

records from a Toledo funeral home, the Toledo Board of Health was established after an

ordinance was passed by the City Council of Toledo on September 30, 1846 and later revised on

July 9, 1847 to establish a board of health in the city of Toledo. General Ordinance (G.O.) 5-

409 Section 1 states, “Be it ordained by the City Council of the City of Toledo that the mayor,

clerk, street commissioner and marshal be, and hereby constituted a board of health for said city

with perpetual succession.”112 After the board of health was established, other ordinances were

put in place to establish a registration and vital statistics system which would ultimately create a

body of funerary and public health policy that placed certain requirements on undertakers or

funeral directors that later required them to file records on the deceased. On September 27,

1858, G.O. 2-437 provided for the registration of deaths in the city of Toledo. Section 1 of the ordinance reads:

110 Stueve, Mortuary Law, 18 and 65 111 A.L.H. Street, American Funeral Law, 273. 112 Laws and Ordinances, Published by the Authority of the City Council of the City of Toledo, (Toledo: Commercial Steam Book & Job Presses, 1864), Ch. X, 182. 50

Be it ordained by the City Council of the City of Toledo, that the death of every person in said city shall be recorded by the city clerk in a book to be provided and kept for that purpose by him, which record shall distinctly set forth the cause of death, according to the certificate of the physician having charge of the person before death, or according to the best information which can be obtained, together with the name, nativity, age, sex, and occupation of the deceased.113

The aforesaid section outlined the required information that must be recorded on the death

records such as the full name, sex, date of death, age, and occupation. Additionally, section two

of the same ordinance conveys who was responsible for collecting and filing the aforementioned

information. This section states the following:

It shall be the duty of the person having charge of the premises on which a death shall have occurred, to report the same to the city clerk, together with the certificate of the physician, and furnish the items for the record as provided in section 1st, previous to the interment of such dead body; and in case there is no occupant of such premises to make such report, the sexton or undertaker having charge of the burial of such body shall make the report of such facts in the case as he may be able to obtain.114

According to this section, a signature from a doctor was required in order to file the death record and the record should be filed with the city clerk by the sexton or undertaker, and where appropriate in conjunction with the owner or the person in charge of the premises where the deceased died, before the deceased can be buried. In addition to filing a death record, a burial permit was also required and should have been filed with the county clerk as well.

Years later, new legislation was passed which created a commissioner of health in Toledo and other cities to enforce the various laws and ordinances applicable to health and sanitary conditions. House Bill No. 643 which passed on April 19, 1883 created a commissioner of health position, Section 1 of the act states, “that for cities of the first grade of the first class, 115 there is hereby created the office of commissioner of health, who shall be appointed by the superior court of Cincinnati…” Toledo was considered a city of the first class third grade

113Laws and Ordinances, 182. 114 Ibid, 150. 115Municipal corporations are divided into cities, villages, and hamlets; cities are divided into three grades, first, second, and third; cities of the second class are divided into four grades, first, second, third, and fourth. Ohio Rev. Code § 1546 Classification; General Powers. 51 because it had “more than thirty-one thousand five hundred inhabitants and less than ninety thousand inhabitants”116 Section 2 of the same act enumerates the various duties of the commissioner of health as follows:

Said commissioner of health shall have and exercise a general supervision over the sanitary condition of the city, shall enforce all sanitary laws and ordinances, and shall have power to make and enforce such orders, rules, regulations as may be necessary for the preservation of the public health and the prevention of disease, and such orders and rules shall have the force and effect of orders and rules heretofore made by the board of health. 117

The health commissioner’s main responsibility was to supervise and make sure that the

health and sanitation policies were enforced and adhered to as prescribed by the

regulations.

Moreover Section 6 of House Bill No. 643 expanded on Section 2 of the abovementioned

1858 general ordinance, outlining those who were responsible for keeping a registry of the

deceased and reporting the deaths that occurred within the city. This act placed more

responsibility on the undertakers and sextons than G.O. 2-437 placed upon undertakers. Section

6 states, “Physicians who have attended deceased persons in their last illness, and undertakers and sextons who have buried deceased persons, shall keep a registry of the name and age of such persons and their residence at the time of their death…undertakers and sextons shall report to the commissioner of health all…deaths occurring within the limits of such city as registered by them.” 118

At the state level, Ohio trailed behind the city of Toledo in establishing public health and vital registration policy. The State of Ohio established an act for cities to create boards of health

116 Revised Statutes of the State of Ohio § 1547. Edited and Annotated by M.A. Daugherty, John Brasee, and George B. Okey Commissioners to Revise and Consolidate the Statutes 3rd ed., In Force January 1, 1884, Edited by James M. Williams Vol. 1 Tit XII Div. 2, Ch. 1 316-319 [66 v. 149, s3.] 117 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Sixty-Fifth General Assembly At Its Adjourned Session, Begun and held at the city of Columbus, January 2, 1883. Vol. LXXX. Columbus: G.J. Brand & Co., State Printers 1883, 226-227. 118 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Sixty-Fifth General Assembly At Its Adjourned Session, Begun and held at the city of Columbus, January 2, 1883. Vol. LXXX. Columbus: G.J. Brand & Co., State Printers 1883, 226-227. 52 nearly twenty years after the Toledo City Council had established an ordinance creating a board of health. At the fifty-seventh General Assembly at the adjourned session in Columbus, Ohio, on

January 2, 1867, the State of Ohio instituted an act for all cities to create a board of health and a vital registration system. Section 1 of the act reads, “Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, that the city council of any city shall have the power to create a board of health as hereinafter provided.”119 Section 4 of the same act delineates that a registration system also

be established and what purpose such system will serve, “Such council may grant such board

power to…create a complete and accurate system of registration of births, deaths and interments

occurring in or near such city, for the purposes of legal or genealogical investigations, and to

furnish facts for statistical, scientific, and specifically for sanitary inquiries.”120

A year later in 1868, the State of Ohio passed a law declaring that the probate judges of

the various counties in Ohio should keep a record of the births and death reported to them, in

addition to the information that should be recorded in the records, along with how the records

should be constructed and/or arranged. Section 1 of An act to provide for the registry of births

and deaths, and to repeal an act therein named, found in the State of Ohio General and Local

Laws and Joint Resolutions passed by the General Assembly in 1868, states,

Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the state of Ohio, that the probate judges of several counties of this state shall keep a record of the births and deaths reported to them, as hereinafter provided…The deaths shall be likewise numbered, recorded, indexed and the record thereof shall state in separate columns, so far as the same is reported, the date and place of death, name and surname of the deceased, condition (whether single, married, or widowed), age, place of birth, occupation, names of parents (when an infant without name), cause of death, color, and last place of residence of such deceased person and the date of making the record. 121

119 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Fifty-Eighth General Assembly at the Adjourned Session begun and held at the city of Columbus January 2, 1867, In the Sixty-Fifth Year of Said State, Vol. LXIV Columbus: L.D. Myers & Bro., State Printers, 1867, 76. 120 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Fifty-Eighth General Assembly at the Adjourned Session begun and held at the city of Columbus January 2, 1867, In the Sixty-Fifth Year of Said State, Vol. LXIV Columbus: L.D. Myers & Bro., State Printers, 1867, 76. 121 State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Fifty-Seventh General Assembly at the Adjourned Session begun and held at the city of Columbus November 23, A.D. 1868 and in the 67th year of said state, Vol. LXVI Columbus: L.D. Myers & Bro., State Printers, 1869, 69-70. 53

Section 3 of the 1868 act stipulates that the probate judge should supply those entities making the death records/reports with a systemized uniformed sort of ledger. The act reads as follows: “it shall be the duty of each probate judge to furnish to each assessor of the several

townships or wards of his respective county, annually, and to other persons making such report, a

sufficient number of properly ruled blanks…upon which to make such report to said probate

judge”122

The aforesaid act helps to make sense of why death records before 1908 in the State of

Ohio might be harder to locate than records after that period because in some Ohio counties and

in cities like Toledo these records were filed sporadically, some were filed with the health

department and others were filed with the Probate Courts and at times some were filed in both

places. 123 According to an employee at the Toledo-Lucas County Health Department the Death

Record Index in Lucas County goes back as far as 1867/68.

Furthermore the abovementioned acts expanded the vital registration system to include the judiciary system, listing the courts as an entity that would also keep a registry of vital records as well as supply those responsible with reporting vital information with a systematized means of keeping the records by providing them with a ledger to record the vital information. So the early death records were recorded in ledger books. Lucas County in 1903 began to move away from the usage of ledger books and required an actual death certificate be filed. 124 Perhaps that is

why the funeral industry encouraged and/or adopted the practice of funeral directors using the

American Funeral Record or other reference day books/ledger books for keeping records.

122 State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Fifty-Seventh General Assembly at the Adjourned Session begun and held at the city of Columbus November 23, A.D. 1868 and in the 67th year of said state, Vol. LXVI Columbus: L.D. Myers & Bro., State Printers, 1869, 69-70. 123 Information gathered in telephone conversation with Kathy at the Lucas County Health Department Vital Records Office on June 21, 2010. 124 Information was gathered in a telephone conversation with Kathy at the Lucas County Health Department Vital Records Office on June 21, 2010. 54

Conceivably, in conforming to Ohio laws and funerary regulations and practices, Wanzo Funeral

Home used such ledger books to store its records on the deceased. Ohio death records dating from December 20, 1908 through December 31, 1944 are housed at the Ohio Historical Society and records after that point are housed at the State office.

Entities responsible for reporting vital statistics to the probate judge of their respective counties were expanded in an 1871 act placing the responsibility of reporting deaths in the hands of the probate judge, in counties that contained large cities with a population of one hundred and fifty thousand or more, upon the physicians who attended the deceased, the clergymen who officiated the funeral, and on the sexton who buried the deceased. The 59th General Assembly of the State of Ohio in 1871 passed an act that amended section 2 of the 1869 act to provide for the registry of births and deaths. The amended act also listed a more detailed description of the responsibilities of the assessors in each county on obtaining statistics and information on the births and deaths that he or she will report to the probate judge. Section 1 and section 2 of the amended act reads respectively:

Section 1. Be it enacted that the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, that section two of an act entitled an act to provide for the registry and deaths, passed April 30, 1869, be so amended to read as follows: Section 2. It shall be the duty of the assessors of several townships and wards of each county of this state to obtain annually the forgoing statistics at the time each assessor shall make the assessment of his respective township or ward for the year ending the last of March preceding each annual assessment and report the same to the probate judge of his county at the time of his regular report to the county auditor; and at the same time submitting his report to the probate judge he shall state upon oath that he has made diligent inquiry in order to obtain the number of births and deaths, and other information required by this act in his township or ward respectively…except in the counties containing cities of the first class having a population of one hundred and fifty thousand and over, in which counties it shall be the duty of the physician…physicians who have attended deceased persons in their last illness, clergymen who have officiated at a funeral, and sextons who have buried the deceased persons, shall keep a registry of the name, age, and residence of such deceased persons at the time of their death…the physicians, clergymen, and sextons shall likewise report fully the deaths registered by them, as required by this act, to the judge of the probate court of the county every three months as above designated and any person who shall neglect or refuse to comply with or violate the provisions of 55

this act, shall forfeit and pay for each offense the sum of ten dollars, to be sued for and covered in the name of the state of Ohio…125

This act required adherence to the health and registration policies, if the policies were not

adhered to a fine would be place upon those entities that did not follow the law. The act

provided a means to enforce the policies that were prescribed, in addition to providing a way to

encourage uniformity and accuracy in the way the information was reported and stored.

“Because statistical data derived from death certificates can be more accurate than the

information provided on the certificate, it is important that all persons concerned with the

registration of deaths strive not only for complete registration but also for accuracy and

promptness in reporting these events. Furthermore, the usefulness of detailed information is

greater than more general information.” 126

Under the State of Ohio’s General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions of 1874, passed

by the sixty-first General Assembly, to amend certain sections of the 1869 act pertaining to the

board of health and the registration for the organization and government of municipal

corporations, the amended act requires that undertakers and sextons keep a registry of all deaths

they have attended and they should report the deaths to the board of health. Furthermore, this act

increases the penalty, for those entities that violate the law by not reporting deaths and other vital

information as the law specifies, from ten dollars to fifty dollars. Also the amended act includes

a clause that holds the entities providing vital information, for example family members or other

persons, for the registries responsible for any false information reported. If false information is

reported, the individuals responsible for such acts will be prosecuted in the police court of law in

125 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions Passed by the Fifty-Ninth General Assembly at the Adjourned Session Begun and Held at the city of Columbus January 3, A.D. 1871, In the 69th Year of Said State, Vol. LXVIII. Columbus: Nevins & Myers., State Printers 1871, pg 49. 126 George Tolson et.al., “CDC Funeral Director’s Handbook on Death,” 2.

56 order to obtain the fifty dollar penalty for violating this act by reporting erroneous information.

The 1874 act reads as follows:

Section 1. Be it enacted by the General assembly of the State of Ohio, That sections three hundred and six as amended April 18, 1870, three hundred and seven, three hundred eighteen, and twenty- five of an act entitled “An act for the organization and government of municipal Corporations” passed May 7, 1869; be amended to read as follows: Section 306. The board of health should have the power to…create and complete an accurate system of registration of births, marriages, deaths, interments occurring in such corporation, for purposes of legal and genealogical investigation, and to furnish facts for statistical, scientific, and particularly for sanitary inquiries…physicians who have attended deceased persons in their last illness, and undertakers and sextons who have buried deceased persons, shall keep a registry of the name, age, and residence of such persons at the time of death. All such...undertakers and sextons, shall report to the board of health…all deaths occurring within the limits of such city, as registered by them; and such report shall be made as often as the board of health may require…And any person or persons who shall neglect or refuse to comply with, or shall violate any of the forgoing provisions, shall forfeit and pay for each offense in any sum not exceeding fifty dollars, to be sued for and recovered in the police court of such city, in the name of the State of Ohio; and said court is hereby vested with jurisdiction in such cases” Section 307. …And if any person shall knowingly make to said board of health, or any officer thereof, any false return, statement or report relative to any birth, death or other matter concerning which a report is returned or may be required, or in any other way violate any of the provisions of this section, then any and every such person shall be liable to a fine not exceeding fifty dollars, to be recovered by prosecution in the police court.127

All of the aforementioned acts and ordinances established public health laws in the State of Ohio and in the Toledo municipality. The formation of public health policies has had a profound impact on regulations associated with the dead and the burial of the dead for health and sanitation purposes. Public health and vital registration policies, such as the aforesaid, that pertained to death have helped to establish the body of funerary policies and regulations, in the

State of Ohio and other states, after the associational movement was formalized in 1882, at the first convention of the National Funeral Directors Association.128

The history of death records and policies Vis a vis the recording and registration of such records is one that is deeply connected to the development of the public health system in the

United States. This recordkeeping public health policy and practice developed into a funerary

127 The State of Ohio, General and Local Laws and Joint Resolutions, Passed by the Sixty-Fist General Assembly At the Regular Session, Begun and held at the City of Columbus January 5, A.D. 1874, and in the 72nd Year of Said State. Vol. LXXI. Columbus: Nevins & Myers, State Printers 1874, 159-160. 128 The National Funeral Directors Association Research and Information Department, “The American Funeral,” 2. 57 practice and policy. As a result of the evolution of such policies, funeral records such as the ones that will be examined in this work are available at a nascent level, to the extent one is allowed access to them, to scholars and researchers.

The funeral records that the Wanzo Funeral Home documented will be very useful in reconstructing a profile of the black community in Toledo, Ohio from 1912 to 1917. As John

Rinehart alluded to in his 1940’s master’s thesis “The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area,” that

“there is so little information in print or manuscript concerning the conditions of life of the

Negro population in Toledo,” 129 and Edrene Cole echoed in her master’s thesis thirty two years

later, “many historical accounts of Toledo do not treat the black community there…although

there are isolated accounts of Negroes in regional histories and newspaper accounts, there is

neither a chronological recording of events nor a collection of significant activities of blacks in our area;” 130 the funeral records as well as this study will be a contribution to the limited body of

works and sources available on black Toledo. The subsequent chapter will examine and analyze

the 1912-1917 funeral ledgers from the Wanzo Funeral Home, which were created as a result of

Mr. Wanzo conforming to the aforementioned funerary policies and practices, in order to

reconstruct the history of black Toledo.

129 Rinehart “The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area,” 1. 130 Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 1. 58

CHAPTER II

A GLIMPSE INTO THE FUNERAL RECORDS: METHODOLOGY AND ANALYSIS

This chapter presents an analysis and discussion of data recorded in the Wanzo funeral ledgers. Additionally, this chapter explains how the data was collated and analyzed. Through the presentation and analysis of the data, this chapter addresses how the Wanzo funerary ledgers profile an individual’s life cycle and circumstances of final disposal? It explores what the composition of these records suggests about practices, culture, and social traditions and conditions in the black community of Toledo? Also, what was the community like during the years of 1912 to 1917? Finally, how do these records compare to census records and other government documents?

The following information will address two pertinent questions in regards to using funeral home records to profile the black Toledo community. The questions are as follows: Why use funeral records and why look at a funeral home to help provide a profile of the black Toledo community?

As stated in a previous chapter, as of 2001 there were an estimated 23,000 funeral homes in the United States and as of 2010 according to the Red book: The National Directory of

Morticians, there were an estimated 20,038 funeral homes in the US131 and many of the funeral homes have been generationally owned and operated.132 Additionally, each of these funeral homes is required to keep certain records for a designated amount of time and since many of these funeral homes are generationally owned this can lend to continuity in regards to recordkeeping and record preservation, which allows them to be very valuable to historians and

131 Red Book: The National Directory of Morticians online directory, accessed May 18, 2010, http://www.funeral-dir.com/directory/search.aspx. 132 Alan D. Wolfelt, Funerals A Consumer’s Guide to Understanding Why They Are Important and How to Make Them Meaningful, Batesville, 2001, 9. 59 other scholars. Social scientists have been using numerical data and statistical analysis as the basis of their research methodology much longer than historians. The quantitative revolution of the 1950s and 1960s saw a rise of social scientist as well as other disciplines using quantitative research methodologies. Historians in the 1960s began to adopt the social science approach more broadly which created a new category of history, known as quantitative history.

Consequently, “the sources available for doing quantitative…history are enormously rich and varied. They include census returns, birth and death records, tax lists, membership lists of clubs, churches, and other organizations, business records, social surveys, price lists, city directories, and loads of other quantifiable collections of information.”133

What perspectives can a quantitative approach to black history in Toledo yield? Why

look at a funeral home records to profile of the black Toledo community? Historically, funeral

homes, like churches and fraternal societies became an important entity in and for the black

community. The funeral director and home was looked to, to not only care for the dead but to provide for the living. Suzanne E. Smith in her book, To Serve the Living: Funeral Directors and the African American Way of Death, speaks to this point. She asserts that “…funeral directors have always been culturally valued for their ability to help their communities honor their dead with dignity… they not only helped families at a time of loss but also supported local

politics, culture, and education through philanthropy.” Additionally black funeral homes played

an important role in terms of economic empowerment, social development, and influence,

providing services that would go beyond the funeral home. So the fact that Toledo had a black

funeral home as early as 1912 and records from that era still exist in the home is a very

significant link to the past and the black community that the funeral home serviced. Suzanne

Smith quoted from a 1953 Ebony magazine article entitled “Death is Big Business,” that

133 Gary Kornblith “Making Sense of Numbers,” http:// www.history matters.gmu.edu /mse/numbers/, 60 expressed the importance of black funeral directors and homes to their local black communities.

The article reads in part as follows: “Death has become Negro America’s third biggest

business—only behind insurance and cosmetics…undertakers are often among the wealthiest and

most influential men in Negro society.”134

Funeral owner and director Elvin B. Wanzo provides a prime example of the influence and role of black funeral homes in the black community. Wanzo along with other influential members of the community, Dr. M.A. Harris and Rev. B.F. McWilliams, petitioned prominent white leaders in the area like Paul Block of the Toledo Blade and Adam Kuhlman, president of the Toledo Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), in reference to a project to build a branch of the YMCA that would be open to blacks. The main branch of the YMCA was opened to blacks on a very limited basis. As a result of the influence and financial contributions of E. B.

Wanzo and others a $1,500,000 black branch of the YMCA was eventually established by June

1930 on Indiana Avenue.135 “Funeral directors kept alive the ideal of black capitalism as a

strategy of racial empowerment even as racism and discrimination continued to keep black

entrepreneurs on the margins of America’s capitalist economy.” 136 Juliet E. K. Walker’s, The

History of Black Business: Capitalism, Race Entrepreneurship, published in 1998 speaks to the

historical role of the undertaking business in the black community as well as the economic impact that funeral homes can have on a community by providing additional jobs for the citizens of that community. She stated that, “several occupational groups provided items and services for funerals, carpenters, cabinetmakers, and upholsterers made coffins… Undertaking was an

134 Suzanne E. Smith, To Serve the Living, Funeral Directors and the African American Way of Death, (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2010), 80. 135 Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 25. 136 Smith, To Serve the Living, 81. 61 enterprise that was not subject to the economic highs and lows of other businesses.” 137 Other works on Toledo talk about the status of blacks in Toledo but most of the works fail to mention and none examine the oldest black funeral home in Toledo, Ohio and its impact on the community. Consequently, this study examines this neglected resource (the Wanzo Funeral

Home) by utilizing its records. The fact that Toledo had a black funeral home with records, presents a significant opportunity for further defining the formative period of black Toledo.

In order to analyze the social condition of the black community in Toledo, traditional

factors that lead to strong economic stability and growth and good economic standing, such as

mortality, marital status, gender, standard of living, profession, migration patterns, race, etc.,

need to be examined in order to fully assess the opportunities and obstacles that subsisted, and to

provide insight into the political, social/cultural and environmental conditions that existed.

Health is a definite factor that helps to determine the economic standing of an individual and the collective body. The cost and/or expense of poor health can have grave effects on a family, by affecting his/her ability to work consistently or at all. Hence, the death of a bread winner and the cost of the death on the family can be an economic catastrophe, whether they pay for the funeral expenses or not.

There are other factors that also provide insights into a community’s social condition.

For example, an earlier study was conducted in 1940 by Ann Elizabeth Hill on the cost of funerals in black families in Columbus, Ohio in 1939. She essentially examined how much black families were spending on funerals in the Columbus area. Her methodological framework for the study was to examine death certificates and conduct interviews in order to gather information for the quantitative study. Her main concern was with the expenses of the funeral.

137Juliet E.K. Walker, The History of Black Business: Capitalism, Race, Entrepreneurship, (London: Prentice Hall, 1998), 114. 62

This current study uses a similar methodological framework to the one Hill utilized however this study explores funeral records, examines more factors than costs, and looks more broadly at the community in order to provide a profile of the black community in Toledo between 1912 through

1917.

One of the observations made from “The Cost of Funerals in Negro Families: Columbus,

Ohio, 1939” was the difference in cost between births and deaths in Columbus. It was noted that several studies had been done on the cost of births in Columbus and it was concluded that:

The cost of maternal services do not impose a great financial burden on very poor families because of the numerous community agencies offering free or inexpensive medical advice and care to those in need. Not so with death. Except for city provision for a pauper burial, a social security death benefit in the case of the aged, a government burial for a soldier, or workman’s compensation for a fatally injured workman, the family must provide the necessary finances for the burial of the human dead, either through an insurance policy…or by some other means.138

Since the costs of funerals seem to be more expensive than maternal services, funeral records

will provide information on the expenses surrounding a funeral, how people are paying for them

and what this indicates about the social status and conditions of a community. What families

spend on a funeral can depend on a number of factors and can reflect the social and economic

makeup of an individual and community. According to Hill, in New York between 1903 and

1906 the New York Charity Organization Society and the University Settlement conducted a

study of burial costs among low income groups and they provided some reasons for excessive

funeral costs among those of lower socioeconomic status. Their conclusions are as follows:

“Mistaken pride, fear of what the neighbors might think; desire to do right by the dead;

encouragement by unscrupulous undertakers; and the family is in no condition to bargain.”139

These conclusions could explain the reasons why blacks in Toledo spent as little as they did or as

138 Anne E. Hill, “The Cost of Negro Funerals: Columbus, Ohio, 1939,” (master’s thesis, Ohio State University, 1940), 1. 139 Hill, “The Cost of Negro Funerals,” 3. 63 much as they did on funerals or they could be indicative of their strong or weak socioeconomic standing. What is spent on the funeral may or may not be in congruence with the family’s standard of living. As Hill pointed out, there are many factors that could influence funeral expenses:

Religion, the age of the decedent, [the] cause of death, [the] inability or failure to face the problem before its occurrence and thus to make plans or provisions by which to meet the emergency….Family Budgets do not ordinarily provide for the full cost of illness and death. This procrastination may be due to any number of reasons. On low income levels other family expenses are always immediate and pressing. The family may not have experienced the problem of the expenses to be incurred in the burial of a relative or a friend and therefore may not realize that some provision should be made, they may not want to face the fact of inevitable death, or they may see the problem but not know how much money to set aside.140

Many of these factors were taken into consideration when analyzing the Wanzo funeral data.

The funeral records reveal how blacks in Toledo met their expenses among many other details.

A STATEMENT OF METHODOLOGY

This study benefits from the use of both quantitative and qualitative research141 methods.

One of the methodological components of this study was to examine black Toledo through the implementation of a quantitative approach towards the funeral ledgers by using the ledgers to suggest a profile of what the community was like at that time. In addition to the above, categorizing and analyzing the information in the ledgers provides a qualitative analysis which lends to offering a narrative that gives insights into community dynamics by indicating intra- community social relations, the broadening or contracting of residential boundaries and the use

140Ibid., 4. 141 “Quantitative research refers to the systematic, empirical investigation of numerically-driven phenomena and their relationships. The purpose of quantitative research is to use or develop statistical models to understand what is being studied. Quantitative research is best used for answering research questions concerned with the what, where, and when.” Richard C. Sprinthall, Basic Statistical Analysis 7th ed., (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2003), 216. Qualitative research is defined as “a situated activity that locates the observer in the world. It consists of a set of interpretive material practices that makes the world more visible. These practices transform the world. They turn the world into a series of representations, including field notes, interviews, conversations[etc]…At this level qualitative research involves an interpretive, naturalistic approach to the world. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them.” N. Denzin and Y. Lincoln, The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research, 3rd ed, (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc., 2000), 3. 64 of public facilities (e.g. cemeteries), health, sanitation, and financial indicators, institutional growth (e.g. religious and social organizations), family ties—names of survivors--and geographical origins/locations at the time of death, occupations, race relations and plot locations.

This approach ultimately creates a profile of black Toledo from 1912-1917.

For this study three hundred records were examined beginning in September 1912 and ending in June 1917. These are the total number of records that were recorded in the Wanzo funeral ledger books for the period under investigation. The funeral data were extracted from the records and entered into an excel database and organized into thirty seven categories, to coincide with all of the categories that were on the funeral record form. The categorical data were divided into five main sections: identification information, which includes the number of the funeral, the name and address of the decedent, parents’ names, the decedents familial relations; personal and statistical information, which includes race, gender, age, marital status, religion, occupation, date of birth and death, parents’ birthplace; funeral information, which includes how the funeral was secured, who the bill was charged to, who gave the order, the date and time of the funeral, the location of the funeral service, the clergyman officiating, the cemetery where the body was interred and the lot or grave number, and/or shipment of the body; funeral expenditures and payments, which includes the price of the casket, the total funeral charges, whether or not the bill was paid in full, how the bill was paid, insurance carriers or contributors to the bill, whether the body was embalmed and the price of embalming, burial accoutrements and price of those accessories, the price of transportation services including the hearse, automobiles or carriages to the cemetery and/or shipping; and lastly death information, which includes the certifying physician’s name and address, cause of death, location and date of death. The records were then imported into and analyzed in SPSS, statistical software, which provided frequencies and 65 descriptive statistics of the data abstracted from the funeral ledgers. Prior to analyzing the data in SPSS they were coded142 and in some cases recoded. The record entries present an abstraction of each individual which propels the researcher toward a larger composite profile of the Black

Toledo community.

With using any type of records for research purposes, the researcher may be presented with some limitations. The accuracy and value of funeral records is of course determined by the meticulousness of the recorder. Vital statistics does not have a process in place for verifying the information on the death certificates, however to discourage erroneous information from being used, fines are imposed for falsifying information on the death certificate. So funeral records are not immune from similar problems that traditional sources might have in the area of accuracy.

To validate information on potentially controversial issues, pertinent public records and other sources were used to cross-reference the validity of sources. Also, the records used here represent only a percentage of the black population in Toledo.

PRESENTATION OF TABLES AND DATA ANALYSIS

This section displays information abstracted from the funeral ledger record forms, however, the data in the tables below are not the only information that can be found in the records. For example, in some cases Wanzo noted certain possessions that were present on the deceased when he obtained the body, such information will be discussed further in Chapter IV.

Below the information is laid out in a way that a picture is painted with each table and accompanied by an explanation of each table. Where the term valid appears within the data table and the number 12 also appears that indicates that there were twelve empty columns that were factored into the statistical count.

142 Coding is the “progressive process of sorting and defining and defining and sorting those scraps of collected data.” Corrine Glesne, Becoming Qualitative Researchers, 146-149. 66

Toledo had a relatively small population of African Americans compared to larger manufacturing cities such as Chicago, Detroit, or Cleveland. 143 Table 1 shows the total population and black population of Toledo from 1854-1930.

Table 1. Black Population of Toledo, 1840-1930 Year Total Black Population Percent Black Black Black

Population Male Female 1840 1,222 34 2.8 ------1850 3,829 118 3.1 ------1860 13,768 229 1.7 ------1870 31,584 612 1.9 ------1880 50,137 928 1.9 ------1890 81,434 1,077 1.3 556 529 1900 131,822 1,710 1.3 852 858 1910 168,497 1,877 1.1 937 940 1920 243,164 5,691 2.3 3,184 2,507 1930 290,718 13,260 4.6 ------Source: US Bureau of the Census Reports, 1840-1930.144

For this study the population of 1910 and 1920 are of importance since the dates that this research examines are 1912-1917. Toledo’s black population in 1910 was 1,877, 1.1 percent of

Toledo’s total population. By 1920 the black population had more than doubled it had grown to about 5,691, or 2.3 percent of the total population. Between 1910 and 1920 the black population of Toledo had risen by 3,814 or by 203 percent. When comparing this decade’s growth to that of the previous decade’s growth of 9.7 percent, the black population’s growth rate increased exponentially from 1910 to 1920. This rate of growth is significant and is indicative of the influx

The population count between 1840 and 1890 for blacks or coloreds includes Japanese, Chinese, Civilized Indians, and African Americans so the numbers for the black population may actually vary. Sources: US Bureau of Census “Nativity of the Population for Places Ever Among the 50 Largest Urban Places Since 1870: 1850 to 1990,” and “Table 36. Ohio - Race and Hispanic Origin for Selected Large Cities and Other Places: Earliest Census to 1990. ” www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0029/tab22.html - 231k and www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0076/OHtab.pdf - 2008-07-09. 143 Morgan Barclay and Charles Glabb, Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, (Tulsa: Continental Heritage Press, 1982), 42. 144“The black population of both 1850 and 1860 is designated as free colored, therefore excluding Chinese, J apanese, and C ivilized Indians. T he B lack P opulation of 1870 i s designated a s c olored, t hus including persons of Chinese, Japanese, and Indian descent.” Williams, “Black Toledo,” 277. 67 of African Americans to northern manufacturing cities (e.g. Toledo) as a result of the Great

Migration and the beginnings of World War I. One migration study on black migration in the

US stated that between 1910 and 1920 the net out-migration of blacks from the south equaled

454,000 people and many of these migrants were went to large metropolitan industrial cities. 145

Although Toledo was not among the very large northern manufacturing cities, nonetheless

Toledo was a relatively major manufacturing city that was listed “thirty-third among fifty

principal cities in U.S. in the 1890s.”146

Table 2 shows how many decedents the Wanzo Funeral Home serviced each year.

Table 2. Year of Funeral

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

1912 6 2 2 9.6

1913 36 12 12 17.3

1914 47 15.6 15.6 32.4

1915 61 20.3 20.3 51.9

1916 93 31 31 81.7

1917 50 16.6 16.6 97.8

N/A 7 2.3 2.3 100.0

Total 300 100.0 100.0 N/A= Not Applicable, meaning no information was recorded in a particular field for the client.

The annual average of clientele that Wanzo serviced over this five year period was 50 decedents a year. Between September, 1912 and June, 1917 he serviced over three hundred decedents. He only serviced 6 decedents in 1912. One reason for this small number of clients may have resulted from the fact that the funeral records begin in September of 1912. Perhaps if there were some earlier records they were not recorded or were recorded in another ledger book. Other

145 Marcus E. Jones, Black Migration In the United States With Emphasis On Selected Central Cities, (Saratoga: Century Twenty One Publishing, 1980), 38. 146 Lee Williams, “The Case of Black Toledo, 1890-1930,” Phylon 43, No. 2 (2nd Quarter, 1982), 167. 68 reasons for the small number of clients in 1912 may be attributed to the fact that Wanzo was new to the area and had recently established the Wanzo Funeral Home and was trying to build his clientele. So perhaps at that time many black Toledoans may not have been aware that there a new black funeral home in the area. In 1913, Wanzo serviced 36 decedents and with each subsequent year the numbers of clientele serviced increased. By 1916 he was servicing 93 decedents, an increase of 150 percent, which is a significant increase compared to those serviced in 1913. The number of deceased persons serviced increased with each year, reflecting the pattern of population growth, and/or the increased death rate, and/or the results of Wanzo’s business growth due to his increased visibility and/or marketing strategy in the Toledo community.

Table 3 gives the number of decedents serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home based on the race of the individual, which was determined by how the deceased were classified in the funerary records, either as colored or white.

Table 3. Race

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Colored 296 98.6 98.6 98.7

N/A 1 .3 .3 99.0

White 3 1.0 1.0 100.0

Total 300 100.0 100.0

The majority of the decedents serviced by the funeral home, 98.6 percent, were colored,

presumably black or African American, and 1 percent of those serviced were white. The records

disclose that the Wanzo Funeral Home serviced more than just the black population. The records

reveal that two of the white decedents were women, and one of the white decedents was an infant 69 male. One woman was born in New York and worked in Toledo as a waitress. She was thirty- five years old at the time of death. She died of cirrhosis of the liver due to excessive drinking.

The funeral expenses totaled $95, and were paid in full by insurance benefits. She was buried in

Forest cemetery, a public cemetery in Toledo, Ohio where diverse people were buried. The other woman was forty-nine years old, from Pennsylvania, and was employed as a domestic. The data show that an inquest was pending on the cause of her death. Her body was shipped to Rochester,

Pennsylvania, the birthplace of her mother. Her funeral expenses equaled $111.50 and were paid by cash, in full. Both women were listed as single. The infant male was only one day old at the time of death. His cause of death was not listed. Both of the infant’s parents were born in

Greece. He was also buried in Forest Cemetery in Toledo and the funeral expenses totaled $10, which were remunerated in full with cash.

The data divulge interesting facts which show that Wanzo provided funeral services for a diverse group but most of his clientele during these years were black people; which raises questions as to why, particularly during that time period, he serviced these white decedents. The data suggest that it was not common for Wanzo or black funeral homes in general to service

white clientele, not because the black funeral homes refused to serve them, but because the

majority of whites did not use black morticians’ services particularly if a white mortician was available—a cultural norm still evidenced today.

In light of these practices, the data from the historical record raises the following

questions about the whites that Wanzo buried: Did the white decedents that Wanzo serviced live in the black community? Did white funeral directors refuse to bury them or were these individuals’ loved ones not concerned with the racial status quo and social separations of the 70 early 1900s? Does this show the exception to some of the divisive Toledo race relations? These

are questions that the data help to raise but are not addressed in this study.

Table 4 shows the gender of the decedents serviced by Wanzo.

Table 4. Gender

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Female 112 37.3 37.3 39.7

Male 178 59.3 59.3 96.8

N/A 10 3.3 3.3 100.0

Total 300 100.0 100.0

The greater percentage of those serviced by the funeral home were male, approximately 59

percent, and 37 percent were female. As table 1 indicated, the ratio of black males to females was fairly even, however by 1920 the number of black males in Toledo surpassed the number of black females. So the funeral record data reflects the fact that there were more male decedents, which can be attributed to the fact that there were more males in the community. According to one migration study the characteristics of those who migrated changed from year to year. In

1916 and 1917 the majority of those who migrated appeared to be single men.147

Table 5 reveals data on gender and year of death (see appendix for percentage tables).

Table 5. Cross-tabulation Gender * Year of Death

Year of Death

1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 Total

Gender Female 2 13 19 19 36 20 109

Male 4 22 27 39 55 28 175

N/A 0 1 1 3 2 2 9

Total 6 36 47 61 93 50 293

147Johnson and Campbell. Black Migration in America, 78. 71

The data indicate that Mr. Wanzo not only buried more men over the five years but that he also buried more males per year than he did females, which may indicate that more men lived in the community than women, and/or the death rate was higher among men than women and/ or his clientele preferred his services when burying their dead male loved ones.

The data show that he serviced more males throughout the five year period. The percentage of males serviced by the funeral home was higher from 1912 to 1915, 67 percent in

1912 and 64 percent in 1915. In 1914 and 1917 the funeral home serviced a greater percentage of female decedents, 40 percent in 1914 and 40 percent in 1917 compared to the other years.

Since the funeral ledger book ended in June of 1917 the full year of 1917 is not included, the other half of this year was located in another ledger book. So he did service more individuals in

1917 and the total number of decedents for the year of 1917 may have surpassed the numbers for

1916. The percentage of the females he serviced increased each year from 1912 (33percent) to

1914 (40 percent) and then decreased in 1915 (31 percent) and increased again from 1916 (39 percent) to 1917 (40 percent). Conversely the percentage of males he serviced decreased from

1912 (67 percent) to 1914 (57 percent), then increased in 1915 (64 percent) and decreased in

1916 (59 percent) and 1917 (56 percent). Perhaps these numbers reflect the fact the younger males as opposed to older males accounted for the majority of Great Migration migrants and fewer women, at least initially. One migration study shows that in 1920 the largest numbers of black urban residents were young; they were between the ages of 25 and 29. “Being prone to move in search of opportunity, this younger age group, like their older brother and sisters, saw the chance to change their lots.”148

148Johnson and Campbell. Black Migration in America, 78.

Below, table 6 shows that Wanzo serviced more individuals in warmer months, spring and summer, than in the fall and winter months.

Table 6. Month of Funeral

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

April 42 14.1 14.1 18.3

August 28 9.4 9.4 27.2

December 20 6.7 6.7 33.7

February 13 4.3 4.3 37.8

January 24 8 8 45.5

July 32 10.7 10.7 55.8

June 21 7 7 62.5

March 19 6.3 6.3 68.6

May 27 9 9 77.2

N/A 9 2.9 2.9 80.1

November 26 8.3 8.3 88.5

October 15 4.8 4.8 93.3

September 21 6.7 6.7 100.0

Total 297 100.0 100.0

The month of April had the highest percentage of services taking place, 14.1 percent, followed

by July, 10.7 percent, August, 9.4 percent, and then May at 9 percent. A subsequent study can

compare this information with vital statistics information and the findings may reflect a broader

trend. According to a seasonal mortality study by Albert Jimenez and Jeralynn Cossman,

“monthly mortality increases in months with the most extreme temperatures…Weather and

temperature change has a large impact on the health of people.”149 Additionally the study

149 Albert M. Jimenez and Jeralynn S. Cossman, “When People Died: An Examination of Seasonality of Mortality Using An Historic African American Population,” Sociological Spectrum 26 (March 2006): 154. 73 suggested “seasonal mortality is strongest in infants and children and the elderly…winter months

seem to result in higher levels of mortality for adult populations, while summer months are

associated typically with high levels of mortality for children.”150 This information may help to

explain why there were higher deaths in certain months amongst black Toledoans than in other

months. According to the same researchers the “inequality in seasonality of death can be

attributed to three factors: the lack of access to quality healthcare, temperature management, and

the education required to have an occupation of higher status than general labor.”151

Table 7 provides the general causes of death of the decedents from 1912 through1917.152

Table 7. General Cause of Death

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Accident 14 4.5 4.5 4.5

Brain Related 16 5.1 5.1 4.8

Cancer 5 1.6 1.6 11.9

Dropsy 7 2.2 2.2 12.2

Drowning 5 1.6 1.6 20.5

Fracture 5 1.6 1.6 21.5

Gastrointestinal Related 11 3.5 3.5 21.8

Heart Related 39 12.5 12.5 22.1

Infectious Disease 12 3.8 3.8 22.8

Kidney Related 8 2.6 2.6 56.7

N/A 27 8.7 8.7 57.4

Other 30 9.6 9.6 57.7

Pregnancy Related 18 5.4 5.4 58.0

Pulmonary Related 84 27 27 86.5

150 Jimenez and Cossman, “When People Died,” 151. 151 Ibid., 149. 152 The exact causes of death can be found in Appendix A Table 2. 74

Table 7 (continued) General Cause of Death

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Senility 5 1.6 1.6 97.8

Unknown 1 .3 .3 98.1

Wound 13 4.2 4.2 98.4

Total 312 100.0 100.0

The majority of the decedents died from pulmonary related causes, 84 individuals accounting for

27 percent of the total population of decedents, died of such causes as pulmonary tuberculosis,

pneumonia, bronchitis, and pulmonary edema as well as other pulmonary related issues.

Mortality studies show that there were several environmental, health and socioeconomic conditions that led to the high causes of death associated with pulmonary related illnesses. For example, indoor air pollution from coal fires as well as close and unsanitary living conditions helped to cause and/or spread some of the pulmonary related illnesses during that period. The subsequent highest number of decedents died due to heart related causes such as heart disease which includes valvular heart disease, dilated cardiomyopathy, chronic mycarditis etc., heart failure, and cardiac asthma among other heart related illnesses; 39 individuals, totaling 12.5 percent of the deceased, died due to causes associated with heart disease. The next highest general cause of death grouping is the “other” category, which includes medical problems like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, etc., 30 people (9.6 percent) died of medical problems related to the aforementioned. Pregnancy related deaths for example, premature birth or stillbirth, were the next highest cause of death among the decedents, making up 5.4 percent of the deaths; followed by brain related illnesses: stroke, cerebral hemorrhage, epilepsy, convulsions, acute meningitis, making up 5.1 percent of the all deaths. 75

Accidents, for example, vehicular related accidents like being crushed or hit by a streetcar, work

related accidents, being crushed by an elevator or falling from a building, and other accidents

like being burned to death or an accidental overdose, made up 4.5 percent of the deaths, and

wounds, due mostly to gunshot or stab wounds, accounted for 4.2 percent of the causes of the

decedents’ deaths.

There were many other causes of death for example: gastrointestinal related diseases,

which include intestinal obstruction, acute indigestion, enteritis, enterocolitis, etc., infectious

diseases like syphilis, diphtheria, tetanus, typhoid fever, etc., kidney related diseases like

nephritis, cancer, senility, and other causes of death like drowning and fractures of the skull or

other bones. The table shows that there were numerous diseases, medical complications, work

and safety hazards, violence, and mental health problems, among many other causes that led to

peoples’ death during the early part of the twentieth century in Toledo, Ohio.

Table 8 displays the general cause of death of the decedents based on gender.

Table 8. Cross-tabulation Gender * General Cause of Death

General Cause of Death

Gastro- Heart Infectio

Accid Brain Canc Drops Drowni intestinal Relate us Kidney N/ Othe Pregnanc Pulmonary

ent Related er y ng Related d Disease Related A r y Related Related Senility Un Wound Total

Gender 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

F 3 4 4 6 0 5 14 5 2 11 20 2 33 2 0 0 112

M 11 12 1 1 5 6 25 7 6 14 15 10 49 3 1 13 178

N/ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 6 2 0 0 0 10 A

Total 14 16 5 7 5 11 39 12 8 27 35 18 84 5 1 13 300 F=Female, M=Male. See Appendix B for percentage tables. 76

Females made up 86 percent of the dropsy153 deaths and 80 percent of the cancer deaths.

Gastrointestinal illnesses and the “other” category, which includes causes of death like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, and old age, ranked high among the female cause of death, 45 percent and 57 percent respectively. One hundred percent of the causes of death attributed to drowning and wounds were male, followed by accident related deaths at 79 percent. Seventy-five percent of the causes of death attributed to brain and kidney related deaths were male followed by heart related deaths at 64 percent. Pulmonary diseases made up 58 percent of the male cause of death as did infectious diseases. At the turn of the century the US Census notes that there was an increase in death rates around the US for the following diseases: pneumonia, heart disease, diseases of the kidney, apoplexy, cancer, old age, influenza, diseases of the stomach, peritonitis, suicide, septicemia, burns, scalds, cerebro-spinal fever and gunshot wounds.154 The funeral records reveal that black Toledoans were dying from similar causes as other individuals in regions around the US.

The data reveal that men and women were dying at higher percentages from different

diseases and complications. The men had a higher rate of accident related deaths (a ratio of 3:1),

perhaps related to the nature of their occupations, which from time to time could be very risky,

especially as a laborer, doing various tasks as washing windows, sweeping streets, construction

work, working on a streetcar as well as other areas of manual labor. The US Census data also shows that nationally there was a higher incidence of accident related deaths among men and a higher incidence of accident related deaths amongst blacks. This can be attributed to the fact that blacks in certain areas were hired disproportionately as unskilled laborers, exposing them

153 Dropsy is an outdated term that refers to some type of edema which describes the swelling of the soft tissues due to the accumulation of water. Edema can be caused by many factors, one being congestive heart failure. MedicineNet, Inc., “Definition of Dropsy,” last reviewed October 2, 2003. http://www.medterms.com/script/main/art.asp?articlekey=13311. 154 Twelfth Federal Census of the United States,1900. 77 disproportionately to various occupational hazards associated with their positions. The occupational data from the funeral records shows that blacks were employed as laborers in

Toledo at high rates.

All of the wound deaths were male, and the majority of wounds occurred as a result of a gunshot or stab wounds caused by a violent act. The data show that men more so than women were likely to die by a gunshot wound or stab wound, which in turn suggests that men were more likely than women to be shot or stabbed. The census data reflects this was a trend not only in

Toledo but nationally. This could be explained by numerous reasons, one being the fact that a man was more likely to get into an altercation or disagreement that was settled through violent means, potentially leading to death. Historically, in the early American time period men often

settled grievances, conflicts and acts of dishonor by dueling, usually resulting in the death of one

or both parties, a prominent example of this would be the duel between Alexander Hamilton and

Aaron Burr which led to Hamilton’s death.

Table 9 gives the marital status of the decedents.

Table 9. Marital Status

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Divorced 2 .6 .6 4.5

Married 109 34.9 34.9 39.4

N/A 37 11.9 11.9 51.3

Single 116 37.2 37.2 88.5

Separated 2 .6 .6 89.1

Unknown 6 1.9 1.9 91.0

Widowed 28 9.0 9.0 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0 78

There were 37 decedents that had nothing listed for their marital status which is reflected under the N/A category. The greater percentage of the decedents were single, 116 decedents, accounting for 37.2 percent of the deceased, this number includes infants and small children which would make the number of singles higher than the number of married persons. Many of the deceased were married 109 decedents totaling 34.9 percent of the deceased were married.

About 28 individuals, accounting for 9 percent of the total deceased population were widowed and .6 percent, of the decedents, respectively, were divorced or separated. As the data indicates not many individuals were divorced which reflects the low divorce rate of the time period under

study.

Table 10 gives the marital status of the decedents based on gender.

Table 10. Cross-tabulation Gender * Marital Status

Marital Status

Divorced Married N/A Single Separated Unknown Widowed Total

Gender 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12

Female 0 0 47 12 34 1 1 17 112

Male 0 2 62 23 74 1 5 11 178

N/A 0 0 0 2 8 0 0 0 10

Total 12 2 109 37 116 2 6 28 312 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The data show that out of the 2 divorced decedents recorded, all of them (100 percent) were male. Moreover, out of the two separated decedents 1 (50 percent) was male and 1 (50 percent) was female they were divided equally between the male and female decedents. Fifty-seven percent of the male decedents were married and 43 percent of the female decedents were married. The greater percentage of single decedents were men, 64 percent of the men were single compared to 29 percent of the women. More women were married than were single.

Women made up more of the widowed decedents, 61 percent of the widowed deceased were 79 women and 39 percent were men. This reflects the mortality study findings that women live longer than men.

Table 11 below displays the data on marital status respective to age.

Table 11. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Age Range

Age Range

0-5 6-12 13-19 20-30 31-41 42-52 53-62 63-80 81-100 years years years years years years years years years Total

Marital Divorced 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 Status Married 0 0 0 21 33 23 19 10 3 109

N/A 2 0 0 4 5 10 4 6 2 33

Single 49 4 7 24 16 11 0 3 0 114

Separated 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 2

Unknown 0 0 0 1 4 1 0 0 0 6

Widowed 0 0 0 0 0 5 12 8 3 28

Total 51 4 7 50 59 52 36 27 8 294 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The data show that 53 of the previous reported 116 single decedents were under the age

of 12 years old, with 49 of the 53 being under the age of 5 years old. Therefore, the data show

that 46 percent of those decedents that were in the single category were well below the average

age of marriage for that time period in the United States.155 Those single individuals who fell

within the average age range of married individuals in the US made up 47 percent of the single

population. The higher percentages of the married individuals were age 31 and older; 56 percent

of the decedents between the ages of 31 and 41 were married, 44 percent between the ages of 42

and 52, 53 percent of those between the ages of 52 and 62 were married, and roughly between

155 Information gathered from: “Table MS-2. Estimated Median Age at First Marriage, by Sex: 1890 to the Present.” US Bureau of the Census, accessed January 12, 2011, http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hhfam/ms2..xls. The median age of those living in the United States at the time of their first marriage: for men in 1910 it was 25.1 years of age and for women it was 21.6 years of age. In 1920 for men it was 24.6 years of age and for women it was 21.2 years of age. 80

37.5 percent of the decedents older than 62 were married. The percentage of widowed decedents was higher in those who were above the age of 53. Thirty-three percent of those between the ages of 53 and 62 were widowed and 30 percent of those between the ages of 63 and 80 were widowed. The highest percentage of decedents who were widowed fell between the ages of 81 and 100. The divorced individuals fell within the 42 through 62 age range. Those individuals who were separated fell within the 31 through 52 age range.

The next table, table 12, provides the age ranges of the decedents.

Table 12. Age Range

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 17.0 0-5 years 51 16.3 17.3 17.3

6-12 years 4 1.3 1.4 18.7

13-19 years 7 2.2 2.4 21.1

20-30 years 50 16.0 17.0 38.1

31-41 years 59 18.9 20.1 58.2

42-52 years 52 16.7 17.7 75.9

53-62 years 36 11.5 12.2 88.1

63-80 years 27 8.7 9.2 97.3

81-100 years 8 2.6 2.7 100.0

Total 294 94.2 100.0

Missing System 18 5.8

Total 312 100.0 See Appendix A for a table of a full list of ages

The highest percentages of decedents were between the ages of 31 and 41years old, 20.1 percent

(59 decedents). The subsequent highest amount of decedents fell between the ages 42 and 52

years old, 17.7 percent (52 individuals). Those individuals between the ages of 0 and 5 years old

made up the third highest percentage of decedents, 17.3 percent (51 decedents). This could be

indicative of a high infant mortality rate among blacks in Toledo. Following closely behind the 81

0-5 year olds were the decedents between the ages of 20 and 30, 17 percent (50 decedents) of the

individuals in this age category were serviced by Wanzo. The data indicate that the majority of

the individuals serviced by Wanzo Funeral Home were 52 and below. He serviced 2.6 percent (8

deceased) of the decedents in the age category from 81 to 100 years old. The data reflect that not

many children in their early adolescent and teenage years, between the ages of 6 to 19, were

serviced by the funeral home. This could infer that not many adolescents between those ages

were dying, insinuating that once outside of the early childhood stages of 0 to 5 years old,

children, youth, and young adults’ under the ages of 19 had much higher survival rates.

Table 13 below gives the age range of the decedents based on gender.

Table 13. Cross-tabulation Gender * Age Range

Age Range

0-5 6-12 13-19 20-30 31-41 42-52 53-62 63-80 81-100 years years years years years years years years years Total

Gender Female 16 1 3 25 22 14 18 7 4 110

Male 29 3 4 25 36 38 18 19 4 176

N/A 6 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 8

Total 51 4 7 50 59 52 36 27 8 294 See appendix for percentage tables.

More males, 57 percent, between the ages of 0-5 years old died than females between the same

ages. Between the age ranges of 20 to 30, 53 to 62, and 81 to 100, the percentage of male and

female decedents was equal, 50 percent of the decedents were male and 50 percent of the

decedents were female. Between the ages of 42 to 52, 73 percent of the decedents were male and

27 percent were female. The individuals that died between the ages of 63 to 80, 70 percent of

them were male and 26 percent were female. The highest percentage of male death occurred

between the ages of 42 to 52. The greater percentage of female deaths occurred between the

ages of 20 to 30 years, during the younger reproductive years. 82

Below, table 14 offers the general cause of death based on the age of the decedent.

Table 14. General Cause of Death * Age Range

Age Range

0-5 6-12 13-19 20-30 31-41 42-52 53-62 63-80 81-100 years years years years years years years years years Total

General Cause of Accident 2 0 0 5 2 3 1 1 0 14 Death Brain 3 0 1 1 4 3 1 2 1 16

Cancer 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 1 0 5

Dropsy 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 1 7

Drowning 1 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 5

Fracture 0 1 0 3 0 1 0 0 0 5

Gastro- 5 0 0 1 1 2 1 1 0 11 intestinal

Heart 1 0 0 1 9 8 10 8 1 38

Infectious 4 0 0 2 3 3 0 0 0 12 Disease

Kidney 0 0 0 1 2 0 3 2 0 8

N/A 6 1 0 6 3 3 5 1 0 25

Other 1 0 0 6 9 7 2 1 2 28

Pregnancy 16 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 18 Related

Pulmonary 12 2 4 19 16 17 8 4 1 83

Senility 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 2 5

Unknown 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

Wound 0 0 1 2 6 4 0 0 0 13

Total 51 4 7 50 59 52 36 27 8 294 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

Children between the ages of 0 to 5 years old died mostly (31.3 percent) due to pregnancy related issues (i.e. still birth and premature birth). Pulmonary related issues are the second highest cause of death among children in the same age group, 24 percent of the children 83 died because of these problems. The third and fourth highest causes of death amongst children in the 0 to 5 age category is gastrointestinal related illnesses (9.8 percent) and infectious diseases

(7.8 percent).

Between the ages of 6 to 12 years old the decedents died the most frequently of pulmonary related causes, 50 percent of the children in this age group died from such causes.

Fractures were the second highest cause of death among children serviced by the funeral home in the same age group, 25 percent died as a result of such issues. The young people serviced by

Wanzo between the ages of 13 to 19 years old, 57.1 percent of them, were dying mostly as a result of pulmonary related causes. Other causes of death that ranked high among the same age group, but not as high as pulmonary causes were: brain related causes, drowning, and wounds, which each represented 14.3 percent of the deaths.

The highest cause of death amongst individuals between the ages of 20 to 30 years old was also pulmonary related issues, 38 percent of individuals died from such causes. The “other” category which includes such causes of death as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, etc., was the next highest cause of death (12 percent) among decedents in the 20 to 30 age range. Fractures made up 6 percent of the causes of death among individuals in this same age group, which was the next highest cause of death following the “other” category.

The majority of the decedents between the ages of 31 to 41 years old, 27.1 percent, died of pulmonary related illnesses similarly to the two previous age categories. In this same age grouping heart related causes and other causes like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, and exhaustion, made up the next highest causes of death ,15.3 percent respectively in both categories died from such causes. Wounds made up the third highest cause of death 10.2 percent of the decedents died as a result of being wounded. Pulmonary related deaths once again 84 made up the majority of the causes of death of decedents between the ages of 42 to 52 years old,

33 percent died of pulmonary related causes. Within the same age group 15.4 percent died of heart related conditions. Other causes such as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, and exhaustion made up 13.5 percent of deaths in the 42 to 52 age group and 8 percent of those in this age group died due to wounds.

Individuals within the age group of 53 to 62 years old died more frequently due to heart related causes (28 percent) which was different from many of the other age groupings where the highest cause of death was pulmonary related. The subsequent highest cause of death among this same age group was pulmonary related causes, 25 percent died from such problems. Dropsy, which could be related congestive heart failure, and kidney related deaths both made up 8 percent of the causes of death among the decedents in the 53 to 60 age category. Like the previous age group, those between the ages of 63 to 80 (30 percent) died of heart related illnesses. The second highest cause of death was pulmonary related conditions, 15 percent died because of that issue. Dropsy was the third highest cause of death among decedents in this age range (11.1 percent), followed by brain, kidney and senility related causes, which all individually made up 7.4 percent of the causes of death. The last age group, 81 to 100 years old, senility and the “other” category, which includes old age, made up the highest causes of death; each category represented 25 percent of the causes of death for this age group. Brain, heart, pulmonary related conditions along with dropsy were the next highest causes of death within this age range, each represented 13 percent of the causes of death in this category.

The data indicate that more 0 to 5 year olds died more of the following causes than any

other age group: gastrointestinal causes, 45.5 percent, infectious diseases, 33.3 percent, and

pregnancy related causes, 89 percent. More children between the ages of 0 to 5 years old died of 85 pregnancy related causes than any other cause and the percentage of deaths in this category is higher than in any other age category. More decedents between the ages of 20 to 30 died of pulmonary related illnesses than in any other age category, 23 percent. More 20 to 30 year olds died due to fractures than any other age group, 60 percent. In the same age group more died of accidents than in any other age category, 36 percent died which was the highest number in the accident category. The next highest percentage of accident related deaths were those in the 42 to

52 year old age group, 21.4 percent of individuals in this group died as a result of an accident.

Those within the 20 to 30 age group, more than any other age group, except those within the 53 to 62 age range, died of cancer (40 percent). Those within the 53 to 62 age group had an equal percentage of deaths due to cancer as those in the 20 to 30 year old group. Additionally, between the ages of 53 to 62 more died of heart (26.3 percent) and kidney related illnesses (38 percent) than in any other age grouping. Within the same age category more died of dropsy as compared to the other age categories except for the 63 to 80 age group, 43 percent of individuals in both age groupings died because of dropsy. More 31-41 year olds died of brain related issues 25 percent, drowning, 40 percent, wounds, 46.1 percent and other conditions such as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, exhaustion, etc., 32.1 percent. The deaths for senility (40 percent) were highest among those within the age group of 63 to 100 years old. The data show the higher causes of death in the various categories fall within the 20 to 30 age group, the 31 to 41 age group and the 53 to 62 age group.

The aforesaid data show that certain age groups died due to certain causes at higher percentages than other age groups. Table 15, displays the general causes of death of Wanzo’s clientele based on their marital status. The table was created to provide insights on whether individuals died of certain causes more than others based on their marital status. 86

Table 15. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * General Cause of Death

General Cause of Death

Infect

Accid Brain Cancer Dropsy Drown GI Heart Disease Kid N/A Oth Preg Pulmon Senile Un Wound Total

Marital

Status D 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2

M 2 9 4 1 1 3 19 3 3 10 18 0 28 3 0 5 109

N/ 4 1 1 1 1 1 7 2 2 4 5 0 7 0 0 1 37

S 6 5 0 0 1 6 5 7 1 12 9 18 38 0 1 7 115

Sp 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2

Un 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 6

W 2 0 0 5 0 1 6 0 2 1 2 0 7 2 0 0 28

Total 14 16 5 7 5 11 39 12 8 27 35 18 84 5 1 13 300

D=Divorced, M=Married, S=Single, Sp=Separated, Un=Unknown, W=Widowed, Accid=Accident, Brain=Brain Related, Drown=Drowning, GI=Gastrointestinal Related, Heart=Heart Related, Infect=Infectious, Kid=Kidney

Related, Oth=Other, Preg=Pregnancy Related, Pulmon=Pulmonary Related, Senile=Senility. See appendix for

percentage tables.

For the single group, pregnancy related deaths were high, they were the highest among this

group, and 100 percent of the pregnancy related deaths (i.e. stillbirth, premature birth, etc.) were

among the single group. This does not suggest that women were having babies out of wedlock

but that the majority of the decedents within this group were infants who died due to pregnancy

and birth related complications. The decedents in all but two cases in this category happened to

be children between the ages of 0 to 5 years old. This suggests that many of these children died

before birth, at birth, or shortly thereafter.

Gastrointestinal causes were also high among single individuals 55 percent died from

such causes. In addition infectious disease and pulmonary related illnesses ranked high among 87 the causes of death for singles, 58 percent of the infectious disease related deaths were among singles as well as 45 percent of the pulmonary related deaths. Many singles died in fairly high

numbers from trauma related causes such as accidents (43 percent) and wounds (55 percent) as

compared to the other marital status categories. This could suggest that singles were a little more

vulnerable than the married or formerly married. Singles ranked low among the kidney (13 percent), heart (13 percent), and senility (0 percent) related causes of death because they are young and these diseases often show up in older people.

Cancer ranked high within the married category, 80 percent of the cancer cases were in

the married group. This group has the highest percentage of deaths related to cancer. Among

the married group senility ranked high, 60 percent of the senility cases fell within this group and

56 percent of the brain related cases also fell within this group. Additionally, heart related

causes and 49 percent and 51 percent “other” causes such as despondency, suicide, paralysis,

peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, etc., were fairly significant in this group, 49 percent of

the heart cases and 51 percent of the “other” cases fell within this group. Causes of death like

accidents and dropsy were fairly low among the married category, married decedents only made

up 14 percent of the accident and dropsy cases.

Within the widowed group, 71 percent, or 5 out of 7 decedents died of the dropsy, additionally, 40 percent, or 2 out of 5 decedents died of senility. This group had the highest percentage of people dying as a result of dropsy. Kidney related causes and heart related causes were also noticeable among the widow group, 25 percent of the kidney related cases and 15 percent of the heart related cases were found among this group. The numbers among the divorced and separated groups were pretty negligible, 6 percent of the divorced decedents died from brain related issues and 1 percent from pulmonary related problems. Among the separated 88 group, 3 percent of the heart related deaths were in this group and 1 percent of the pulmonary cases were in this group.

Table 16, examines the relationship between the occupation of the deceased and the cause of death of the deceased. For this particular data, the occupations and the causes of death will be examined where they appear at greater percentages within the dataset.

Table 16. Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * General Cause of Death

General Cause of Death Occupation of Deceased Infect

Accid Brain Cancer Dropsy Drown GI Heart Disease Kid N/A Oth Preg Pulmon Senile Un Wound Total

Auto 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Mechanic

Barber 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 4

Brick Mason 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2

Butler 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Carpenter 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Chef 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2

Clerk 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2

Constable 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Cook 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 4

Goods 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 Dealer

Domestic 1 2 0 3 0 1 3 1 1 2 5 0 7 0 0 0 26

Engineer 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 2

Expressman 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Hotel 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Manager

Housewife 2 0 3 1 0 2 6 2 1 4 12 0 13 2 0 0 47

Laborer 8 2 0 0 1 1 12 2 4 4 6 0 17 2 0 9 68

Laundress 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Table 16 (continued) Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * General Cause of Death

General Cause of Death Occupation of Deceased Infect

Accid Brain Cancer Dropsy Drown GI Heart Disease Kid N/A Oth Preg Pulmon Senile Un Wound Total

Musician 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 3

N/A 2 4 2 3 2 6 6 5 2 14 4 18 23 0 0 0 91

Paper 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 Hanger

Plasterer 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Porter 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 2 0 6 0 0 0 12

Preacher 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Proprietor 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Restaurant 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Keeper

Retired 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2

Server 0 2 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 4 0 0 2 14

Student 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2

Taxi Driver 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Teamster 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3

Total 14 16 5 7 5 11 39 12 8 27 35 18 84 5 1 13 300

Accid=Accident, Brain=Brain Related, Drown=Drowning, GI=Gastrointestinal Related, Heart=Heart Related, Infect=Infectious, Kid=Kidney Related, Oth=Other, Preg=Pregnancy Related, Pulmon=Pulmonary Related,

Senile=Senility, Un=Unknown, N/A=Information not recorded. See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The occupations listed in this section provide a general list of occupations. Chapter IV explains in greater detail the vocations of the deceased. More deaths appeared among laborers than any other occupation. Accidents were highest among laborers, they made up 57 percent of these deaths, followed by house wives which made up 14 percent of the accident deaths and then taxi drivers which made up 7 percent of the accident deaths. Laborers accounted for 23 percent of all the deaths: 69 percent of the wound deaths; 50 percent of the kidney related deaths; 40 percent of 90 the senility deaths; 31 percent of the heart related deaths; 20 percent of Pulmonary and drowning deaths; 17 percent of infectious disease and “other” (despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, etc.) deaths; 13 percent of brain related deaths; and 9 percent of gastrointestinal deaths.

There were high occurrences of death among housewives as well. Housewives accounted for the second highest percentage (16 percent) of the deaths. Many conditions were significant for housewives the following list highlights some of the conditions: cancer, 60 percent or 3 out of 5 of the cancer deaths were connected to this occupation; senility, 40 percent of the senility causes of death were housewives; “other” causes like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, exhaustion, old age, etc., accounted for 31 percent of the deaths in this category; gastrointestinal illnesses, 18 percent of the gastrointestinal deaths were in this occupational category; heart and pulmonary illnesses, 15 percent of the heart related and pulmonary causes of death were housewives; dropsy, 14 percent of the dropsy deaths were in this category; and brain and kidney related illnesses, 13 percent of the brain and kidney related deaths were housewives.

The third highest percentage of death was among domestic workers, 9 percent of the deaths were in this group. Domestics accounted for 14 percent of dropsy deaths, 14 percent of

“other” deaths like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, and old age,

13 percent of the brain related deaths, 13 percent of kidney deaths, and 9 percent of gastrointestinal deaths. Servers accounted for 5 percent of all the deaths: servers made up 13 percent of the brain related deaths; 40 percent or 2 out of 5 of the drowning deaths, 15 percent of the wound related deaths; and 6 percent of the “other” deaths, despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, exhaustion, old age, etc., were in this group as well. 91

Other occupations had an equal percentage of death as a few of the occupations listed above and/or made up a fairly significant percentage of deaths in their category: chefs made up 9 percent of the gastrointestinal deaths; porters made up 7 percent of the pulmonary deaths; cooks and proprietors, each made up 8 percent of the wound deaths.

Laborers had the highest percentage of accident deaths which reflects the risky nature of their jobs and that many of these jobs had injury risks involved. Laborers also had the highest percentage of wound deaths which suggests that the men who died of gunshot wounds and stab wounds were most likely unskilled laborers. They also made up the highest percentages of kidney, heart, and pulmonary related deaths and an equal percentage of the senility deaths as the housewives. Housewives made up the highest percentages of cancer, senility, gastrointestinal and “other” deaths, like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, exhaustion, old age, etc.

Servers, includes bartenders, waiters and waitresses had the highest percentage of drowning deaths.

Table 17 gives the occupations of the deceased. Many of their occupations were varied among skilled and unskilled professions.

Table 17. Occupation of the Deceased

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Auto Mechanic 1 .3 .3 4.2

Barber 4 1.3 1.3 5.4

Brick Mason 2 .6 .6 6.1

Butler 1 .3 .3 6.4

Carpenter 1 .3 .3 6.7

Chef 2 .6 .6 7.4

Clerk 2 .6 .6 8.0 92

Table 17 (continued) Occupation of the Deceased

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Constable 1 .3 .3 8.3

Cook 4 1.3 1.3 9.6

Dealer of Goods 3 1.0 1.0 10.6

Domestic 26 8.3 8.3 18.9

Engineer 2 .6 .6 19.6

Expressman 1 .3 .3 19.9

Hotel Manager 1 .3 .3 20.2

Housewife 47 15.1 15.1 35.3

Laborer 68 21.8 21.8 57.1

Laundress 1 .3 .3 57.4

Musician 3 1.0 1.0 58.3

N/A 91 29.2 29.2 87.5

Paper Hanger 1 .3 .3 87.8

Plasterer 1 .3 .3 88.1 Porter 12 3.8 3.8 92.0 Preacher 1 .3 .3 92.3 Proprietor 1 .3 .3 92.6 Restaurant Keeper 1 .3 .3 92.9 Retired 2 .6 .6 93.6 Server 14 4.5 4.5 98.1 Student 2 .6 .6 98.7 Taxi Driver 1 .3 .3 99.0 Teamster 3 1.0 1.0 100.0 Total 312 100.0 100.0

The information gives insights into the jobs and careers that were prevalent at the beginning of the twentieth century. Laborers made up the highest amount of the decedents 68

(21.8 percent) of them were in this profession. There were other professions that were listed 93 separately however some of those occupations could be factored into the labor category.

Traditionally, the term laborer refers to unskilled working class individuals who perform manual labor. After laborers, housewives made up the second largest percentage of the deceased 15.1 percent (47 decedents) of the decedents were in this category. Many individuals working as domestics made up the third largest group of decedents 26 (8.3 percent) were in this category.

Servers, including a bartender, made up 4.5 percent (14) of the decedents, followed by porters which made up 3.8 percent (12) of the decedents. The data show that there were 4 barbers, 4 cooks, 3 teamsters, 3 dealers of goods and 3 musicians. There were 2 retirees, 2 students, 2 engineers, 2 clerks, 2 chefs and 2 brick masons among the deceased. There was at least 1 preacher, 1 proprietor, 1 restaurant keeper, a hotel manager, an auto mechanic, a constable, a carpenter, a taxi driver, a laundress, in addition to other professions.

Table 18 breaks down the occupation of the deceased based on gender.

Table 18. Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Gender

Male Female Total

Occupation of Deceased Auto Mechanic 1 0 1

Barber 4 0 4

Brick Mason 2 0 2

Butler 1 0 1

Carpenter 1 0 1

Chef 2 0 2

Clerk 2 0 2

Constable 1 0 1

Cook 3 1 4

Dealer of Goods 3 0 3

Domestic 0 26 26

Engineer 2 0 2 94

Table 18 (continued) Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Gender

Male Female Total

Expressman 1 0 1

Hotel Manager 1 0 1

Housewife 0 47 47

Laborer 65 1 66

Laundress 0 1 1

Musician 2 1 3

N/A 51 32 83

Paper Hanger 1 0 1

Preacher 1 0 1

Proprietor 1 0 1

Restaurant Keeper 1 0 1

Retired 2 0 2

Server 12 2 14

Student 1 1 2

Taxi Driver 1 0 1

Teamster 3 0 3

Total 177 114 291 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The majority of the decedents who were laborers were male, 98 percent of the laborers were male and 37 percent (65) of all the male workers were laborers, 1 female was listed as a laborer. Males dominated in such fields as auto mechanic, butler, carpenter, chef, constable, hotel manager, proprietor, paper hanger, preacher, restaurant keeper, taxi driver, and expressman,

1 male worked in each of these fields. Furthermore, there were 3 teamsters and 3 goods dealers, which were all male, these professions individually made up 1 percent of the occupations. There 95 were 2 clerks which were male, additionally there were 2 engineers, 2 chefs, 2 brick masons and

2 retirees which were also all male.

All 47 of those recorded as housewives were listed as female, 41 percent of the female

decedents were housewives. All the domestics, 26 of them, were female as well, 23 percent of

all the females were domestics. Out of the 14 servers 12 of them were male which represented 7

percent of the male workers, and 2 of them were females representing 2 percent of the female

workers. There was 1 female student and 1 male student out of 300 decedents. There were 3

male cooks and 1 female cook as well as 2 male musicians and 1 female musician. The sole

laundress was a female as well. The aforementioned occupations represented a small percentage

of both the male and female population.

Table 19 shows the state or country where the decedents were born. 156

Table 19. Decedent’s State or Country of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Alabama 1 .3 .3 4.2

Arkansas 1 .3 .3 4.5

Canada 7 2.2 2.2 6.7

DC 1 .3 .3 7.1

Florida 2 .6 .6 7.7

Georgia 2 .6 .6 8.3

Haiti 1 .3 .3 8.7

Illinois 9 2.9 2.9 11.5

Indiana 5 1.6 1.6 13.1

Iowa 1 .3 .3 13.5

Kansas 3 1.0 1.0 14.4

156 The full list of the city or county where the decedent was born can be found in Appendix A. 96

Table 19 (continued)Decedent’s State or Country of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Kentucky 25 8.0 8.0 22.4

Louisiana 1 .3 .3 22.8

Maryland 5 1.6 1.6 24.4

Michigan 12 3.8 3.8 28.2

Mississippi 2 .6 .6 28.8

Missouri 6 1.9 1.9 30.8

N/A 29 9.3 9.3 40.1

New Jersey 1 .3 .3 40.4

New York 3 1.0 1.0 41.3

North Carolina 8 2.6 2.6 43.9

Ohio 101 32.4 32.4 76.3

Pennsylvania 7 2.2 2.2 78.5

South Carolina 6 1.9 1.9 80.4

Tennessee 12 3.8 3.8 84.3

United States 4 1.3 1.3 85.6

Unknown 22 7.1 7.1 92.6

Vermont 1 .3 .3 92.9

Virginia 17 5.4 5.4 98.4

Washington 1 .3 .3 98.7

West Indies 1 .3 .3 99.0

West Virginia 3 1.0 1.0 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

This information provides insights into the migratory patterns of Toledo’s black population. Many of the decedents were born in Ohio, 32.4 percent (101), followed by

Kentucky. This is in line with the axiom that most migrations are over short distances. About 55 percent (55) of the Ohio born were born in Toledo, the others were born in cities like: Columbus 97

(5 percent); Cincinnati (4 percent); Zanesville (3 percent); Dayton (2 percent); Marion, Zenia, and Findlay (1 percent each).157 The second highest percentages of the decedents were born in

Kentucky, 8 percent (25) were born in this neighboring state. Virginia was another state where a

significant amount of the decedents born, 17 (5.4 percent) of the deceased were born in Virginia.

The first three states, Ohio, Kentucky and Virginia together account for 45.8 percent of the

decedents’ birthplaces.

The following states represent states or countries where the lower percentages of the

decedents were born, however collectively these states accounted for 54.2 percent of the

decedent’s birthplaces. The Southern state of Tennessee accounted for 3.8 percent of the

decedents’ places of origin. Additionally, 3.8 percent (12) of Wanzo’s clientele were born in the

neighboring Midwestern state of Michigan. Illinois, another Midwestern state, had 2.9 percent

(9) of the decedents born within that state. After Illinois the next largest percentage of the

decedents were born in North Carolina 2.6 percent (8) of the decedents were born in this South

Atlantic state. The state of Pennsylvania and the country of Canada each had 2.2 percent (7) of

the decedents born in their respective locales. In South Carolina and Missouri 1.9 percent (6) of

the decedents were born in each of these states. Five of the deceased, accounting for 1.6 percent

of the decedents, were born in Maryland and 5 (1.6 percent) of the decedents were born in

Indiana.

The following states each had 1 percent or below of the decedents born within their

states. Individually, West Virginia, New York and Kansas were the states of birth for 1 percent

of the deceased population. Respectively in Florida, Georgia and Mississippi, .6 percent of the

deceased were born in these states. In Washington, DC, Louisiana, Arkansas, Alabama,

157 Refer to the Appendix A for the complete statistics on the cities where the deceased were born. 98

Vermont, New Jersey, Iowa, Washington, the West Indies, and Haiti, .3 percent (1) of the decedents were born in each of these areas.

It is interesting to note that 3.4 percent (9) of Wanzo’s clientele were born outside of the

United States, .6 percent (2) of the decedents were from the Caribbean, with the majority of those born outside of the US coming from Canada, 71 percent (7). The Midwestern States---

Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri and Kansas together accounted for 44 percent

of the states of origin for many of the decedents. The South Atlantic States/Districts--- West

Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, Washington, DC, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, and

Florida accounted for 14.1 percent of the populations’ birthplaces. The South Central and East

South Central States--- Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas and Louisiana, collectively had 13.5 percent of the population coming from this area of the country. Lastly, the

Northeastern States--- New York, New Jersey, Vermont, and Pennsylvania, 3.8 percent of decedents came from this region of the country. The smallest percentage of the decedents were born in the Northwest region, .3 percent of the population came from this region and state of

Washington.

The next section will display data on the birthplaces of the decedents’ parents. Table 20 gives the mothers’ origins of birth and table 21 will show the fathers’ origins of birth. The results do not deviate greatly from the previous results on where the decedents were born. Many of the mothers of the decedents were born in Ohio, 37 of the mothers, accounting for 11.9 percent of the total amount of the mothers, were born in this Midwestern state. Subsequently,

9.6 percent (30) of the mothers were born in Kentucky. Virginia had the next highest percentage of the decedents’ mothers born in their state, 8.3 percent (26). 99

Table 20. Mother’s Birthplace State or Country

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 13 4.2 4.2 4.2

Alabama 4 1.3 1.3 5.4

Canada 9 2.9 2.9 8.3

Georgia 1 .3 .3 8.7

Greece 1 .3 .3 9.0

Illinois 1 .3 .3 9.3

Indiana 6 1.9 1.9 11.2

Kentucky 30 9.6 9.6 20.8

Louisiana 1 .3 .3 21.2

Maryland 8 2.6 2.6 23.7

Michigan 7 2.2 2.2 26.0

Mississippi 6 1.9 1.9 27.9

Missouri 4 1.3 1.3 29.2

N/A 19 6.1 6.1 35.3

New York 1 .3 .3 35.6

North Carolina 8 2.6 2.6 38.1

Ohio 37 11.9 11.9 50.0

Tennessee 8 2.6 2.6 55.1

Pennsylvania 5 1.6 1.6 51.6

South Carolina 3 1.0 1.0 52.6

Texas 1 .3 .3 55.4

Unknown 108 34.6 34.6 90.1

Virginia 26 8.3 8.3 98.4

West Virginia 4 1.3 1.3 99.7

Wisconsin 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

100

A smaller percentage of the mothers were born outside of the United States in the neighboring country of Canada, 2.9 percent (9), were born in Canada. Collectively 2.6 percent of mothers were born in the states of Tennessee, North Carolina and Maryland. Seven, accounting for 2.2 percent of the total amount of mothers, were born in the Midwestern neighboring state of Michigan.

Indiana and Mississippi each accounted for 1.9 percent (6) of the mothers’ birthplaces. In the state of Pennsylvania, 1.6 percent (5) of the mothers was born there. After Pennsylvania,

West Virginia, Alabama and Missouri individually made up 1.3 percent of the mothers’ birthplaces. Furthermore many of the mothers, 1 percent of them, were born in South Carolina.

Moreover, .3 percent of the mothers were born in each of the following states or country:

Wisconsin, Illinois Texas, Louisiana, Georgia, New York and Greece. There were 108 unknowns for this category meaning that the person providing the information did not know where the decedents’ mothers’ birthplace.

Not all of the decedents’ mothers were born in the United States 3.2 percent of them were born outside of the US with the majority, 90 percent (9), of them coming from Canada and 1 (10 percent) mother from Greece (this was the mother of the white infant child that Wanzo buried).

The Midwestern States--- Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Missouri together accounted for 18 percent of the states where the decedents’ mothers were born. The South

Atlantic States--- West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina, North Carolina, and

Georgia, accounted for 16 percent of the mothers’ birthplaces. The South Central and East South

Central States--- Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas, collectively

16 percent of the mothers came from this region. The Northeastern States--- New York and 101

Pennsylvania, 1.9 percent of decedents’ mothers came from this region of the country. The greater percentages of the mothers were born in the south.

The next chart shows where the fathers of the decedents were born.

Table 21. Father's Birthplace State or Country

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Alabama 2 .6 .6 4.5

Canada 10 3.2 3.2 7.7

Georgia 4 1.3 1.3 9.0

Greece 1 .3 .3 9.3

Illinois 1 .3 .3 9.6

Indiana 6 1.9 1.9 11.5

Kentucky 27 8.7 8.7 20.2

Louisiana 3 1.0 1.0 21.2

Maryland 6 1.9 1.9 23.1

Mexico 1 .3 .3 23.4

Michigan 2 .6 .6 24.0

Mississippi 6 1.9 1.9 26.0

Missouri 4 1.3 1.3 27.2

N/A 20 6.4 6.4 33.7

North Carolina 11 3.5 3.5 37.2

Ohio 21 6.7 6.7 43.9

Pennsylvania 3 1.0 1.0 44.9

South Carolina 5 1.6 1.6 46.5

Tennessee 13 4.2 4.2 50.6

Texas 1 .3 .3 51.0

102

Table 21 (continued) Father's Birthplace State or Country

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Unknown 118 37.8 37.8 88.8

Virginia 26 8.3 8.3 97.1

West Virginia 5 1.6 1.6 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

A sizable number of the fathers were born in Kentucky 8.7 percent (27) of them were born there, more than in any other state or country. Subsequently, 8.3 percent (26) of the fathers were born in Virginia. Additionally, 6.7 percent (21) the fathers were born in Ohio. The states accounting for the larger percentages of the fathers’ birthplaces does not deviate from the mothers’ and decedents’ origins of birth, however, the percentages of individuals from each state does change making Kentucky, in this category, the state with the highest percentage of fathers being born there instead of Ohio, with Virginia and Ohio respectively being second and third highest, this differs from the other two results sections. Furthermore, 4.2 percent (13) of the fathers were from Tennessee. Moreover, 3.5 percent (11) of the fathers were born in North Carolina.

Following North Carolina, many of the fathers were born outside of the United States in the neighboring country of Canada, 3.2 percent (10), were born there.

Collectively 3.8 percent of the fathers were born in the states of Mississippi (6),

Maryland (6) and Indiana (6). West Virginia and South Carolina each accounted for 1.6 percent

(5) of the fathers’ birthplaces. In addition, in Missouri and Georgia 1.4 percent (4) of the fathers were born in each state. A small percentage of the fathers, 1 percent (3), were from the states of

Pennsylvania and Louisiana, respectively. Michigan and Alabama each had .6 percent (2) of the fathers from their states. Furthermore, many of the fathers’ origins of birth, .3 percent (1), were in South Carolina. Moreover, .3 percent (1) of the fathers was born in each of the following 103 states or country: Illinois, Texas, Mexico and Greece. There were 108 unknowns for this category meaning that the informants or persons providing the information did not know the birthplace of the decedents’ fathers.

The origins of some of the fathers was outside of the United States 3.8 percent of them

were born outside of the US with the majority, 80 percent (10) of them coming from Canada, 1

individual from Greece and 1from Mexico. The South Atlantic States--- West Virginia, Virginia,

Maryland, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia, accounted for 18.3 percent of the

fathers’ birthplaces. The South Central and East South Central States--- Kentucky, Tennessee,

Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas, collectively 16.6 percent of the fathers came from

this region. The Midwestern States--- Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, together

account for 11 percent of the states where the fathers were born. In the Northeastern State of

Pennsylvania, 1 percent of decedents’ fathers came from this region of the country. Like the

mothers the greater percentages of the fathers were from the South. This was not the case

amongst the children; the greater percentages of the children were from the Midwest.

Table 22 below provides information on the residences of the decedents. The table gives

the locations (which may have appeared only once in the records) or street names (which

appeared more than once in the records) where some of the decedents resided.158

Table 22. Residence of Deceased

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Indiana Ave. 16 5.1 5.1 4.2

Woodland Ave. 15 4.8 4.8 4.5

Belmont Ave. 14 4.5 4.5 4.8

Pinewood Ave. 14 4.5 4.5 5.1

158 See Appendix A for the full list of residences. 104

Table 22 (continued) Residence of Deceased

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Canton St. 11 3.5 3.5 5.4

Vance St. 10 3.2 3.2 5.8

Southard Ave. 9 2.9 2.9 6.1

Lucas St. 6 1.9 1.9 6.4

Illinois St. 6 1.9 1.9 6.7

N. Erie St. 6 1.9 1.9 7.1

S. Erie St. 6 1.9 1.9 7.4

Michigan St. 6 1.9 1.9 7.7

Morris St. 5 1.6 1.6 8.0

Avondale Ave. 5 1.6 1.6 8.3

West Grove Place 4 1.3 1.3 8.7

Spielbusch Ave. 4 1.3 1.3 9.0

State St. 4 1.3 1.3 9.3

Hill Ave. 4 1.3 1.3 9.6

Ontario St. 3 1.0 1.0 9.9

Washington St. 3 1.0 1.0 10.3

E. Woodruff Ave. 3 1.0 1.0 10.6

N. 12th St. 3 1.0 1.0 10.9

12th St. 3 1.0 1.0 11.3

Tecumseh St. 3 1.0 1.0 11.6

Beacon St. 3 1.0 1.0 11.9

City Park Ave. 3 1.0 1.0 25.6

Huron St. 3 1.0 1.0 26.9

Yondota St. 3 1.0 1.0 27.2

Chesbrough St. 3 1.0 1.0 76.6

Roff St. 3 1.0 1.0 78.5

Dorr St. 3 1.0 1.0 78.8

Moore St. 2 .6 .6 79.2 105

Table 22 (continued) Residence of Deceased

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Hildebrand Ave. 2 .6 .6 79.5

Norwood Ave. 2 .6 .6 90.4

Mill St. 2 .6 .6 91.0

Oakwood Ave. 2 .6 .6 91.3

Noble St. 2 .6 .6 91.6

Franklin Ave. 2 .6 .6 91.9

Palmwood Ave. 2 .6 .6 92.0

State Hospital 1 .3 .3 92.3

Lucas County Hospital 4 1.3 1.3 92.6

Pleasant Hotel 1 .3 .3 94.6

Federal Creosote Plant 5 1.6 1.6 94.9

Chicago, Il 2 .6 .6 95.5

Cleveland, Oh 1 .3 .3 99.1

Lima, Oh 1 .3 .3 99.4

Adrian, MI 1 .3 .3 100.0

The streets where the larger number of the decedents resided were as follows: Indiana

Ave. (16), Woodland Ave. (15), Belmont Ave. (14), Pinewood Ave. (14), Canton St. (11), Vance

St. (10), and Southard Ave. (9). Twenty-nine percent of the total decedent population lived on the aforesaid streets. Indiana, Woodland, Belmont, Pinewood avenues and Vance Street were all within the same vicinity.

Furthermore, there were a significant amount of the decedents living on the following streets: Lucas St.(6), Illinois Ave. (6), North Erie St. (6), South Erie St. (6), Michigan St. (6),

Morris St.( 5), Avondale St.(5), West Grove Place (4), Spielbusch Ave. (4), State St. (4), Hill

Ave (4), Ontario St. (3), Washington St. (3), E. Woodruff Ave. (3), North 12th St. (3), 12th St. (3), 106

Tecumseh St. (3), Beacon St. (3), City Park Ave. (3), Huron St. (3), Yondota St. (3), Chesbrough

St. (3), Dorr St. (3) and Roff St.( 3). The aforesaid streets accounted for 29.5 percent of the streets where decedents resided. Many of the streets within certain sections of Toledo were in close proximity to one another, for example, Ontario, Washington, Michigan, Huron, North and

South Erie streets are in close proximity to one another.

The following street names appeared twice in the records and accounted for 5 percent of the streets where the decedents resided: Moore St., Hildebrand Ave., Norwood Ave., Mill St.,

Oakwood Ave., Noble St., Franklin Ave. and Palmwood Ave. Other street names, that only appeared once in the records, where decedents resided were as follows: Charles St., S. St. Claire

St., Hoag St., Pomeroy St., 2nd St., S. 15th St., Peoria St., Summer St., Hunt St., Summer & Hunt

St., Perry St., St. John Ave. , Detroit Ave., Hamilton St., Collingwood Ave., Alpena St., Jessie

St., Mayo St, Crane Ln., Montgomery St., Champlain St., Tunnel St., Oak St, Delence St.,

Howard St., Mitchell St. Chase St., Ottawa St. Adams St., Nebraska Ave., Ottawa Hills, Doyle

St., St. Johns St. and E. Broadway St. These streets accounted for 11 percent of the streets where

the decedents resided.

There were some decedents who resided in such locations as the State Hospital, Lucas

County Hospital and the Federal Creosote Plant. This suggests that the decedents who resided in

the hospitals suffered from long term illnesses, the Toledo State Hospital served the mentally ill

and functioned as an insane asylum. The data also suggests that the Federal Creosote Plant, a

railroad tie159 treatment facility,160 had lodging available for workers since it was listed as a

159 A railway tie is a” rectangular object used as a base for railroad tracks,” there are several materials that are used to make ties: wood, concrete, steel and composite material but wood is used more frequently in the US. This information was taken from ,“Frequently Asked Questions,” The Railway Tie Association, accessed January, 2011, http://www.rta.org/default.aspx?tabid=70 160 “Tronox Bankruptcy Settlements: EPA Lead Funded Sites and Communities,” Environmental Protection Agency, accessed January, 2011, http:// www.epa.gov/pesticides/factsheets/chemicals/creosote_main.htm. Adam Sigler and Jim Bauder, “What is That Black Goo on Railroad Ties and Utility Poles,” in “Water Quality FAQ Series, 107 residence for five of the decedents. Additionally, other decedents’ residences were in states like

Chicago and Michigan or in other cities in Ohio such as Cleveland and Lima. This could indicate that the decedents were visiting Toledo and died there or that they were seasonal or transient workers in Toledo. The data show that the individuals that the Wanzo Funeral Home serviced lived in different areas of the city of Toledo, some within Lucas County and others lived outside county, and in other states altogether.

The next set of tables presents data about the religious affiliations of the decedents.

Table 23 shows the religious denomination the decedents were affiliated with in the Toledo area.

Table 23. Religious Affiliation

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Baptist 94 30.1 30.1 34.0

Baptist & Methodist 3 1.0 1.0 34.9

Catholic 1 .3 .3 35.3

Methodist 63 20.2 20.2 55.4

N/A 139 44.6 44.6 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0 N/A= Not Applicable, meaning no information was recorded in a particular field for the client.

The majority of the decedents were Baptist, 30.1 percent (94) were affiliated with this

denomination. Subsequently, the Methodist Church was another popular denomination among

the decedents, 20.2 percent (60) were affiliated with this denomination. A smaller percentage of

the decedents were affiliated with both the Baptist and Methodist denominations, 1 percent (3) of

the deceased were affiliated with both denominations. A very small percentage of the decedents

MSU Extension Water Quality Program, accessed January 2011, http://www.waterquality.montana.edu/docs/wqfaqarchives/wq_faq_3.shtml.

108 were catholic, .3 percent (1) of the deceased were affiliated with this denomination. For many of the decedents, 139 or 44.6 percent, no religious denomination was listed in the records. This could mean that the decedents were not affiliated with a church or that the information was just not recorded for those individuals.

Below, table 24 shows the religious affiliation of the decedents based on their gender.

Table 24. Cross-tabulation Gender * Religious Affiliation

Religious Affiliation

Baptist & Baptist Methodist Catholic Methodist N/A Total

Gender 12 0 0 0 0 0 12

Female 0 28 1 1 32 50 112

Male 0 65 2 0 31 80 178

N/A 0 1 0 0 0 9 10

Total 12 94 3 1 63 139 312 See appendix for percentage tables.

Females made up 30 percent of the Baptist decedents and males made up 69 percent of

the Baptist decedents. Males accounted for 2 of the 3 decedents affiliated with both the Baptist

and Methodist denominations and females accounted for 1 of the 3 decedents affiliated with the

Baptist and Methodist decedents. Some blacks were affiliated with both the Methodist and

Baptist Church for various reasons. One reason could be family related, the result of mixed

marriages, one parent may have been a member of the Methodist Church and another may have

been a member of the Baptist Church therefore the children attended both churches from time to

time. The tradition of being affiliated with two denominations can be traced back to slavery.

Females accounted for 51 percent of the Methodist decedents and males accounted for 49 percent

of the Methodist population. The sole Catholic decedent that was found in the records was a 109 female. Traditionally, a relatively small number of slaves were Roman Catholic and they were mainly located in the Louisiana and Maryland area.161

Table 25 below gives the church affiliation of the deceased, essentially meaning the name

of the church in the Toledo area that the deceased was affiliated with attending.

Table 25. Church Affiliation

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

All Saints Episcopal Mission 3 1.0 1.0 5.1

Catholic 1 .3 .3 5.4

Episcopal Church 1 .3 .3 5.8

Friendship Baptist Church 30 9.6 9.6 15.4

N/A 136 43.6 43.6 59.0

Third Baptist Church 64 20.5 20.5 79.5

Third Baptist Church and 3 .9 .9 80.1 Warren AME Church

Warren AME Church 62 19.9 19.9 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

This information was determined based on the church where the funeral was held and/or

the officiant of the funeral service. There were 64 decedents who attended Third Baptist Church,

the second oldest black church in Toledo which made up the largest amount of the deceased,

which accounted for 20.5 percent of the total population of decedents. Warren African

Methodists Episcopal (AME) Church, the oldest black church in Toledo, followed closely behind

Third Baptist in terms of population, 62 of the decedents, accounting for 19.9 percent of the total

amount of the decedents were affiliated with this particular church.

161 Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: “The Invisible Institution” in the Antebellum South, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 155, 212-213, 271. 110

The deceased who were affiliated with both Third Baptist Church and Warren AME

Church accounted for only .9 percent of the funeral home’s clientele. Those who attended

Friendship Baptist church made up 9.6 percent of the decedents.

Those affiliated with All Saints Episcopal Mission made up 1 percent of the funeral home’s clientele. The Catholic and Episcopal churches each accounted for .3 percent of the decedents.

Table 26, below, gives the religious affiliation of the deceased based on their occupation.

Table 26. Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Religious Affiliation

Religious Affiliation

Baptist & Baptist Methodist Catholic Methodist N/A Total

Occupation of Deceased 12 0 0 0 0 0 12

Auto Mechanic 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Barber 0 0 0 0 2 2 4

Brick Mason 0 1 0 0 0 1 2

Butler 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Carpenter 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Chef 0 1 0 0 1 0 2

Clerk 0 2 0 0 0 0 2

Constable 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

Cook 0 3 0 0 0 1 4

Dealer of Goods 0 0 0 0 1 2 3

Domestic 0 3 0 0 7 16 26

Engineer 0 0 0 0 1 1 2

Expressman 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Hotel Manager 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Housewife 0 12 0 1 17 17 47

Laborer 0 25 0 0 9 34 68

111

Table 26 (continued) Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Religious Affiliation

Religious Affiliation

Baptist & Baptist Methodist Catholic Methodist N/A Total

Laundress 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Musician 0 2 0 0 0 1 3

N/A 0 28 1 0 17 45 91

Paper Hanger 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Plasterer 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Porter 0 5 0 0 2 5 12

Preacher 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Proprietor 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Restaurant Keeper 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

Retired 0 0 0 0 2 0 2

Server 0 5 0 0 2 7 14

Student 0 1 1 0 0 0 2

Taxi Driver 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Teamster 0 3 0 0 0 0 3

Total 12 94 3 1 63 139 312 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The data indicate that 13 percent of the Baptists, 27 percent of the Methodists and 100 percent of the Catholics were housewives. The opposite appears to be true for laborers, 27 percent of the Baptists, 14 percent of the Methodists, and none of the Catholics were laborers.

Five percent of the Baptists were porters. Three percent of Baptists respectively were cooks, domestics and teamsters. Two percent of the musicians and 2 percent of the clerks were Baptist.

The sole proprietor, preacher, and paper hanger were all Baptist. Baptists accounted for 1 percent of the brick masons. There were more Baptists who were laborers, housewives, servers, 112 and porters; about half of the Baptists were in these occupations. The sole carpenter and one of the students were affiliated with both the Methodist and Baptist churches.

Some of those affiliated with the Methodist church had different occupations than those affiliated with the Baptist church, however, the data show that one could find people working in the same occupations affiliated with both denominations. Eleven percent of the Methodist population was domestics, which was a larger percentage than among the Baptist denomination.

Furthermore, 4 percent of the Methodists were servers, a 1 percent decrease from the percentage of servers who made up the Baptist population. Porters, barbers, students and retirees collectively accounted for 12 percent of the Methodist population. Methodists made up 2 percent of the following occupations: chef, cook, goods dealer, and engineer. The sole constable and restaurant keeper were Methodist. A larger percentage of the Methodist population was made up of housewives, laborers and domestics. One hundred and thirty-nine of decedents had nothing listed for religious affiliation.

Table 27 gives information on the clergymen and officiants of the funerals of the deceased who were serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home.

Table 27. Clergymen

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Mr. Forest Mitchell 1 .3 .3 4.2

Mr. King 1 .3 .3 4.5

N/A 121 38.8 38.8 43.3

Priest 1 .3 .3 43.6

Rev. Atkins 5 1.6 1.6 45.2

Rev. B.F. McWilliams 63 20.2 20.2 65.4

113

Table 27 (continued) Clergymen

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Rev. B.F. McWilliams and Rev. 2 .6 .6 65.7 W. B. Lee

Rev. B.F. McWilliams and Rev. 1 .3 .3 66.0 Artis

Rev. B.F. McWilliams and Rev. 1 .3 .3 66.7 William T. Anderson

Rev. Charles Bundy 19 6.1 6.1 72.8

Rev. Chin 1 .3 .3 73.1

Rev. Christian 2 .6 .6 73.7

Rev. Gilliam and Mr. Mitchell 1 .3 .3 74.0

Rev. Hicks 1 .3 .3 74.4

Rev. J.C. Taylor 30 9.6 9.6 84.0

Rev. Jones 1 .3 .3 84.3

Rev. Thomas 2 .6 .6 84.9

Rev. W.B. Lee 32 10.3 10.3 95.2

Rev. William E. Gilliam 3 .9 .9 96.2

Rev. William T. Anderson 12 3.8 3.8 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

This section not only highlights how many funerals the ministers and/or lay persons

officiated but what churches these individuals were affiliated with, in the community. Reverend

B.F. McWilliams was the pastor of Third Baptist Church. Reverend J.C. Taylor was the pastor of Friendship Baptist Church. Reverend William E. Gilliam was the pastor of All Saints

Episcopal Mission which later became All Saints Episcopal Church. Warren AME Church, from

1912 to 1917, was a little different from the aforementioned churches in that this church’s pastors changed over the course of five years. Within the Methodist Church the Council of 114

Bishop appoints the ministers within the church and within the Baptist Church the congregation calls the minister to the church, therefore, Warren’s pastors consistently changed over the years and the Baptist churches ministers remained the same. Reverend W.B. Lee was the pastor of the

Warren AME Church from November 1912 to about September 1915. After October 1915 his name was no longer listed in the records as an officiant of a funeral. Reverend Charles Bundy’s name appeared in the records from October 1915 to about October 1916, he became the pastor of the Warren AME Church. After Bundy, Reverend William T. Anderson’s name appeared in the records from November 1916 through June 1917, he became the last pastor of the church within the time period covered.

In the records, Reverends Thomas, Hicks, Christian, Jones, and Atkins (C.J. Askins) had no church affiliation listed. These ministers were listed as officiants of some funerals at the

Wanzo Chapel or at the residence of the deceased. Rev. Chin was listed as an officiant of a funeral at the ME Mission or Methodist Episcopal Mission. There was a priest officiant for the

Catholic decedent, but the name was not listed. Forrest Mitchell and Mr. King were just laymen or community members not ministers.

The following numbers reflect the funerals that were officiated by a sole minister. Rev.

B.F. McWilliams of Third Baptist Church officiated more funerals, 20.2 percent (60), than any other pastor listed. Rev. W.B. Lee of Warren AME officiated 32 or 10.3 percent of the decedents’ funerals. Rev. J.C. Taylor of Friendship Baptists was the officiant for 9.6 percent

(30) of the funerals. Rev. Charles Bundy of Warren AME officiated 6.1 percent (19) of the funerals and Rev. William T. Anderson, also from Warren, served as an officiant for 3.8 percent

(12) of the funerals. Rev. William E. Gilliam officiated .9 percent (3) of the funerals. Rev.

Thomas officiated .6 percent (2) of the funerals and so did Rev. Christian. There were 1.5 115 percent (5) of the funerals that were officiated jointly with pastors from two different denominations or with community members however, Rev. B.F. McWilliams was one of the officiants in 4 out of the 5 joint funerals.

The next table, table 28, provides information on the location of the decedents’ death.

The table shows whether the decedent died at home (their place of residence), in a hospital, at

work, on the street, in an establishment, in another city and/or state than Toledo, Ohio, or in any

other location.

Table 28. Location of Death

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Boody Hotel 1 .3 .3 4.2

Canton Avenue 1 .3 .3 4.5

Carey, OH 1 .3 .3 4.8

Chicago, IL 3 1.0 1.0 5.8

City Ambulance 1 .3 .3 6.1

Cleveland, OH 1 .3 .3 6.4

Columbus, OH 1 .3 .3 6.7

Courthouse 1 .3 .3 7.1

Eastside Hospital 1 .3 .3 7.4

Federal Creosote Plant 7 2.2 2.2 9.6

Gallipolis, OH 1 .3 .3 9.9

Lagrange Street Station 1 .3 .3 10.6

LaSalle & Koch Company 1 .3 .3 10.9 Garage

Locust Street 1 .3 .3 11.2

Lucas County Hospital 24 7.7 7.7 18.9

Lucas County Infirmary 10 3.2 3.2 21.8

116

Table 28 (continued) Location of Death

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Lucas County Tuberculosis 10 3..2 3.2 22.1 Hospital

Maternity & Children's Hospital 2 .6 .6 22.4

Maumee River 4 1.3 1.3 24.0

Michigan Street 1 .3 .3 24.4

N/A 3 1.0 1.0 25.3

Near Newhouse's Store 1 .3 .3 25.6

North Huron Street 1 .3 .3 26.0

Pleasant Hotel 1 .3 .3 26.9

Provident Hospital, Chicago, IL 1 .3 .3 27.2

Residence 154 49.4 49.4 76.6

Robinwood Hospital 6 1.9 1.9 78.5

Sioux City, Iowa 1 .3 .3 78.8

South St Clair Street 1 .3 .3 79.2

Southard Avenue 1 .3 .3 79.5

St. Vincent's Hospital 34 10.9 10.9 90.4

State Hospital at Lima 1 .3 .3 91.0

Streetcar 1 .3 .3 91.3

Swan Creek 1 .3 .3 91.7

Toledo 3 1.0 1.0 92.6

Toledo Hospital 7 2.2 2.2 94.9

Toledo State Hospital 5 1.5 1.5 95.5

Washington Street 2 .6 .6 99.0

Washington Township 1 .3 .3 99.4

Woodland Avenue 2 .6 .6 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

117

About half of the deceased died at home 49.4 percent (154), which is indicative of the period under study. Poor socioeconomic condition, the lack of access to health care, as well as the social norms at the turn-of- the-century (doctors making house calls) are all contributing factors as to why many black Toledoans died at home. Approximately 32.1 percent (100) of the decedents died in a Lucas County hospital. Collectively, 4.2 percent (13) of the deceased died outside of Lucas County and the state of Ohio. Roughly 11 percent (33) of the deceased died in other places like at someone’s residence, on the job, at a hotel or another establishment, or on the street.

St. Vincent’s Hospital was a location where a higher percentage of the decedents died,

10.9 percent (34) of the deceased died at this location. The Lucas County Infirmary which later became Lucas County Hospital, also had a higher number of deaths 10.9 percent (34) of decedents died there. The Lucas County Infirmary and Hospital are listed separately in the table for historical purposes, in order to differentiate those that were treated by the infirmary before it changed to hospital. About 3.2 percent (10) of the decedents died at the Toledo Tuberculosis

Hospital. The Federal Creosote Plant and the Toledo Hospital both had 2.2 percent (7) of the deceased die there. Additionally, 1.9 percent (6) of the deceased died at Robinwood Hospital.

At the Toledo State Hospital (for the mentally ill) 1.5 percent (5) of the decedents died. Four decedents, accounting for 1.3 percent of the decedents, died in the Maumee River. Three decedents, 1 percent of the total amount of the decedents died in Chicago, Illinois. About .3 percent (1) of the decedents died in each of the following locations: Ohio--Columbus, Cleveland,

Cary, and Gallipolis, Sioux City, Iowa, city ambulance, the Boody Hotel, Pleasant Hotel, LaSalle

& Koch Company Garage, Lagrange St. Station, Swan Creek, a streetcar, a courthouse, State 118

Hospital at Lima which served “dangerous and homicidal patients from other state hospitals and mentally ill inmates and others,”162 others died either on the street or at someone’s residence.

The next section gives the names of the physicians who certified the deaths of the

deceased and/or the undertakers or funeral directors who provided some type of certification for

the bodies that were shipped to Wanzo Funeral Home from another city or state. The doctors’

names were cross-referenced with the Toledo City Directory. Table 29 gives an overview of the

doctors whose names appeared three times or more in the records. 163

Table 29. Certifying Physicians or Undertakers

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Coroner Charles J. Henzler 60 19.2 19.2 23.1

Coroner Walter H. Hartung 12 3.8 3.8 26.9

Dr. Charles H. Ferguson 5 1.6 1.6 37.2

Dr. Charles Souder 7 2.2 2.2 39.4

*Dr. H.G. Pamment 9 2.9 2.9 50.3

Dr. George H. Riley 7 2.2 2.2 48.1

Dr. H.W.H. Nelles 5 1.6 1.6 55.4

Dr. William C. Hertzler 3 1.0 1.0 86.9

Dr. Thomas E. Burgess 6 1.9 1.9 84.0

Dr. William M. Shapiro 6 1.9 1.9 89.7

Dr. W.S. Deaton 4 1.3 1.3 42.3

Dr. P.M. Johnson 15 4.8 4.8 73.7

N/A 24 7.7 7.7 98.1

Dr. J.P. Haynes 6 1.9 1.9 59.3

Dr. P.B. Brockway 7 2.2 2.2 68.6

162 Ohio Department of Mental Health System, “History,” accessed January, 2011, http://www.mh.state.oh.us/who-we-are/system-history/index.shtml. 163 The full list of physicians can be found in Appendix A, the list was too long to include it in the chapter. 119

Table 29 (continued) Certifying Physicians or Undertakers

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Dr. C.E. Monroe 3 1.0 1.0 32.7

Dr. G.B. Booth 3 1.0 1.0 45.5

Dr. J.A. Howell 3 1.0 1.0 56.7 Dr. L.F. Smead 3 1.0 1.0 65.7 Dr. N.J. Seybold 3 1.0 1.0 65.7 Dr. W.T. Burke 3 1.0 1.0 85.6

*Dr. John S. Hofner 3 1.0 1.0 61.5

*R.C. Giles 1 .3 .3 98.4

*Dr. R.W. Beard 5 1.6 1.6 77.6

*T.A. Spitter 1 .3 .3 98.7

*Undertaker C.D. White & Sons 1 .3 .3 99.0

*Undertaker E.F. Boyd 1 .3 .3 99.4

*Undertaker R. M. Green 1 .3 .3 99.7

Unknown 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312/30 100.0 100.0 *Names not found in the 1914 Toledo City Directory

Dr. Charles J. Henzler, who was Lucas County Coroner from at least 1913 to 1916, certified the majority of the deaths, 19.2 percent (60) of the deaths were confirmed by him. After

Henzler, Dr. P.M. Johnson certified the next highest amount of the deaths; he certified 4.8 percent (15) of the deaths. Dr. Walter Hartung, who became the Lucas County Coroner after Dr.

Henzler in 1917, certified 3.8 percent (12) of the deaths which was fairly significant for a six month time period. Dr. H.G. Pamment certified 2.9 percent (9) of the deaths of the decedents.

Drs. Charles Souder, P.B. Brockway and George H. Riley each certified 2.2 percent (7) of the deaths. 120

Furthermore, Drs. Thomas E. Burgess, William M. Shapiro and J.P. Haynes each certified 1.9 percent (6) of the deaths. Drs. R.W. Beard, Charles Ferguson and H.W.H. Nelles each certified 1.6 percent (5) of the decedents’ deaths. Four deaths, accounting for 1.3 percent of the deaths, were certified by Dr. W.S. Deaton. The physicians who each certified 1 percent (3) of the deaths of decedents are as follows: Dr. William C. Hertzler, Dr. C.E. Monroe, Dr. G.B.

Booth, Dr. J.A. Howell, Dr. L. F. Smead, Dr. N.J. Seybold, Dr. W.T. Burke and Dr. John S.

Hofner.

Undertaker C.D. White & Sons, a black funeral home, which was and is currently located in Columbus, Ohio, handled the certifying information for 1 of the decedents, before the body was shipped to Wanzo Funeral Home. Additionally, certifying 1 death was Undertaker R.M.

Green, of Chicago, Illinois. Undertaker Elmer Franklin Boyd, a black funeral home in

Cleveland, Ohio, which is still currently in existence, provided certifying information for one of the bodies shipped to Wanzo Funeral Home. R.C. Giles of Chicago, Illinois and T.A. Spitter of

Carey, Ohio each certified the deaths of one decedent. From the records it is not clear who these two individuals were, but most likely they were either physicians or undertakers.

This section will provide information pertaining to the funerals, which also provides further insights into the black community and the African American way of death in Toledo.

Table 30 indicates the location of the funeral services.

Table 30. Location of Funeral Service

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

1533 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 4.2

380 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 4.5 OH 121

Table 30 (continued) Location of Funeral Service

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

415 Dorr St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 4.8

Adrian, MI 1 .3 .3 5.1

All Saints Episcopal Mission 2 .6 .6 5.8

Battle Creek, MI 1 .3 .3 6.1

Bowling Green, KY 1 .3 .3 6.4

Cairo, IL 1 .3 .3 6.7

Canada 3 1.0 1.0 7.7

Charleston, MO 1 .3 .3 8.0

Columbus, OH 5 1.6 1.6 9.6

Detroit, MI 1 .3 .3 9.9

Elks Hall 1 .3 .3 10.3

Evansville, IN 1 .3 .3 10.6

Federal Creosote Plant 5 1.6 1.6 12.2

Findlay, OH 1 .3 .3 12.5

Frankfort, KY 1 .3 .3 12.8

Friendship Baptist Church 2 .6 .6 13.5

Kenton, OH 1 .3 .3 13.8

Lima, OH 1 .3 .3 14.1

Lockland, OH 1 .3 .3 14.4

Loraine, OH 1 .3 .3 14.7

M.E. Mission 1 .3 .3 15.1

Middleport, OH 1 .3 .3 15.4

Monongahela City, PA 1 .3 .3 15.7

N/A 57 18.3 18.3 34.0

Oberlin, OH 1 .3 .3 34.3

Peru, Indiana 1 .3 .3 34.6

Rendville, OH 1 .3 .3 34.9

Residence 63 20.2 20.2 55.1 122

Table 30 (continued) Location of Funeral Service

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Rochester, PA 1 .3 .3 55.4

Rome, GA 1 .3 .3 55.8

Shelbyville, IN 1 .3 .3 56.1

Shreveport, LA 1 .3 .3 56.4

Springfield, OH 2 .6 .6 57.1

Steubenville, OH 1 .3 .3 57.4

Sylvania, OH 1 .3 .3 57.7

Third Baptist Church 14 4.5 4.5 62.2

Trenton, OH 1 .3 .3 62.5

Union City, TN 1 .3 .3 62.8

Virginia 1 .3 .3 63.1

Wanzo Chapel 84 26.9 26.9 90.1

Warren A.M.E. Church 26 8.3 8.3 97.8

Worthington, OH 1 .3 .3 98.7

Wyoming, OH 1 .3 .3 99.0

Ypsilanti, MI 1 .3 .3 99.4

Zanesville, OH 1 .3 .3 99.7

Zenia, OH 1 .3 .3 100.0

The tables above provide information on the locations of the funerals. The majority of the

funerals, 26.9 percent (84), were held in the Wanzo Chapel. Sixty-three funerals, accounting for

20.2 percent of the total amount of funerals were held in the decedents’ homes. Forty-five accounting for 14 percent of the funerals were held in churches: 8.3 percent (26) were in Warren

AME Church, 4.5 percent (14) were held in Third Baptist Church, .6 percent (2) were in

Friendship Baptist Church, .6 (2) were in the All Saints Methodist Episcopal Mission, and .3 percent (1) of the funerals was held in the Methodist Episcopal Mission. Five funerals, totaling 123

1.6 percent of the funerals, were held at the Federal Creosote Plant. One individual’s funeral was held at the Elks Lodge and about three other funeral services were held at other addresses that were not listed as the decedents’ addresses.

Forty-two of the funerals were held outside the city of Toledo and/or the state of Ohio.

Those funerals outside of Ohio were in the following locations: Ypsilanti (1) Adrian (1), Detroit

(1), and Battle Creek (1), Michigan; Monongahela City (1) and Rochester (1), Pennsylvania;

Union City, Tennessee (1); Virginia (1); Shreveport, Louisiana (1); Shelbyville (1), Peru (1), and

Evansville (1), Indiana; Cairo, Illinois (1); Frankfurt (1), Bowling Green (1), Kentucky; Rome,

Georgia (1); Charleston, Missouri (1); and in Canada (3). More females than males (14:5) had funeral services outside of Ohio. The funeral services that were outside the city of Toledo but that were still in Ohio were in the following cities: Findlay (1), Kenton (1), Lima (1), Columbus

(5), Lockland (1), Lorraine (1), Middleport (1), Oberlin (1), Springfield (2), Rendville (1),

Steubenville (1), Trenton (1), Sylvania (1), Worthington (1), Wyoming (1), Zanesville (1), and

Zenia (1). The number of males compared to the number of females who were buried outside of

Ohio was even (1:1).

Table 31 gives the times the funeral services were held.

Table 31. Time of Funeral Service

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

1:00:00 PM 3 1.0 1.0 4.8

10:00:00 AM 2 .6 .6 5.4

11:29:59 AM 1 .3 .3 5.8

2:00:00 PM 187 59.9 59.9 65.7

3:15:00 PM 1 .3 .3 66.0 124

Table 31 (continued)Time of Funeral Service

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

3:29:59 PM 7 2.2 2.2 68.3

4:29:59 PM 1 .3 .3 68.6

8:00:00 AM 2 .6 .6 69.2

N/A 96 30.8 30.8 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

Most of the services were held in the afternoon. Perhaps Wanzo Funeral Home preferred to hold

funerals in the afternoon or the cemeteries designated certain times for particular funeral homes

to bury their dead and in order to meet the time allotted it was best to hold the funeral in the

afternoon. The majority of the funeral services, 60 percent (187), were held at two o’clock in the afternoon. Seven funerals, accounting for 2.2 percent of the funerals, were held at half past three in the afternoon. Three funerals, totaling 1 percent of the funerals, were held at one o’clock in the afternoon. One funeral was held at a quarter past three in the afternoon and one other funeral was held at half past four in the afternoon. Five funerals were held in the morning: .6 percent (2) at eight o’clock, .6 percent (2) at ten o’clock and .3 percent (1) at half past eleven. The data suggest that the interment followed the funeral.

Table 32 provides information on where the decedents were interred. For those buried in

Lucas County the data show the name of the cemetery and for those buried outside of the Lucas

County the data indicate the city or state where the body was interred. 125

Table 32. Interment

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Forest Cemetery 173 55.4 55.4 4.5

Calvary Cemetery 1 .3 .3 4.8

N/A 5 1.6 1.6 25.6

Stone Road 1 .3 .3 26.0 Cemetery

Sunshine Cemetery 42 13.5 13.5 26.3

Town Hall 5 1.6 1.6 27.6 Cemetery

Willow Cemetery 8 2.6 2.6 37.2

Woodlawn 10 3.2 3.2 37.5 Cemetery

Canada 3 1.0 1.0 38.1

Georgia 1 .3 .3 38.5

Illinois 1 .3 .3 39.7

Indiana 3 1.0 1.0 70.8

Kentucky 4 1.3 1.3 71.2

Louisiana 1 .3 .3 71.5

Michigan 4 1.3 1.3 78.5

Missouri 1 .3 .3 98.4

North Carolina 1 .3 .3 98.7

Ohio 23 5.7 5.7 99.0

Pennsylvania 3 1.0 1.0 99.4

Tennessee 1 .3 .3 99.7

Virginia 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

126

The majority of the bodies were interred in Forest Cemetery in Toledo, 55.4 percent

(173) of the bodies were buried there. Forest Cemetery was established in 1832 by the Bissell family and was later taken over by the city of Toledo.164 After Forest, Sunshine Cemetery was

where many of the decedents were interred, 13.5 percent (42) of the decedents were buried in

this cemetery. Sunshine Cemetery, was known as “potter’s field” or the “pauper’s cemetery,” it

was located on the grounds of the Lucas County Hospital and Home. The cemetery was for the

indigent, homeless, kinless, and for fire victims who died at the Lucas County Home.165 The

Woodlawn Cemetery was where 3.2 percent (10) of the decedents were buried. Woodlawn

Cemetery is listed on the National Register of Historic Places, it was established in 1876, and is

the resting place of many prominent white Toledo families.166 Willow Cemetery, located in

Lucas County in the City of Oregon, had 2.6 percent (8) of the decedents buried there. Five

decedents, accounting for 1.6 percent of the decedents, were buried at Town Hall in Adam’s

Township. One person was buried at Calvary Cemetery; the cemetery was founded in 1886 and

is the largest Catholic cemetery in Toledo, in terms of interments.167

Numerous bodies, 14 percent (43) were interred outside of Lucas County and/or the state of Ohio. The decedents’ bodies were shipped to other locations for funeral services and/or burial, at least 3 of the bodies were shipped out of the country to Canada. Four bodies were shipped to and interred in Kentucky and 3 bodies were shipped to and interred in Michigan.

164“Cemeteries,” City of Toledo, accessed January 2011, http://www.ci.toledo.oh.us/Departments/PublicService/DivisionofParksandForestry/Cemeteries/tabid/336/default.as px. 165 “Board Criticizes County Home and Pauper Cemetery,” Toledo Blade, August 3,1940. Toledo Lucas County Local History Collection Cemetery Scrapbook. 166“History of Woodlawn,” Historic Woodlawn Cemetery Website, accessed January 2011, http://www.historic-woodlawn.com/. 167“Calvary Cemetery,” Catholic Cemeteries Diocese of Toledo, accessed May 2011, http://www.cathcemtoledo.org/index php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11&Itemid=35.

127

Indiana and Pennsylvania each had 3 bodies shipped and interred in their states. The data suggest that the individuals who were not interred in Toledo had connections in other areas, whether through family plots or stronger family ties in the location where funeral services were held and the bodies were interred. This could suggest that these individuals were transient or that their close relatives lived in other locations and not in Toledo, Ohio.

Below table 33 gives information on whether or not the decedents’ families used transportation to the cemetery for the interment.

Table 33. Transportation to Cemetery

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

N/A 81 26.0 26.0 29.8

No 13 4.2 4.2 34.0

Other 45 14.4 14.4 48.4

Yes 161 51.6 51.6 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

Transportation indicates if carriages, and/ or automobiles, and/ or wagon deliveries were

included in the decedents’ funeral. Carriages and automobiles were used to transport family and

loved ones to the cemetery. The data shows that transportation was frequently used to travel to the interment.

In the earlier years, 1912 through 1915, carriages appeared to be used more than automobiles, however after 1915 automobiles were used more frequently. There were 51.6 percent (161) of funerals where transportation was used to take people to the cemetery. The category, “other”, denotes wagon deliveries, for those bodies that were shipped by Wanzo 128

Funeral Home to other locations. Wagon deliveries were used for 14.4 percent (45) of the deceased funerals. No transportation was used for 4.2 (13) of the funerals. Many of the funerals, where transportation to the cemetery was not used were less expensive funerals. They cost between $10 and $40. Perhaps in these cases the individuals paying for the funeral did not want to spend additional monies for transportation or there were not many people that would be in attendance at the funeral so the families decided to use their own transportation or decided to forgo the interment altogether. In one case, for example, the decedent was a 6 day old and no transportation was utilized, this could have been a situation where only the parents of the child and close friends of the family were in attendance, the funeral took place at the family’s residence, in fact According to The American Funeral Record, “stillborns were buried by the undertaker alone therefore no carriages were needed.

Table 34 below indicates whether or not a hearse was used for the funeral.

Table 34. Hearse

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

N/A 94 30.1 30.1 34.0

No 61 19.6 19.6 53.5

Unknown 1 .3 .3 53.8

Yes 144 46.2 46.2 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

There were 144 funerals, accounting for 46.2 percent of the total amount of funerals,

where a hearse was used to transport the body to the cemetery. In 19.6 percent (61) of the

funeral services or arrangements no hearse was used, and/or calculated into the funeral charges,

to transport the body to the cemetery. This suggests that the majority of the bodies in this 129 category were shipped and therefore no hearse was necessary, additionally in many of the funerals where no hearse was used the service was for an infant or small child. In that case the casket would be small and could be transported to the cemetery through some other means so either the families did not want a hearse or Wanzo Funeral Home did not charge the families for

one. There was nothing written in this category for 94 of the records.

Table 35 below provides information on if the bodies were or were not embalmed.

Table 35. Body Embalmed

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

N/A 84 26.9 26.6 30.4

No 19 6.1 6.1 36.5

Yes 197 63 62.8 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

The majority of the bodies were embalmed, 197 bodies, accounting for 63 percent of the total

amount of bodies, were embalmed. Some of the records noted that the bodies were embalmed

with either alcoform or durfee embalming fluid. Durfee Embalming Fluid was manufactured in

Grand Rapids, Michigan by Allen Durfree, who was an undertaker, and the Durfee Embalming

Fluid Company. Alvah Brown, who worked for Durfee eventually bought him out and started

successfully manufacturing the embalming fluid.168 Nineteen bodies, accounting for 6.1 percent

of the bodies, were not embalmed. There were 84 records that had nothing recorded in the

embalm category. The average charge for embalming was typically around $10, there were a

168 Dwight Goss, The History of Grand Rapids and its Industries, Vol. 2, (Chicago: C.F. Cooper & Co. Publishers, 1906), 1094. 130 few exceptions when it came to county and infant bodies, the funeral home would sometime charge $5 or $8.

Below, table 36 provides information on whether or not loved ones purchased burial garments (i.e. robes, slipper, hoses) for the decedents from the funeral home.

Table 36. Burial Robe

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

N/A 85 27.2 27.2 31.1

No 82 26.3 26.3 57.4

Slippers 3 1.0 1.0 58.3

Yes 125 40.1 40.1 98.4

yes, slippers 4 1.3 1.3 99.2

yes, slippers, hose 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

Burial robes, which are still used today, are robes that can be purchased as part of the funeral

package if the decedent’s loved ones do not want to go out to purchase attire for the deceased to

be buried in, or if they do not want to bring the decedent’s personal attire back to the funeral

home for the burial.169

There were 40.1 percent (125) of the decedents whose loved ones purchased burial robes

for the burial. This suggests that burial robes were fairly popular during the time period. There

were 4 decedents, accounting for 1.3 percent of the decedents, who had burial robes and burial

slippers purchased for their funerals. Only 1 decedent has a burial robe, slippers, and hoses

169The information was ascertained through a telephone conversation in January 2010 with a Funeral Director at McCall’s Bronxwood Funeral Home in Bronx, New York.

131 purchased for their burial. Furthermore, 1 percent (3) of the deceased had only burial slippers purchased for their burial. There were 82 decedents, accounting for 26.3 percent of the deceased, who did not have any burial accoutrements purchased for them. The records did not have anything recorded in this category for 27.2 percent (85) of the deceased. This could reflect the fact that no burial garments were purchased for these decedents because the individuals who planned their funerals used the decedents’ own clothing for the burial instead of purchasing the burial robe. The cost for a burial robe was between $3 and $15 and slippers were between $1 and $3.

Table 37 provides information on the prices of the caskets purchased for the decedents.

Table 37. Price of Casket

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid $1-30 46 14.7 22.1 22.1

$30.01-60 50 16.0 24.0 46.2

$60.01-90 73 23.4 35.1 81.3

$90.01-120 26 8.3 12.5 93.8

$120.01-150 9 2.9 4.3 98.1

$150.01-200 3 1.0 1.4 99.5

$200.01-250 1 .3 .5 100.0

Total 208 66.7 100.0

Missing System 104 33.3

Total 312 100.0

The prices for a casket varied between $4 and $210, in today’s currency that would vary between $86 and $4,500.170 There were over 92 records that did not have a casket price recorded. The majority of the decedents were buried in caskets that cost more than $60; 23.4

170 “The Inflation Calculator,” accessed June 16, 2011, http://www.westegg.com/inflation/. “The pre-1975 data are the Consumer Price Index Statistics from Historical Statistics of the United States (USGPO, 1975) All data since then are from the annual Statistical Abstracts of the United States.” 132 percent (73) were buried in caskets priced between $60.01 and $90. Twenty-six caskets, accounting for 8.3 percent of the caskets purchased, cost between $90.01 and $120; 2.9 percent

(9) of the caskets purchased cost between $120.01 and $150. One percent (3) of the caskets were between $150.01 and $200, 1 of the caskets, in this price bracket, cost $175 and was purchased for a 46 year old male restaurant keeper whose body was shipped to Mt. Pleasant, Ohio; another

$175 casket in this category was purchased by a wife for her 39 year old, husband who was a porter; the last casket in this category was purchased by a woman for her 40 year old, waiter, husband. One casket was purchased for over $200.01, this casket cost $210 and was purchased by a woman for her 57 year old, husband who worked as a waiter. His body was shipped to

Xenia, Ohio.

Table 38 gives the price of the casket based on gender.

Table 38. Cross-tabulation Gender * Price of Casket

Price of Casket

$1-30 $30.01-60 $60.01-90 $90.01-120 $120.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 Total

Gender Female 18 15 36 14 4 0 0 87

Male 27 35 37 12 5 3 1 120

N/A 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Total 46 50 73 26 9 3 1 208 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

This information can provide insights into whether or not the caskets for male decedents were

more expensive than caskets for female decedents or if the individuals planning the funerals

spent more in the male decedents than the female decedents. The majority of the caskets which

cost over $120.01 were purchased for males; 69.3 percent (9) of the caskets in the $120.01 to

$250 price range were for males. More caskets that cost between $90.01 and $120 were

purchased for females (54 percent) than males (46 percent). Many caskets priced at $90 and 133 below were purchased at greater percentages for males than for females. Caskets priced between

$60.01 and $90, 51 percent (37) of the caskets were purchased for male decedents and 49 percent

(36) were purchased for the female decedents. The majority of the caskets priced under $60 were purchased for men, 65 percent (62) of the caskets in this category were for males and 34.4 percent (33) were females.

Table 39 below provides information on marital status and how much money was spent on the casket.

Table 39. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Price of Casket

Price of Casket

$120.01- $150.01- $200.01- $1-30 $30.01-60 $60.01-90 $90.01-120 150 200 250 Total

Marital Status Divorced 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2

Married 12 18 35 20 3 2 1 91

N/A 3 9 6 0 1 0 0 19

Single 24 18 14 5 3 1 0 65

Separated 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

Unknown 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 3

Widowed 5 2 17 1 2 0 0 27

Total 46 50 73 26 9 3 1 208 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

Slightly more money was spent on caskets for the decedents who were married versus

those who were single. Caskets priced between $120.01 and $150 were evenly purchased by

loved ones for the married and single decedents, 3 out of the 9 caskets were purchased for the

married decedents and 3 out of the 9 caskets were purchased for the single decedents. The

majority of the most expensive caskets, caskets priced between $150.01 and $250 were

purchased for the married decedents, 75 percent or 3 out of the 4 caskets in this price range were 134 used for the married decedents. The majority of the caskets costing between $90.01 and $120 were also selected and used more frequently for the married decedents than for the single ones,

77 percent of the caskets in this price range were purchased for the married decedents.

Furthermore, the majority of the caskets which cost between $60.01 and $90 were purchased for married decedents 48 percent (35) of the caskets in this price range went to married decedents and 23 percent (17) went to widowed decedents, more than single decedents, which only accounted for 19 percent (14) of the caskets in this price range. Within the $30.01 to

$60 price range, the number of caskets purchased for married and single individuals was equal,

36 percent (18) for married decedents 36 percent (18) for single decedents. The price range where more caskets were purchased for the single decedents than the married decedents was the

$1 to $30 price range, 52 percent (24) of the caskets within this cost category were purchased for single decedents. Infant decedents made up a significant percentage of the single population therefore less money was spent on the casket because infant caskets are not very large.

Below, table 40 shows the price range of the funerals.

Table 40. Funeral Costs

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

$1-50 103 33.0 35.4 35.4

$50.1-100 50 16.0 17.2 52.6

$100.01-150 78 25.0 26.8 79.4

$150.01-200 47 15.1 16.2 95.5

$200.01-250 7 2.2 2.4 97.9

$250.01-300 6 1.9 2.1 100.0

Total 291 93.3 100.0

Missing 21 6.7

Total 312 100.0 135

The funeral costs in this section ranged between $8, the least expensive funeral, to $289, the most expensive funeral, in today’s currency that ranges between $172 and $6,200. One hundred and three funerals, accounting for 33 percent of the funerals, cost between $1 and $50.

Many of the funerals that were within the $1 to $50 price range were between $10 and $17 approximately 45 percent (47) of the funerals were within this price range. Many of the funerals that cost between $15 and $17 were paid for by Lucas County, suggesting that these funerals were for the indigent or kinless. Many of the funerals that cost $10 or less were for infants. This suggests that infant funerals cost significantly less than adolescent or adult funerals. It appears that the funeral home charged less for these types of services and since the decedents were so young, family members probably did not want to spend excessive amounts on such a funeral.

The second highest amount of funerals, 25 percent (78) of the funerals, cost between

$100.01 and $150. The greater percentage of the funerals in the $100.01 to $150.00 range, 28 percent (22) of them cost between $110 and $120, 23 percent (18) of the funerals cost between

$140 and $150, 18 percent (14) of the funerals in this range cost between $101 to $109, and 17 percent (13) cost between $130 and $139. The third highest percentage of the funerals, 50 funerals accounting for 16 percent of the total amount of the funerals, cost between $50.1 and

$100. The funeral expenses within the $50.1 to $100 price range were pretty evenly divided amongst the $50.01 to $59 (11), $60 to $69 (11), $70 to $79 (10) and $90 to $99 (12), price ranges. Forty-seven funerals, accounting for 15 percent of the funerals, cost between $150.01 to

$200 and within this price range 47 percent (22) of the funerals cost between $150.01 to $159,

21.3 percent (10) of the funerals were between $160 and $169 and 21.3 percent (10) were between $170 and $179. 136

The smaller percentage of funerals cost over $200, 2.2 percent (7) of the funerals were between $200.01 and $250, and 1.9 percent (6) of the funerals cost between the $250.01 and

$300 price range. Of the funerals that cost between $200.01 and $250, 57 percent (4) of them cost between $200.01 and $210, 29 percent (2) between $220 and $229, and 14 percent (1) cost

$250. Furthermore, out of the funerals between $250.01 and $300, 66.8 percent (4) of the funeral expenses were between $260 and $269, 1 funeral cost $276 and one other funeral cost

$289.

The majority of the funerals, 65 percent (188), were over $100, which is significant. At the turn of the twentieth century, the average annual salary for an industrial worker (excluding farm labor) in the United States for the years 1910-1919 was between $597 and $759.171 In 1915 according to the Historical Statistics of the United States, the average salary was $687 excluding farm laborers.172 This suggests that if the family did not have insurance and had to pay out of

pocket for the funeral, a funeral that cost $100 would represent 13 percent of the salary of an

individual who earned $759 a year; representing roughly what that person would have earned in

two months. Thus funeral expenses were quite high. Expending such a large amount of money

on a funeral had the potential to gravely affect the economic standing of an individual or a

family, more so if an elaborate funeral was desired.

Table 41 shows the costs of the funerals based on age. Funeral cost for infants and small

children differed greatly from adolescents and adults.

171 Alan Brinkley, American History A Survey Vol. 2, 13th ed., (New York: McGraw Hill, 2009), 488, and Peggy Whitley, “1910-1919” American Cultural History, Lone Star College Kingwood Library, last modified November, 2008, http://www.kclibrary.lonestar.edu/decade10.html. 172 Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/cb06-ffse06.html - 31k 137

Table 41. Cross-tabulation Funeral Costs * Age Range

Age Range

0-5 6-12 13-19 20-30 31-41 42-52 53-62 63-80 81-100 years years years years years years years years years Total

Funeral Costs $1-50 44 0 2 15 18 13 1 6 1 100

$50.01-100 2 2 0 8 13 12 2 6 3 48

$100.01- 1 2 3 12 14 16 15 11 3 77 150

$150.01- 0 0 1 11 8 9 13 3 1 46 200

$250.01- 0 0 0 0 2 1 3 0 0 6 300

Total 47 4 7 47 58 52 36 26 8 285 See appendix for percentage tables.

As stated above most infant funerals stayed within the $1 and $50 range, about 93.6 percent (44) of the funerals in that price range were for infants and young children. Of course there were a few exceptions which include a funeral for a one year old which cost $103.50.

Besides this, there were no infant funerals that cost over $150. The costs of adolescent funerals

(ages 13-19) were frequently over $100, 71 percent of the funerals in this category were over

$100. One funeral, for example, for a sixteen year old girl cost $222.50, this funeral was one of the most expensive funerals that the Wanzo Funeral Home conducted. There were only two funerals in this category that cost under $70, both of these individuals worked as waiters, one was nineteen years old and the other was eighteen years old, both funerals cost between $22 and

$25.

Expenses for adult funerals (between the ages of 20 and 100 years old) varied widely, roughly 57 percent (129) of the funerals in this age range cost more than $100. More decedents between the ages of 53 and 62 years old had funerals which cost over $100 than any of the other 138 age groups. About 43 percent (98) of the adult funerals were under $100. Many of the adult funerals that were under $100, particularly those funerals between the price range of $10 and

$22, were paid for by Lucas County. In such cases the county placed the burial order, and was charged for the funeral, these funerals were most likely for individuals that were indigent or kinless.

Table 42 indicates the cost of the funeral based on gender.

Table 42. Cross-tabulation Gender * Funeral Costs

Funeral Costs

$1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total

Gender Female 29 19 31 25 5 1 110

Male 66 31 47 22 2 5 173

N/A 8 0 0 0 0 0 8

Total 103 50 78 47 7 6 291

Of the funerals priced between $200.01 and $250, 71 percent (5) of them were female decedents and 29 percent (2) were for male decedents. The least expensive funerals were also

mostly for males. Thus, 64 percent (66) of the funerals, priced between $1 and $50, were for male decedents and 28 percent (29) were for female decedents. Additionally, there were more male funerals that cost between $50 and $150 than female funerals---62 percent (78) of the funerals were for males and 38 percent (47) of the funerals were for females.

Table 43 provides the costs of the funerals based on marital status. The majority of the decedents with funerals that cost over $100 were married. Thirty-three funerals, accounting for

70 percent of the funerals priced between $150.01 and $200 were for married decedents and 41 percent (32) of the decedents with funerals priced between $100.01 and $150, were married.

139

Table 43. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Funeral Costs

Funeral Costs

$1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total

Marital Divorced 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 Status Married 17 18 32 33 3 5 108

N/A 17 8 10 2 0 0 37

Single 60 18 20 6 3 1 108

Separated 0 2 0 0 0 0 2

Unknown 5 1 0 0 0 0 6

Widowed 4 3 14 6 1 0 28

Total 103 50 78 47 7 6 291 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

Moreover, the majority of the individuals with the most expensive funerals were married,

62 percent of the funerals that cost between $200.01 and $300 were for those who were married.

However, the most expensive funeral in the records, was priced at $289.50, and was for a single man whose occupation was a restaurant keeper.

The majority of the funerals that cost under $50 were for the single decedents, 58 percent

(60) of the funerals between $1 and $50 were for single individuals. Only 17 percent (17) of the funerals within that same price range were for individuals who were married. There were an equal percentage of married and single individuals that had funerals which cost between $50 and

$100, 36 percent (18) of the funerals in this price range were for single decedents and the same percentage were for married decedents.

The majority of the widowed decedents’ funerals cost between $100.01 and $200, one widowed decedent had a funeral that cost $209, he was an engineer and his daughter and her husband took care of the funeral arrangements. Six funerals, accounting for 13 percent of the funerals which cost between $150.01 and $200 were for those decedents who were widowed. 140

Table 44 shows the funeral costs based on the occupation of the deceased.

Table 44. Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Funeral Costs

Funeral Costs

$100.01- $150.01- $200.01- $250.01- $1-50 $50.01-100 150 200 250 300 Total

Occupation of Auto Mechanic 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Deceased Barber 3 1 0 0 0 0 4

Brick Mason 0 0 1 1 0 0 2

Butler 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Carpenter 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Chef 0 0 2 0 0 0 2

Clerk 0 0 2 0 0 0 2

Constable 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

Cook 0 3 1 0 0 0 4

Dealer of 2 0 0 1 0 0 3 Goods

Domestic 7 4 9 4 1 0 25

Engineer 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

Expressman 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

Hotel Manager 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

Housewife 3 7 15 19 2 1 47

Laborer 21 16 19 8 1 1 66

Laundress 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

Musician 1 0 1 1 0 0 3

N/A 57 8 15 5 1 0 86

Paper Hanger 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Plasterer 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

Porter 1 5 4 1 0 1 12

Preacher 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Proprietor 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

141

Table 44 (continued) Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Funeral Costs

Funeral Cost s

$50.01- $100.01- $150.01- $200.01- $250.01- $1-50 100 150 200 250 300 Total

Restaurant 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Keeper

Retired 0 1 1 0 0 0 2

Server 4 4 1 3 0 2 14

Student 0 0 1 0 1 0 2

Taxi Driver 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Teamster 1 0 2 0 0 0 3

Total 103 50 78 47 7 6 291 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The occupations of those that had funerals priced over $200, between $200.01 and $250,

are as follows: student (1); laborer (1); engineer (1); domestic (1); and housewife (2). The

funerals that cost over $250.01 the individuals were in the following occupations: server (2);

porter (1); housewife (1); laborer (1); and restaurant keeper (1). More than any other occupation

housewives appeared to have more funerals (23 percent) that cost over $200, one of the most

expensive funerals within the data set was for a housewife which cost $276.

Laborers and domestics, barring the N/A category which accounts for infants and children, were the occupations that made up the majority of the funerals that cost between $1 and

$50. Laborers made up 21 percent (20) of the funerals that cost between $1 and $50 and domestics made up 7 percent (7) of the funerals in this value range. The larger percentages of decedents who had funerals costing between $50.01 and $100 were laborers, they made up 32 percent (16) of the funerals in this category followed by housewives who made up 14 percent (7) of the funerals in this category, after housewives, porters made up 10 percent (5) of funerals in this section and 8 percent (4) of the funerals in this $50 to $100 cost range were servers. 142

Below, table 45 provides information on the cost of the funeral versus the means of payment utilized to pay for the funeral.

Table 45. Cross-tabulation How Paid * Funeral Costs

Funeral Costs

$1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total

How Paid Adams 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 Township

Bank 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Cash 27 14 14 8 0 0 63

Check 1 2 0 1 0 0 4

County 32 2 0 0 0 0 34

Estate 0 0 3 0 1 0 4

Insurance 0 16 39 30 6 6 97

Insurance & 0 0 2 1 0 0 3 Other

N/A 13 2 3 0 0 0 18

Payments 25 12 16 7 0 0 60

Savings & Cash 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Soldiers’ Relief 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Subscription 3 0 0 0 0 0 3

Total 103 50 78 47 7 6 291 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

This information can indicate if there is any relationship between the cost of the funeral

and the means that was used to pay for the funeral expenses. For example the funerals that were

paid with insurance benefits could have cost higher than those funerals that were paid by other

means. The approximate total funeral costs from September 14, 1912 until June 13, 1917, with

the exception of 13 funerals because there was nothing listed in the records for these funerals,

equaled $26,706.68. 143

The majority of the funerals which cost over $200, 92 percent of them, with the exception of one funeral which the decedent’s estate absorbed the expense, were paid for with insurance benefits. The greater amount of funerals that cost between $100 and $200, 55 percent (69) of them were also paid for with insurance benefits. This might suggest that the individuals who arranged the funerals chose more expensive funerals because the decedents had insurance policies or they cashed in their own life insurance policies to pay for the funeral. Another possibility is that the funeral director could have charged more for funerals that were paid with insurance but that does not seem to be the case because one of the expensive funerals was remunerated by a decedent’s estate.

Twenty-three funerals, accounting for 18.4 percent of the decedents’ funerals which cost between $100 and $200, were remunerated by installment payments to the funeral home over a period of months, and in some cases up to a year or more, until the balance was paid in full.

Twenty-two funerals, accounting for 17.6 percent of the total amount of funerals within the $100 to $200 price range, were paid for by cash, which usually meant that the funeral was paid for either around the time of the funeral, or within a few weeks up to a month or so after the funeral.

Three funerals, totaling 1.3 percent of the funerals that cost between $100.01 and $150, were charged to and paid for by the decedents’ estates. There were 4 funerals in total that were paid for by the decedents’ estates,173 and 1 funeral that was paid for jointly by the estate and the

Elks Lodge. In a few of the estate cases, Alpheus Brown, a black Toledo attorney, was the executor of the estate and remitted payment to the funeral home for the funeral expenses on behalf of the deceased. This is significant because it suggests that these individuals owned

173Webster's dictionary defines estate as fortune, possessions, capital, property in general; the assets and liabilities of a dead or bankrupt person; landed property, individually owned piece of land containing a residence, it is usually large and maintained by great wealth. Webster’s New Universal Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed., edited by Jean L McKechnie (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979), 625. 144 property whether in Toledo or in another state. At least two of the decedents whose funerals were paid by their estates were buried in Woodlawn Cemetery, which was a very prestigious cemetery where many prominent Toledo families were buried, only 10 out of 300 decedents that

Wanzo buried, were buried in Woodlawn. This very well could suggest that these individuals or their families might have been well to do members of society. One decedent whose funeral was paid for by his or his family’s estate was shipped to Evansville, Indiana.

The majority of the funerals between $1 and $50 were paid for by Lucas County, the county covered 31.1 percent (32) of the funerals and 2 funerals were paid for by Adams

Township, which separated from Sylvania Township to become Adam’s Township and was later incorporated into the city of Toledo.174 Moreover, 26.2 percent (27) of the funerals in this price range were remunerated by cash and 24.3 percent (25) were paid for through installment payments. The greater percentage of the funerals priced between $50.01 and $100 were paid for first by insurance benefits, 32 percent, then by cash, 28 percent, and subsequently by payments,

24 percent. There was one funeral within the $50.01 to $100 price range which was paid for with Soldier Relief benefits. This decedent was born in 1849 and he was 65 years old when he died. He was a former member of the US military and therefore had military benefits.

Below, table 46 indicates how many funerals were paid in full as opposed to how many funerals were not paid in full and had a balance remaining. In the table below “other” denotes where an “X” was entered in the records in the vicinity where paid in full and E.B. Wanzo’s signature was usually written. Therefore, it is not clear whether or not 10 funerals were paid in full or if there was a balance remaining.

174 Gaye E. Gindy, “Sylvania Township History,” http://www.sylvaniatownship.com 145

Table 46. Paid in Full

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 12 3.8 4.2 4.2

N/A 5 1.6 1.6 5.8

No 59 18.9 18.9 24.7

Other 10 3.2 3.2 27.9

Unknown 1 .3 .3 28.2

Yes 225 72.1 71.8 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

In tallying how much money Wanzo Funeral Home brought in for the funerals conducted between September 1912 and June 1917, there were a few factors that were considered which are as follows: there were 6 funerals where there was nothing listed in the paid in full category so those 6 were not factored into the total and the “other” category was not factored in either, since it was not clear whether or not he received money from those funerals. Wanzo Funeral Home brought in approximately $24, 662.70 for the 284 funerals which in today’s currency equals

$530,151.80. Out of $26,706.68 (in today’s currency $574,132.71) in funeral charges, for the listed charges, $2043.98 ($43,940.91) was not paid, representing an 8 percent revenue loss.

The majority of the funerals, roughly 225, accounting for 72.1 percent of the funerals, were paid in full. This suggests that Wanzo’s clientele had the ways and/or means to pay for the death of their loved ones. There were only 59 funerals, accounting for 18.9 percent of the funerals, which were not paid in full. However, many of the balances that were not paid in full were minuscule compared to the total costs of the funerals, one funeral, for example, the family members paid $255.27 on a funeral which cost $268.90, leaving a balance of $13.63, therefore

95 percent of the funeral expenses were paid. 146

Table 47 shows the correlation between the cost of the funeral and whether or not the funeral costs were paid in full.

Table 47. Cross-tabulation Paid in Full * Funeral Cost

Funeral Cost

$1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total

Paid in Full 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N/A 1 1 3 0 0 0 5

No 16 12 16 14 0 1 59

Other 5 1 0 0 0 0 6

Yes 81 36 59 33 7 5 220

Total 104 50 78 47 7 6 292 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The majority of the funerals that exceeded $200 were paid in full, 92 percent of the funerals in

this price range were paid in full. As table 45 showed, this was most likely linked to the fact that

the majority of the funerals that were over $200 were paid for by insurance benefits. Only one of

the funerals that exceeded $200 was not paid in full, this funeral cost $268.90 and was paid for

with insurance benefits, only $13.63 or 4.9 percent of the bill was not paid, the decedent’s body

was shipped to Xenia, Ohio for interment so this could reflect shipping costs or perhaps transportation costs that were not paid.

The greater percentage of the funerals that cost between $100 and $200 were remunerated in full, 74 percent (92) of the funerals were paid in full and 24 percent were not.

Many of the funerals that were not paid in full had small balances compared to the total amount of the cost of the funeral, although there were some exceptions, one funeral in particular where the body was shipped to Rome, Georgia, cost $171, only $10.13 was paid on the bill, the balance 147 was forwarded by Wanzo to the Collections Bonded Service Corporation in order to collect on the money owed.

The majority of the funerals $100 and under, were paid in full, 76 percent (117) of the funerals were paid in full, 18 percent (28) were not and 3.92 percent (6) of the funerals had an

“X” in the paid in full column in the records. The data show that those who had the most expensive funerals above $200 paid in full at a higher percentage than those that had less expensive funerals, however those funerals between $1 and $50 (78.6 percent) paid in full at a higher percentage than the funerals between $50.01 and $200. This suggests that the least expensive the funeral costs, the likelihood of being able to pay the bill in full was greater.

Furthermore the funerals in the $100 to $150 range were paid in full at a higher percentage (75.6 percent) than the ones between $50.01 and $100 (72 percent) and the $150.01 and $200 (70.2 percent) ranges.

Table 48 shows the correlation between how the funeral costs were remunerated and whether or not the funeral charges were paid in full.

Table 48. Cross-tabulation How Paid * Paid in Full

Paid in Full

N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total

How paid 12 0 0 0 0 0 12

Adams Twp 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

Bank 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Cash 0 0 9 1 0 55 65

Check 0 0 1 0 0 3 4

County 0 0 1 0 0 33 34

Estate 0 0 0 0 0 4 4

148

Table 48 (continued) Cross-tabulation How Paid * Paid in Full

Paid in Full

N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total

Insurance 0 0 18 0 0 79 97

Insurance & Other 0 0 0 0 0 3 3

N/A 0 1 2 7 1 12 23

Payments 0 4 27 2 0 29 62

Savings & Cash 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Soldiers’ Relief 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Subscription 0 0 1 0 0 2 3

Total 12 5 59 10 1 225 312 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

The funerals that Lucas County was responsible for were paid in full, 14.7 percent (33) of the

funerals that were paid in full were paid by the county, however there appears to be one

discrepancy in the county’s payment history which can be explained by the fact that the funeral

in dispute was secured by the county to cost $52, the county paid $35 and there was a balance of

$17 in which another entity paid $11 of the balance, leaving a balance of $6 left to pay. It appears that the county had a limit on the amount of money they would pay for a funeral as there is nowhere in the records where the county paid more than $45. So perhaps in this solitary case, the county agreed to pay $35 and the loved ones of the decedent were required to pay the

balance, making it appear in the records that Lucas County did not pay its balance in full.

Additionally, Adams Township, which was not a part of Toledo at the time, was another

municipality, that paid in full both funerals it was responsible for securing. Likewise, those

funerals that were secured by an estate, 1.8 percent (4) of the funerals, the bank, .4 percent (1) of

the funerals, and Soldier Relief benefits, .4 percent (1) were paid in full. Moreover, those funeral 149 bills that were paid for by “insurance and others” (i.e. friends, family, contributions, etc.) and

“savings and cash” were all remunerated in full.

The majority of the funerals that were paid in full were paid for with insurance benefits exclusively. There were 79 such funerals, accounting for 35 percent of the funerals that were paid for in full. This suggests that if the decedent had insurance benefits, there was a high probability that the funeral home would be paid in full. However 18 funerals, accounting for

30.5 percent of the funerals with a remaining balance, were secured with and partially paid for with insurance benefits. The funerals that were paid for with cash, accounted for the second highest percentage of funerals that were paid for in full, 24.6 percent (55) of the funerals were paid in full with cash. On the other hand, 15.3 percent (9) of the funerals that had a balance remaining were remunerated with cash.

There were 12.8 percent (29) funerals that were remunerated in full through installment payments, however the majority of the funerals, 45.8 percent (27), that were not remunerated in full were paid for by those making installment payments. This suggests the installment payments were the most unreliable means to guarantee that the funeral home would be paid in full. One reason this might be the case is that it could be attributed to the fact that as time goes by, individuals might forget about making payments and the funeral home might have had a hard time tracking down individuals that owed money. Some of these individuals owed very little money compared to the total amount of the funeral costs, therefore they might have decided that what they paid was sufficient and they were not going to pay any more money towards the bill or the funeral home might have forgiven the small balance that remained.

Table 49, shows information on the funerals that were paid in full based on the occupations of the deceased. 150

Table 49. Occupation of Deceased * Paid in Full Cross-tabulation

Paid in Full

N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total Valid Occupation of Deceased 13 0 0 0 0 0 13

Auto Mechanic 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Barber 0 0 0 0 0 4 4

Brick Mason 0 0 1 0 0 1 2

Butler 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Carpenter 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Chef 0 0 1 0 0 1 2

Clerk 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

Constable 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Cook 0 0 1 0 0 3 4

Dealer of Goods 0 0 0 0 0 3 3

Domestic 0 1 4 2 0 19 26

Engineer 0 0 0 0 1 1 2

Expressman 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Hotel Manager 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Housewife 0 0 15 0 0 32 47

Laborer 1 1 6 2 0 58 68

Laundress 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

Musician 0 0 1 0 0 2 3

N/A 0 1 20 5 0 65 91

Paper Hanger 0 0 1 0 0 0 1

Plasterer 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Preacher 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Proprietor 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Restaurant Keeper 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Retired 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

Server 0 0 4 0 0 10 14 151

Table 49 (continued) Occupation of Deceased * Paid in Full Cross-tabulation

Paid in Full

N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total

Student 0 0 1 0 0 1 2

Taxi Driver 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Teamster 0 0 1 0 0 2 3

Total 13 5 59 10 1 225 312 See Appendix B for percentage tables.

Funeral costs were paid in full for the decedents who worked in the following

occupations: taxi driver, retirees, restaurant keeper, proprietor, preacher, plasterer, barber, clerk,

constable, auto mechanic, butler, carpenter, goods dealer, and expressman. The majority of the

laborers’ funeral bills (85 percent) were paid in full. Those decedents who were housewives

made up the greater percentage of unpaid funeral costs, 25 percent of the unpaid costs belonged

to housewives. Besides housewives, 10 percent (6) of laborers, 7 percent (4) of domestics and 7

percent (4) servers, respectively, made up the majority of the unpaid balances.

Beneath, table 50 gives information on how the funeral was remunerated versus the

marital status of the decedents.

Table 50. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * How Paid

How Paid

Adams Insuranc Insurance Savings Soldier' Township Bank Cash Check County Estate e & Other N/A Payments & Cash s Relief Subscription Total

Marital Status 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12

D 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2

M 0 0 16 2 8 0 58 1 4 17 0 1 2 109

152

Table 50 (continued) Cross-tabulation Marital Status * How Paid

How Paid

Adams Insuranc Insurance Savings Soldier'

Township Bank Cash Check County Estate e & Other N/A Payments & Cash s Relief Subscription Total

N/A 0 0 7 1 9 0 5 0 8 7 0 0 0 37

S 2 1 33 0 12 1 20 2 10 33 1 0 1 116

Sep 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2

Un 0 0 2 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 6

W 0 0 5 1 2 3 14 0 0 3 0 0 0 28

Total 2 1 65 4 34 4 97 3 23 62 1 1 3 312 See Appendix B for percentage tables. D=Divorced, M=Married, S=Single, Sep=Separated, Un=Unknown, W=Widowed

The majority of married decedents’ funerals, 53.2 percent, were paid for with insurance,

which might be indicative of higher social economic status; 60 percent (58) of the funerals that

were remunerated with insurance were for married decedents. Subsequently, installment

payments ranked the second highest way married decedents’ funeral bills were paid, 27 percent

(17 payments) of the installment payments made to Wanzo Funeral Home were for married

decedents. Additionally, many of the married decedents’ funerals were paid for with cash, 25

percent (16) of the cash payments were made for the deceased who were married. Lucas County

paid for 8 married decedents’ funerals, accounting for 25 percent of the total amount of funerals

paid for by the county. Two of the 4 funerals that were paid for with a check were for decedents

who were married.

All of the 2 funerals that Adams Township remunerated were for single decedents and so

were 100 percent of the funerals that were remunerated by the bank. The majority of the

installment payments made, 53 percent (33 installment payments), paid for the funeral expenses

of single decedents. Furthermore, 51 percent (33 cash payments) of the total amount of the cash 153 payments were made on the behalf of single decedents. Lucas County paid for 12 single decedents’ funerals accounting for 35 percent of the 34 funerals paid for by the county. The larger percentage of the funerals that were paid for by the decedents’ estates, 75 percent, were for widowed individuals and only 25 percent were for single decedents.

Table 51, provides complementary information to the above section on how the funeral expenses were remunerated. This condensed table gives information on insurance carriers, for those decedents who had insurance, as well as the names of the entities or individuals who contributed financially to the funeral charges.

Table 51. Insurance Carriers and Other Contributors to Bill

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

A. Bentley and Sons 1 .3 .3 4.2

Adams Express 1 .3 .3 4.5

Atty. Fisher 1 .3 .3 4.8

Bureau of Endowment Board- 1 .3 .3 5.1 Richard Miller

Citizen Ice Company 1 .3 .3 5.4

Dr. Johnson $20 1 .3 .3 6.4

Estate- Atty. Albertus Brown 2 .6 .6 6.7

Elks Lodge-JW Maxwell 1 .3 .3 7.1

Insurance Company of 1 .3 .3 8.0 Tennessee

Knights of Pythians Howard 1 .3 .3 8.7 Lodge #123 Kokomo, IN

Knights Pythians 5 1.5 1.5 9.3

Metropolitan Life Insurance 2 .6 .6 11.2 Company

154

Table 51 (continued) Insurance Carriers and/or Contributors to Bill

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Metropolitan Life Insurance 1 .3 .3 11.5 Company & Western Southern Insurance Company

Michigan Southern Insurance 1 .3 .3 12.2

Amazon Lodge 1 .3 .3 12.5

Mr. Schooler, Mr. Freeman, Mr. 1 .3 .3 13.1 Ira Stewart

National Life Insurance 1 .3 .3 95.8 Company

Postal Savings & Collection 1 .3 .3 96.2 Brickyard

Pullman Company 1 .3 .3 96.5

Railway & Light Company 2 .6 .6 97.1

Schindewolf & Brinkley 1 .3 .3 97.4 Company

Soldier's Relief 1 .3 .3 97.8

State Industrial Commission 3 1.0 1.0 98.7

Undertaker T.K. Robb 1 .3 .3 99.4

Western Southern Life Insurance 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

The majority of the funerals, 31.1 percent (97 funerals), were paid for with insurance benefits.175

There were several insurance companies which underwrote policies for the decedents and many of these companies still exist today. The company names are as follows: Metropolitan Life

Insurance Company, Western Southern Life Insurance Company, National Life Insurance

Company, Michigan Southern Insurance Company, and the Insurance Company of Tennessee.

175 See Appendix B for the percentages on how the funeral expenses were remunerated 155

This suggests that many of Wanzo’s clientele, and in a broader since Black Toledoans, thought that life insurance was important enough to invest in policies for themselves and/or loved ones and additionally, they were conscientious enough to make plans for burial and other end of life expenses as well as for their family members’ futures.

There were several fraternal lodges that contributed to the funeral expenses. Oftentimes these organizations would pay for the funeral charges with cash, 65 funerals were paid for in cash, which accounts for 20.8 percent of the total amount of funerals that were remunerated.

Moreover, at least 13.8 percent (9) of the funerals that were paid in cash were paid for by fraternal orders. The fraternal orders that were listed in the records are as follows: Knights of

Pythias or Knights Pythians, Elks Lodge, and Amazon Lodge. The Knights Pythians contributed or paid for more funerals than the other orders, they paid for 66 percent (6) of the funerals that

were remunerated by the fraternal orders. Fraternal orders would oftentimes bury their dead; the

dues that were collected would help provide insurance benefits for members.176

The State Industrial Commission of Ohio (IC) was listed in the records as paying for the funerals of 3 decedents’ funerals, representing 1 percent of the total amount of funerals. The

Ohio workers’ compensation system is composed of two components, the Industrial Commission and the Bureau of Workers’ Compensation (BWC), which until 1977 was formerly the Bureau of

Workmen’s Compensation. The system had its beginnings around 1911 with the Ohio

Workmen’s Compensation Act, which created a voluntary workers compensation plan for employers. It was not until 1913 that an act was passed by the Ohio General Assembly mandating employers to provide workers compensation coverage for their employees. The Ohio

176Joe W. Trotter, “Duty to the Race: African American Fraternal Associations in American History,” Social Science History 28, No. 3, (Fall 2004), 486. 156 workers’ compensation state insurance fund was established in 1912.177 Following the passage of the 1913 mandate for employers to provide workers compensation coverage, the Industrial

Commission of Ohio was established in 1913 to address workers’ compensation issues for individuals who were injured at the workplace. The Bureau of Workmen’s Compensation was created by the Ohio General Assembly in 1955 in order to lighten the load of the Industrial

Commission by taking over some of the administrative duties of the Industrial Commission. 178

The IC was responsible for overseeing various aspects of the worker’s compensation process:

While BWC is responsible for collecting workers' compensation insurance premiums, overseeing the insurance system, and paying out compensable claims, the Industrial Commission is responsible for: Conducting hearings on disputed claims, determining eligibility for permanent total disability benefit, adjudicating claims involving an employer's violation of specific safety requirements, providing a forum for fair and impartial claims resolution.179

The above quote outlines the current responsibilities of the BWC and IC. However, before the

creation of these respective entities in Ohio, injured workers within the state had very limited if

any recourse or benefits when it came to covering injuries, medical expenses and lost wages.

Moreover, employees as well as employers faced financial hardships and in some cases financial

ruin, if they were sued by the injured party and had to pay the expenses of court litigation, in

addition to judgments or settlements. 180

The funeral records show that the Industrial Commission of Ohio paid for multiple

funerals, for example, one of the decedents was a laborer and his cause of death resulted from

pneumonia and fractured ribs due to falling from a building, perhaps he was a window washer or

177Ohio Bureau of Workers’ Compensation “BWC Profile,” accessed February 12, 2011, http://www.ohiobwc.com. Bureau of Workers’ Compensation, “Looking Back, Moving Forward: Commemorating 100 years of Workers’ Compensation in Ohio.” accessed May 10, 2011, http://www.ohiobwc.com/default.aspx 178 Ohio Industrial Commission’s Communications Department, 2008. 179 Ohio.gov Industrial Commission “About the Industrial Commission,” accessed February 12, 2011, http://www.ohioic.com/newsinfo.html. 180 Ohio Industrial Commission’s Communications Department, 2008.

157 a construction worker. Since the records reflect that the Industrial Commission of Ohio took care of the bill, this suggests that the decedent was injured on the job.

Some employers or companies contributed fully or partially to the funeral bill of a decedent. This could suggest any number of scenarios, for example, the decedent may have had benefits with the company (i.e. insurance) or the decedent died due to a work related incident or accident. Thus the company felt obligated to, or was indeed legally responsible for, paying all or some portion of the funeral charges. The following companies contributed to the funeral bills of some of the decedents: A. Bentley and Sons, a family construction company;181 Adams Express, a mail and packaging shipping/transportation company that later became an investment company; 182 Citizen Ice and Cold Storage Company, an ice production company; Pullman

Company, a railroad car manufacturer; 183 Toledo Railway & Light Company, a railway and electric company which eventually split and in later years became Toledo Edison and Toledo

Area Regional Transit Authority; and Schindewolf and Brinkley. Seven funerals, accounting for

2.2 percent of total amount of funerals were either entirely remunerated or partially remunerated by these businesses.

Other contributions to funerals came from such sources as: veterans’ benefits such as

Soldiers’ Relief; other funeral directors, for example Undertaker Thomas K. Robb remunerated a

funeral bill, one decedent was shipped by Wanzo Funeral Home to Kentucky and most likely to

Thomas Robb, the preliminary procedures such as embalming the body, the casket, etc., took place in Toledo but the insurance paperwork must have taken place in Kentucky because the

181“History of Woodlawn,”http:// www.historic-woodlawn.com/attic/bentley. Toledo Biography Scrapbook (Bea-Berd), Local History Collection, Toledo/Lucas County Public Library.] 182Anonymous, “The Adams Express Company: A Short History of Package Delivery During the American Civil War “[Internet]. Version 2. Knol. (July 31, 2008) http://knol.google.com/k/anonymous/the-adams-express- company/iuxemcy2xnjg/2. 183 Arthur C. McWatt, “ ‘A Greater Victory’: The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in St. Paul,” Minnesota History 55, no. 5 (Spring,1997), 204. 158 body was charged to Robb and he also paid Wanzo for the expenses accrued in Toledo.

Additionally, contributions were made towards funeral charges by friends of the deceased or through a collection that was taken up at the deceased place of employment, etc. A few individual contributors to the funeral expenses were as follows: Attorney Fisher, Dr. Johnson,

Mr. Schooler, Mr. Freeman, Mr. Ira Stewart, and a collection that was taken up at the brickyard, where most likely the deceased was employed.

Furthermore, there were other funeral expenses that were taken care of through the decedents’ estates or through savings. For example, one of the decedent’s postal savings was

used to pay for his funeral. The Postal Savings System in the United States was created by an

Act of Congress on June 25, 1910 and was made effective January 1, 1911. The system was created as an alternative to traditional banking in addition to other reasons.184 Additionally, there

were other ways that a funeral bill was contributed to or remunerated: credit was given to a bill

for a clock and some tongs, perhaps these items were on the decedent’s body and in another case

the $2 that was on the decedent’s body was used towards the funeral bill. In one situation,

perhaps in others, an individual paid off a funeral bill by working for Mr. Wanzo.

In conclusion the results section of this study provided statistical data from the

information that was found in the records. The categorical data was divided into five main

sections: identification information which included the address of the decedent, personal and

statistical information which included race, gender, age, marital status, religion, occupation, date

of birth and death, parents’ birthplace; funeral information which includes how the funeral was

secured, who the bill was charged to, who gave the order, the date and time of the funeral, the

184“The legislation aimed to get money out of hiding, attract the savings of immigrants accustomed to saving at Post Offices in their native countries, provide safe depositories for people who had lost confidence in banks, and furnish more convenient depositories for working people.” “Postal Savings System,” by Historian of the United States Postal System, July, 2008, http://www.usps.com/postalhistory/_pdf/PostalSavingsSystem.pdf. 159 location of the funeral service, the clergyman officiating, the cemetery where the body was interned and the lot or grave number, and/or shipment of the body; funeral expenditures and payments: the price of the casket, the total funeral charges, whether or not the bill was paid in full, how the bill was paid, insurance carriers or contributors to the bill, whether the body was embalmed and the price of embalming, burial accoutrements and price of those accessories, the price of transportation services including the hearse, automobiles or carriages to the cemetery and/or shipping; and lastly death information which included the certifying physician’s name and address, cause of death, location and date of death. The funeral records provided a vast volume of information. The record entries presented an abstraction of each individual therefore propelling the researcher toward a larger composite profile of the Black Toledo community. In addition, the information reveals that Wanzo Funeral Home serviced not only black patrons and others, which suggest certain community dynamics of that time that are unexpected today.

Furthermore the data is useful in identifying Wanzo’s clients not only by race but also by age and gender from which one can chart birth-related deaths, epidemics, and infant and childhood diseases. The occupational data of attending professionals and the growth of business establishments suggested by where the deceased worked all provide a wealth of data to profile an emergent black Toledo.

The information collected shows that the black community in Toledo was not monolithic.

The occupations of the deceased were varied as were the diseases they died from, the doctors that verified their deaths, the hospitals that they frequented, their marital statuses, the costs of the funerals and the means used to pay the funeral expenses. Additionally, the information provides insights into black Toledoans’ funerary practices and provides insights on the Wanzo Funeral 160

Home and its owner, Elvin Wanzo, and his business practices. The following chapters will build upon the above statistical analyses and the information abstracted from the funeral records. 161

CHAPTER III

FUNERAL HOME RECORDS: A MISSING RESOURCE IN CONVENTIONAL HISTORIES

This chapter discusses documentary sources, secondary sources and oral histories to show how local histories of Toledo missed an opportunity to enrich their study of local black communities by failing to utilize local funeral home records. Additionally this chapter will show, by offering original information or complementary information, how the Wanzo funeral records help to provide a more comprehensive narrative on aspects of black Toledo history from

1912-1917. This chapter illustrates the value of funerary records by providing a critique of conventional histories against the backdrop of this study’s statistical findings and quantitative inquiry. One of the primary research questions this chapter addresses is whether or not funeral home records provide new, contradictory, or supporting information about the black Toledo community. The examination of a local history study on black Toledo will provide further insights into the above questions.

The purpose of the following section is to review what scholars have written on the utility and deficiencies of extant traditional archival resources for constructing community histories.

When conducting research many local scholars examine various primary sources in private and/or public archives. They explore census records and other government documents, newspapers, diaries, business minutes, in addition to other primary sources. However, one of the problems that local scholars encounter when using the above traditional sources to research information on early communities, especially when researching formative black or other underrepresented communities, is that specific information on members of the community can be challenging to unearth. Oftentimes when researching these earlier communities, critical information, for instance, births, deaths, changes of address, etc., may not have been registered 162 with information agencies such as Vital Statistics or the Census Bureau, making it more difficult and at times impossible to find specific information on the research subject, causing historians to turn to conventional sources like oral interviews.

These types of traditional sources can be seen in the histories of many localities, specifically in the local histories of black communities. Some recent works on African American communities include Davarian Baldwin’s Chicago’s New Negroes, Christopher Robert Reed’s

Black Chicago’s First Century, Marcy Sacks’ Before Harlem and Adam Green’s Selling The

Race: Culture, Community and Black Chicago. However, browsing through the bibliographies of these recent local histories shows that the authors used conventional sources such as oral histories, individual and family papers, along with many other archival sources. Nevertheless, none of these books appear to use funeral records. Another recent work, African Americans And

The Color Line in Ohio, 1915-1930 by William W. Giffin, which treats aspects of black Ohio history, also used conventional sources. He used newspapers, census reports, government documents, manuscript collections of individual African Americans, and other conventional sources. In the appendix of the book, in Table A3, it provides a list of black professionals in

Ohio by city, occupation and year. However, the list of black clergy for the year 1910 does not have anything listed in that category. He denotes that he could not find any clergy information for that year in the US Census. The Wanzo funeral records however, give the names of black clergy who were officiating funerals at least since 1912. The records provide a list of at least 7 names who were black clergymen. Another discrepancy occurs in Giffin’s list of black professionals when he lists the number of black attorneys in Toledo, he has only one attorney listed for 1910 and 1920. However, the Wanzo funeral records show that before 1920 there were two black attorneys in Toledo, one by the name of Albertus Brown and the other by the 163 name of Harrison B. Fisher. Giffin’s omissions provide an excellent example of how by using conventional sources (e.g. the census) and not using local funeral records, he missed the opportunity that could have led to a more comprehensive list of black professionals in Toledo and in the other Ohio cities examined. Much like the previously mentioned scholarship, the relevant works on the history of black Toledo also used oral interviews and conventional archival sources in order to document or construct the history of the black community.

In her book On Doing Local History, Carol Kammen a local historian and Senior

Lecturer at Cornell University, acknowledges that one of the problems involved in local or regional history is that significant class biases exists in archival collections. She states, “Most of the records that were sought and collected, those that form the basis of local and regional collections and, indeed, most of what local history once was, stem from and document a community’s elite-or its emerging elite: the commercially successful, the socially prominent, the upwardly mobile, those participating in community institutions. . . Most of the story is about the white upper classes.” 185 Kammen insinuates that there is a problem with many archival

collections because they do not include all social groups. In the statement below, she confirms that local historians are always looking to expand their collections to help profile underrepresented populations. She states, “We consciously expand beyond this base finding new ways to use the materials that are already in our collections and seeking additions to the archive of documents more representative of all people of the past.”186

A popular approach used by many scholars in recent years to locate missing information

on “underrepresented populations” in traditional archives, has been oral history interviews. In an

article on oral history, Historian Linda Shopes purported that, “community interviews” have

185 Carol Kammen, On Doing Local History, 43. 186 Ibid. 164 become a popular research tool for “history from the bottom up impulse of 1970s social history.”187 She then notes elsewhere, the contribution that oral history has made to the historical discipline, “Interviews have especially enriched the work of a generation of social historians, providing information about everyday life and insights into the mentalities of what are sometimes termed ‘ordinary people’ that are simply unavailable from more traditional sources."188 Many historians have used oral history as a resource in order to supplement archival information and at other times in order to create local collections of archival information when none is available on a subject.

Shopes identifies, however, some problems with oral history. In the quote below she wrote about her own experience trying to gather information on a neighborhood in Baltimore,

Maryland. Her interview team was trying to ascertain whether or not this community could sustain itself in the face of many contemporary threats to its survival. She came to the following conclusion:

The goal was worthy, but in our eagerness to identify the social networks and institutional ties that held the communities we were documenting together, we interviewed few former residents, and when we did, we shied away from [essential] questions... Not surprisingly, our inquiry proved our point; it was also intellectually impoverished by our failures of historical imagination. In fact, locally generated oral history interviews frequently rest on naive assumptions about what properly constitutes history and how to approach it. Interviews are typically structured around the life histories of individual narrators, rather than around critical questions about broad themes of social life… In such projects there is often little understanding of how the details might add up, little obvious coherence within a group of interviews, little understanding, in the end, of history as anything more than an accumulation of facts.189

In the above quote Shopes asserts that oral interviews are oftentimes constructed around stories

of an individual’s life experiences and stories, as opposed to the broader community in which the individual lives. She surmises that significant questions about broad themes of social life that

187 Linda Shopes, “Oral History and the Study of Communities: Problems, Paradoxes, and Possibilities,” The Journal of American History 89, No. 2, (September 2002), 591. 188 Linda Shopes, "Making Sense of Oral History," History Matters: The U.S. Survey Course on the Web, (February 2002). http://historymatters.gmu.edu/mse/oral/. 189Shopes, “Oral History and the Study of Communities,” 590-591. 165 reveal a wide array of information on a community are oftentimes overlooked in oral history interviews. Funeral records can help to complement memory in oral history studies. For example, Edrene Cole’s study on black Toledo used oral interviews and other conventional sources to obtain information on the black community in Toledo. The information in Cole’s work shows that Dr. Phillip M. Johnson (she has him listed only as Dr. Johnson) was in the community beginning in the 1920s. However, the Wanzo funeral record data shows that he was working in the Toledo area at least since September of 1912. Perhaps one of Cole’s sources/interviewees was able to recall that there was a Dr. Johnson working in Toledo, however they were confused about the actual time period that he was working in the area. Additionally,

Cole’s work mentions several black morticians in the area between 1900 and 1917: Bert Ward

(1900), Minnie Easley (1910), Robert McKinney (1912), and E. B. Wanzo (1914). Nevertheless, the Wanzo funeral records as well as the Toledo City Directory indicate that Wanzo was working as a mortician in the area since 1912. Also the other morticians listed in her work do not appear in the Toledo City Directory of in the National Funeral Directors Association information during the time period listed. The Wanzo Funeral Home appears to be the only legitimate and traceable

(according to official/documented sources) black funeral home during the period under investigation.

Consequently both Carol Kammen and Linda Shopes have indentified shortcomings with using traditional sources and oral history interviews. This study seeks to address these shortcomings by recommending the use of a neglected archive of end of life records that offer a unique way to address many of the issues mentioned above, including the social bias found in traditional archival sources in addition to the narrow focus of oral history interviews. In using funeral records, this study not only answers Kammen’s call of finding new ways to use the 166 materials that are already in archival collections, but additionally funeral records provide a supplement to the archive of documents that are more representative of all people of the past.190

One of the advantages of using funeral records as a principal or secondary archival source is that by their nature, they are virtually free of social bias, which can be attributed to the nature of the material in the documents as well as to the non-threatening leveling context within which the data are ascertained and recorded. Although there could be other types of bias found in funeral records, typically the decedents being serviced by a funeral home and the informants providing the vital information, as seen in the Wanzo funeral records, are from diverse backgrounds, this represents a broader group of individuals or community members, not just the elite of society. Additionally, funerary records can reveal information about funeral home owners who traditionally are representative of a higher social economic status. Of course with using any type of records the researcher may be presented with some limitations. The accuracy and value of funeral records is of course determined by the meticulousness of the recorder. So funeral records are not immune from the accuracy problems that bedevil traditional data sources.

In keeping with Linda Shopes concerns with oral history interviews, funeral records unlike single interviews can highlight broad themes of social life. The records provide data that can be quantified, as seen in the previous chapter, and used to provide a qualitative narrative that addresses comprehensive, health, cultural, social, economic and demographic aspects of the community to correct, augment, or complete former studies on that community. In discussing the black Toledo community specifically, funeral records can be useful in addressing some of the details previous histories on black Toledo have not fully addressed or left out altogether. The purpose of the next section is to examine Leroy T. Williams’ work on black Toledo, in order to explore the sources he used, to demonstrate how local histories overlooked the opportunity that

190 Kammen, On Doing Local History, 43. 167 would have led to more comprehensively studying the black Toledo community, when funerary records were not used. Additionally, by examining his work on black Toledo and using some information from the data analysis from Chapter II, it will further indicate the value of funeral records and show how the data therein could have helped to augment the existing research and provide a broader more thorough profile of the black Toledo community.

Leroy T. Williams’ dissertation, “Black Toledo: Afro-Americans in Toledo, Ohio 1890 –

1930,” was selected to be examined for this study because it appears to be a standard history of black Toledo, it is mentioned in many of the works on black Toledo. Additionally, his work offers, to date, the most comprehensive study of the housing, economic, and social trends of the black Toledo community during the 1890 to 1930 time period. Before his dissertation was completed in 1977, there was a very limited amount of scholarship on the black Toledo community. This fact was acknowledged by the late Edrene Cole, in her 1972 thesis on blacks in Toledo. She stated that, “many historical accounts of Toledo do not treat the black community there…Although there are isolated accounts of Negroes in regional histories and newspaper accounts, there neither is a chronological recording of events nor a collection of significant activities of blacks in our area.”191

Wanting to contribute to this sparse body of scholarship through his research on black

Toledo, Williams endeavored to trace certain aspects of black life in Toledo such as housing and

social and economic conditions between1890 and 1930.192 Williams’ research objective was to

answer various questions regarding the black community in Toledo. The following is a list of

some of the questions Williams attempted to address: What was the quality of black life in the

small enclaves of Toledo from 1890 to 1915 as compared to the larger communities in the 1920s

191 Edrene Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 1. 192 Leroy T. Williams, “Black Toledo,” 274. 168 and 1930s? Did the black Toledo community have an enduring character, which he defined as

“distinguishing features or traits”… [such as the types of] jobs and neighborhoods held by black residents” 193 from 1890 to 1930? Many of his questions focused on the assimilation of blacks in

an urban setting in comparison to white immigrants’ adjustment in the same setting, but his

primary focus was on the black community. Moreover, his study examined the black community

to see if it was able to maintain some sort of autonomy and social mobility from 1890 to 1930.

Williams concluded that blacks did have a separate society in Toledo “despite the black

community’s small physical size.” 194 Furthermore, he surmised that the social mobility of black

Toledo was relatively minimal in the years proceeding and following World War I. He

determined that black Toledo possessed an “enduring character (distinguishing features or

traits)” throughout the years of 1890-1930, in regards to the type of jobs they possessed and the

neighborhoods in which they resided.

Williams study, like other local histories, used many conventional primary sources which

consisted of newspapers, organizational records, and census records. One of the issues he

mentions regarding the conventional primary source materials that were available and that he

utilized was made known in the following quote:

Black Toledo did not have its own newspaper or papers in the period 1890-1930. Neither are there extant or available copies of those publications that may have made periodic appearances. The lack of a black press in Toledo during the time period under investigation has hampered efforts to locate detailed information about certain aspects of Afro-American life…in an attempt to ferret out this information I have used the blade from 1842 to 1930.195

The quote indicates that Williams had problems finding information on certain aspects of black

life in Toledo because sources were limited or not available. He raises the issue or brings to the

fore the limitations of the conventional source materials that were available. To have addressed

193 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 274. 194Ibid., 2. 195 Ibid., 343. 169 this particular issue, funeral records could have been used to provide information on black

Toledo that could not be found in the available sources, additionally, funeral records could have been used as a supplement to the sources used. Statistical data in funeral records would have offered information to inform his analysis on the quality of living of black Toledoans. The records would have provided, for example, general information on the occupations of black

Toledoans, the amounts of money they were spending to bury their dead, the associations they belonged to, the churches they frequented, the cemeteries they were buried in among a plethora of other information.

In addition to using various newspapers, to try to “ferret out” information on certain

aspects of the black Toledo community that were not readily available or hard to find in the

sources the researcher used, he used the Toledo City Directory as a principal resource to try to

locate information and draw conclusions. The following quote addresses this fact:

In addition to these newspapers, I have also made use of Polk’s Toledo City Directories for the years 1890-1920 and 1925-1930 for the location of individual residences, black churches and establishments. In all, more than 400 black Toledoans have been traced in relationship to where they lived in the city, the frequency of residential and occupational movements, and the kinds of jobs held by blacks. Through the use of the directories it is possible to detect residential clustering as well as the progression of blacks into the fastest growing residential area (the southwest) beginning around 1910.196

Using funeral records as an archival source would have been useful to Williams as a

supplemental or principal source in trying to provide information on the location of residences of

blacks in the Toledo area for the purpose of detecting residential clustering of blacks in the area.

Additionally, the records would have helped with his second goal of trying to provide

information on the progression of blacks into the fastest growing residential areas in Toledo. As the tables in Chapter II show, the records provided information on the decedents’ addresses, and since the records provide a date of death and dates of service, the researcher can trace the

196 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 343. 170 residential changes of black Toledoans over months and years. Additionally, Williams’ used the city directory to find information on the occupations of blacks in the local community. Funerary records would have been helpful here as well in providing information on the jobs held by blacks in the area. Since there is a line on the ledger book form that contains the decedent’s occupation, the funeral director attempts to obtain this information from the informants, thereby making this information available for posterity. Consequently, when using this body of end of life records it provides information on the living and on the community which the funeral home serviced and/or servicing.

To further highlight the usefulness of funeral records as a supplemental or principal archival source, in keeping with the residential locations of community members, Williams indentifies four wards which contained two-thirds, of the city’s black population – the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth wards. He states that, “if most Afro-Americans were primarily concentrated in four wards in 1890, it was the same in 1930…In short the distribution and concentration of the black population in 1930 departed little from patterns evident in 1890 and

1900.”197 Similar to Williams’ findings, the funeral records provide corresponding information

for the years 1912 through 1917, in regards to the street names, which coincide with the wards,

where many of the decedents resided. Williams’ work provides the ward numbers where

individuals resided but the funeral records provide the actual street names. Therefore this work

provides lengthy list of street names that are not available in other works. The following streets

were located within one of the following wards --second, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, or ninth

wards: Indiana Avenue, Woodland Avenue, Belmont Avenue, Pinewood Avenue, Canton Street,

Avondale Avenue, and Southard Avenue. West Grove Place, Spielbusch Avenue, Dorr Street,

Woodruff Avenue, Washington Street, City Park Avenue, and Illinois Avenue. These were just a

197 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 56. 171 few of the streets listed in the records that coincided with the wards that housed the majority of the black Toledo population. The correspondence of the information from this and Williams’

demonstrates the validity and utility of the funeral records in establishing black Toledo residential localities around the city.

The study also addressed the issue of shifting residences amongst blacks in the community. Williams used Toledo resident Clem Stephens (Stevens) as an example. According to him, Clem moved from Doyle Street to 3122 Pomeroy Avenue, where he stayed through 1913 and in 1914 he moved to 3113 Pomeroy Avenue and then in 1916, to 353 Pinewood Avenue.

Williams offers no real explanation for this individual’s frequent relocation. In contrast, the funeral records show that Clem Stephens migrated to Toledo from Cairo, Illinois. His wife,

Hattie, died at their residence on 3122 Pomeroy Street, on February 21, 1914 from typhoid fever.

Hattie was a housewife. The records show that Clem was living at the 3122 Pomeroy address through February 1914 and probably because he did not want to live in the house where his wife died he moved to 3113 Pomeroy. He may have also moved because he could no longer afford to live at that residence without his wife’s income from housework. Thus by not using funeral records Williams missed the reason for Stephens’ residential relocations.

Unlike the present study, Williams’ work also failed to record the fact that some black

Toledoans resided in such locations as the Toledo State Hospital, Lucas County Hospital

(formerly Lucas County Infirmary) and the Federal Creosote Plant (a railroad tie treatment plant). This type of residential information might not have been available in the city directory and therefore could not have been included in Williams’ dissertation. The individuals who resided at the hospitals most likely suffered from long term illnesses. For example, the Toledo

State Hospital served the mentally ill and functioned as an insane asylum. Additionally, 172 information for certain transient members of the community or those who might have worked in the Toledo area but their permanent residences were in other locations like Chicago and

Michigan or in other cities in Ohio such as Cleveland and Lima, were not included in Williams’ work. Although these individuals might not have been permanent members of the community they nevertheless influenced the broader socioeconomic aspects of the black Toledo community.

This type of information would not have been found in the conventional primary sources that

Williams used, like city directories or census records (since this information is collected decennially and would only reflect the residential location for the census year). This is another area that if addressed could have broadened his study, funeral records would have been valuable in acquiring such obscure information.

Williams work discusses the decline in the percentage of children (infancy through fourteen) between 1890 and 1910 and the possible reasons for the decline. Some of the reasons for the decline are the growing urbanization and “transiency” across the nation, and health care.

However, he does not elaborate on any of these possible explanations.198 Data from funeral

records could have provided insights into the decline of the percentage of children and provided

information to support at least two of the “possible” reasons for the decline in the percentage of

children. The data analysis of the funeral records showed that individuals between the ages of 0

and 12 years old made up the second highest percentage of decedents buried by Wanzo, 18.7

percent.

Furthermore, the statistics show that children died at much higher rates primarily due to

pregnancy related issues, like stillbirth and premature birth, followed closely by pulmonary

diseases, like tuberculosis, than any other causes. Mortality studies show that this was the case

throughout the country. The data do not reflect that children were dying at high rates due to non-

198 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 69. 173 health related causes such as wounds, drowning and/or accidents; in fact children were dying at negligible rates as a result of such causes. The funerary record statistics suggests a high infant mortality rate and that children between the ages of 0 to 14 years old were dying due to health related causes, which can help to explain the decline in the percentage of children. The pregnancy related causes of death can be attributed to many factors, one being the health of the mother as well as the environmental, emotional and physical stressors placed on the mother.

Urbanization and “transiency” can perhaps be contributing factors to the decline of children in the 0 to 14 year old age group. One reason for this can be attributed to the stress of urbanization and frequent relocations on the mothers’ health as well as the lack of prenatal care, which could be attributed to the migratory and the time period in which these mothers lived, can provide explanations as to why the mothers were giving birth to stillborn and premature babies.

Urbanization and “transiency” can also explain other health related deaths among children.

Chapter I addressed some of the public health issues related to the time period and the development of health departments which ultimately had an effect on funeral policy. The increase in the population of the city and the health and sanitation concerns of urban life such as

living in close proximity to others, aided the spread of germs and disease. Therefore, if children

were not dying due to pregnancy related causes they were dying due to other health related

illnesses such as contagious diseases like tuberculosis. For such reasons alone, this could lead to

the decline of children among blacks in Toledo. The funeral records offer valuable information

that helps to provide an explanation to Williams’ insights on the possible reasons for the decline

of children among blacks during the time period, thereby enhancing this section of his study.

Another element that Williams missed by not using funeral home records can be seen in

his attempt to establish what he termed as the “refined or elite” members of the black Toledo 174 community, which he stated consisted of “a small group of attorneys, municipal employees, and a select group of religious leaders,” he fails to mention the undertaker or funeral director.

Conceivably, considering funeral records would have caused him to expand his list to include funeral directors as influential and elite members of society.

In reviewing the records, as the analysis in Chapter II demonstrates, the records would have indicated various facts about Elvin B. Wanzo of the Wanzo Funeral Home and the influence of his establishment on the Toledo community. For example, the records reveal successes of the funeral director such as the amount of money the director was bringing into his

establishment as a result of the steady flow of business and good business practices and the funeral director’s interaction with prominent members of the community, especially pastors

whose parishioners were serviced by the director.

Examining the funeral records, in turn, may have led Williams to consider the following:

Wanzo’s having the capital or ability to find the capital to establish a funeral business in a new

area and the costs associated with renting and/or purchasing his own facility as well as carriages

and vehicles; funerary associations and organizations that he was affiliated with, like the Ohio

Funeral Directors Association (OFDA); the education funeral directors had to receive and the

regulations that they had to follow, as well as his skillful work and professionalism which

provided him a steady flow of customers that he maintained over the years, thereby leading to his

legitimacy and respectability in the community. Thus, the fact that Toledo had a black funeral

home as early as 1912, and records which still exist from the funeral home, is a very significant link to the past and in establishing the role of the funeral director, particularly Elvin Wanzo, in

the Toledo community. 175

The influence of the funeral director in the black community can be seen in the following quote by Suzanne E. Smith author of To Serve the Living: “…funeral directors have always been culturally valued for their ability to help their communities honor their dead with dignity… they not only helped families at a time of loss but also supported local politics, culture, and education through philanthropy.” For these reasons alone the funeral director would be considered an influential and integral part of the black community. In terms of economic empowerment, social development, and influence, the black funeral home provided services which reached beyond the funeral home. Smith also writes about the economic empowerment and the importance of the black funeral director in the black communities in which they practiced and lived. In the following quote from a 1953 Ebony magazine article entitled “Death is Big Business,” the article talked about how the funeral business had become black America’s third largest business,199

leading to undertakers being some of “the wealthiest and most influential men in Negro

society.”200 The data analysis indicates that the Wanzo Funeral Home brought in at least $24,

662.70 from 284 funerals between September 14, 1912 and June 13, 1917 this shows the high economic capacity of the funeral home. Moreover, since these were only Wanzo’s beginning years in the business it helped him to gain significant amounts of income.

Furthermore, as mentioned in the previous chapter Juliet E. K. Walker in The History of

Black Business: Capitalism, Race Entrepreneurship, also talked about the historical role of the undertaking business in the black community and the economic impact that funeral homes have on a community. The business not only provides employment for community members directly through hiring them at the funeral homes but also indirectly by utilizing their services, for example as carpenters, cabinetmakers, upholsterers (who all at one time made coffins according

199 The Ebony article mentioned that the funeral business fell only behind insurance and cosmetics in being black America’s largest businesses during that time period. 200 Suzanne Smith, To Serve the Living, 80. 176 to Walker’s book), florists, and seamstresses. Moreover, “Undertaking was an enterprise that

was not subject to economic highs and lows of other businesses.”201

The only mention of Wanzo’s name in Williams’ work was peripheral as he refers to him

in a list of people when discussing black residents who founded the Frederick Douglass

Recreational Center for boys in 1919; “The center…opened its doors on Monroe and Erie Street

under the leadership of Albertus Brown, Wickliff C. Fox, Ira Stuart, Dr. Phillip M. Johnson,

Pleasant H. Woods, Elvin B. Wanzo, Clarence Hackley, and John Harter.” 202 The quote shows

that Wanzo was influential in the community. The recreational center’s objective was to

“maintain and improve the physical, social, cultural, and moral conditions in the area which it

serves…It also fostered strengthening family life, racial understanding, the development of black

leadership…”203 Besides foregoing the impact and influence of the black funeral director on the

community in which he/she resided, Williams’ work misses the opportunity to elaborate

specifically on the role Wanzo played in the black Toledo community. Moreover, Williams

missed the chance to more comprehensively explore the status of blacks in Toledo as contained

in the records of one of the oldest black funeral homes in Toledo and its impact on the

community.

Williams also examined individual members of the community to highlight the “refined

and elite” members of the community as well as those who were a part of the black leadership in

the community. He identified Albertus Brown as one of those members and asserted that he may

have been the first black attorney in Toledo. According to Williams, Brown arrived in Toledo in

1901 after graduating from Howard Law School. He stated that Brown’s knowledge of

American jurisprudence as well as social needs of black residents formed the driving force

201Juliet E.K. Walker, The History of Black Business: Capitalism, Race, Entrepreneurship, 114. 202 Williams, “Black Toledo” 250-251. 203 Ibid., 251. 177 behind his efforts in the community. The funeral records show that Brown handled various types of legal business for blacks in the community and he was the executor of the estates of some of

Wanzo’s clientele. Additionally another Toledo attorney, Harrison B. Fisher who is mentioned once in Williams’ work, in regards to touring a United States army facility in Chillicothe, Ohio in 1917, was also the executor of the estates of some of Wanzo’s clientele.

The funeral record data also shows that there were other black professionals in the area as well. In Chapter Three, Williams mentions that by 1910 there were four black doctors in the

Toledo area, but he fails to mention their names. The funeral records provide the names of black and white physicians in the Toledo area who certified the deaths of the decedents. The physicians listed in the records suggest that black community members were either treated by these physicians at some point, or that they simply certified their deaths upon receiving their bodies. Black medical professionals such as Drs. J.P. Haynes, P.M. Johnson, and Charles

Ferguson were active in the community as well. Together both doctors certified 11 of the decedent’s deaths. The data show that Drs. Ferguson and Haynes, respectively, began certifying some of Wanzo’s clientele roughly around February 1914 and January 1913, which suggests that they were in the area by this time.

“Black Toledo,” missed another opportunity to address an additional area regarding the social status of blacks in Toledo by not exploring funeral home records. There are other points to be made concerning the “social arrangement among blacks, beyond the availability of such measurements as incomes,” 204 for example, the types of funerals, the cost of funerals, and how the funerals were remunerated all present alternative ways to examine the social status of blacks in the community. However occupations and education appear to have been important factors within the ranks of the refined. Perhaps if funeral records were used and studied, the funeral

204 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 72. 178 proceedings would have also played an important role in determining the refined. However, it could be suggested that in order to copy the refined community members, the masses wanted to spend a significant amount of money on funerals in order to have similar experiences or live like the “refined” in this aspect.

Ann Elizabeth Hill in a study on the cost of funerals among black families in Columbus,

Ohio in 1939 examined how much black families were spending on funerals in the Columbus

area. The costs that individuals are expending for funerals and how people were paying for

funerals can indicate the social status and conditions of a community. Hill brought to the fore a

study that was completed on burial costs among low income groups in New York, which was

conducted by the New York Charity Organization Society and the University Settlement,

between 1903 and 1906. It concluded that, “mistaken pride, and fear of what the neighbors

might think”205 were just a few of the reasons for high expenditures for funeral services among the lower socio-economic classes. What black Toledoans spent on funerals could be indicative of their strong or weak socioeconomic standing. What is spent on the funeral may or may not be in congruence with the family’s standard of living. Hill addressed additional reasons besides the aforementioned social pressures that may have influence funeral expenses, for example; religion, the age of the decedent and the cause of death.206 Perhaps if funeral records were used, these

factors could have been taken into consideration when analyzing the socioeconomic condition of

black Toledoans and the factors that reflect the “refined or elite” of society which would have

placed a strong influence on black Toledoans spending a significant amount of money on

funerals. The funeral records reveal how blacks in Toledo met their expenses, which also provides insights into the socio-economic standards of the community. Therefore, besides

205 Anne E. Hill, “The Cost of Negro Funerals,” 3. 206 Ibid., 4. 179 income and home ownership the cost of funerals could have been considered, which would have significantly enhanced the study.

Chapter Five in “Black Toledo” lists several clubs and organizations that the “refined and respectable black residents centered their social and organizational lives around.”207

However, the work fails to mention other organizations that the respectable elite and common

community members were affiliated with, which the data analysis of the funeral records

revealed. Fraternal orders or secret societies were organizations that community members

belonged to, in fact they broadly became integral staples of the black community. Joe Trotter, in

a journal article on African American fraternal organizations supports the above statement on

fraternal orders becoming a staple of the black community by asserting the following: “By the

turn of the century fraternal orders had become the most popular form of secular association

among African Americans.” 208 This fact held true for members of the black Toledo community.

The funeral records revealed that some black Toledoans were members of such fraternal orders as: the Improved, Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks of the World; the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows Knights of Pythias of North America, South America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and

Australia; and the Amazon Lodge. According to Trotter these orders were parallel orders to the white ones which excluded black membership.

A quote from the Atlanta Independent demonstrates the importance of fraternal orders

and secret societies in the black community, “…We have nothing left to help us develop a useful and helpful citizenship except the church and secret societies.” 209 The orders focused on

“community self-help…collecting dues to provide insurance benefits to members…they also provided a venue for the development of civic skills, and social sensibility that translated into

207 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 80. 208 Joe W. Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 486. 209Ibid. 180 community service and political activism.” 210 The only reference made to fraternal orders in

Williams’ work was in regards to an accusation that the Knights of Pythias, Masons, and other orders supported the Ku Klux Klan. Since Williams’ work does not acknowledge the affiliations of the black community with these orders, when exploring the organizations that blacks belonged to, he missed the opportunity to talk about the importance of such orders in the black community and the impact of these organizations on the community especially in providing benefits like insurance for burial and for promoting and providing a place for social and political involvement.

Moreover, in examining the fraternal orders for local fraternal membership and their role

in the black community more specific information might have been brought to the forefront. For

example, in 1904 the leaders of three major white fraternal orders, Ancient Arabic Order of the

Nobles of Mystic Shrine, Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, and the Independent Order of

Odd Fellows Knights of Pythias, enacted a legislative and legal campaign to force the black

orders out of existence on the basis of trademark violation and defrauding the public to make

them think that the white and black orders were the same organization. The campaign began in

Mississippi, New York and Georgia and spread to at least 29 states including Ohio. The legal campaign against the black fraternal orders “culminated in the victories of African American groups before the supreme court in 1912 and 1929.”211 Three attorneys who were a part of the fraternal network of African American lawyers resided in Ohio: Thomas Wallace Fleming of

Cleveland he was a member of the Elks and Mason orders and also served as Grand Legal

Adviser, James Sully of Springfield was a member of Elks and Pythian order and served as

Grand Legal Adviser, and Thomas Norris of Dayton was a member of the Elks order.

210 Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 487. 211 Ibid., 488. 181

By omitting funeral records, Williams missed the opportunity to examine the role of fraternal orders in the black community as well as address the issues within the Toledo community between the white fraternal orders and the parallel black orders. One aspect of his work, describes the racial tension between white and black Toledoans resulting from the influx of blacks in the Toledo area as well as the influence of the Klan on the Toledo Community.

These racial issues played out in the broader Ohio community and possibly in the Toledo community between various black and white fraternal orders. In the state of Ohio there was a restraining order issued and civil suits brought against the black Elks fraternal order, additionally, legislation was enacted against multiple black fraternal orders.212 The information

in the records could have enhanced Williams’ study by providing the aforementioned

information.

Additionally, Chapter Five of Williams’ work further examines the black institutional and

social life of Toledoans. He identifies the important role of the black church in the black

community as representing “the major force within the spiritual, social, recreational, and political

life of the black community.”213 He asserts that prior to 1915 in Toledo there were three churches that represented the major black churches in the community, Warren African Methodist

Episcopal (A.M.E.), Third Baptist, and Friendship Baptist. He mentions that there were several smaller congregations but he does not provide the names of the other churches in the community and neither does he give the names of the pastors of the various denominations during the time period. Perhaps it was hard to locate certain information on the churches before 1915. The funeral record analysis offers insights into the black Toledo community’s affiliation with the

212 Trotter, “Duty to the Race 494-495. 213 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 254. 182 churches in the vicinity and the various clergymen who were in the area during the time period analyzed.

Several conclusions can be drawn in regards to church affiliations of the decedents, based on the officiant of the funeral, certain church practices, among other indicators. This funeral data show that there were four main black churches or missions in the Toledo community before

1915, the three that Williams’ mentions as well as one additional church, the All Saints

Episcopal Mission, which later became All Saints Episcopal Church. Also, the following

churches were seemingly the only black churches listed in the Toledo City Directory in 1914.

Reverend Benjamin F. McWilliams was the pastor of Third Baptist Church. Reverend Jackson

C. Taylor was the pastor of Friendship Baptist Church and Reverend William E. Gilliam was the

pastor of All Saints Episcopal Mission. None of the ministers listed above were transferred

from, or left their respective churches during the time period covered. However, between 1912 and 1917, the pastors affiliated with Warren A.M.E. Church changed several times. Reverend

William B. Lee completed his tenure as pastor of the church roughly around September 1915, subsequently, Reverend Charles Bundy became the pastor of the church from about October

1915 to October 1916, and Reverend William T. Anderson was the pastor from November 1916 through June 1917, (this study ends with this date, although he will remain pastor of the church

until 1918). Considering all the pastors listed above, only Rev. B.F. McWilliams name is shown in Williams’ study. It is not clear why the other pastors were overlooked; perhaps they were not as prominent as McWilliams in the community. Although Warren A.M.E. was mentioned several times in “Black Toledo,” no emphasis was placed on the pastors of the church during the time period examined. There were several other pastors in the area during and/or after 1915.

The following is a list of the pastors who were present: Reverends Thomas, Hicks, Christian, 183

Jones, Chin and Atkins. However, there was no church affiliation listed in the records for these ministers, they were all listed in the records as officiating funerals at the Wanzo Chapel or at the residences of the deceased which includes services at the Federal Creosote Plant. The records also show that there was a catholic priest officiant who presided over one of his black parishioners’ funerals; however, neither the name of the priest nor the church was listed.

From Williams’ work it is evident that Rev. B.F. McWilliams was active in the community and the records reflect that McWilliams was in the community consistently from

1912 through 1917, unlike the ministers at Warren A.M.E., whose church council structure rotated the ministers on a relatively frequently. Perhaps, as a result of the constancy of

McWilliams in the community, in addition to other factors, he was able to be more influential in the Toledo area as well as attract more members to Third Baptist Church. The records reflect that Rev. B.F. McWilliams, alone, conducted 20.2 percent (63) of the funerals more than any other pastor listed. He also conducted 4 (1.2 percent) joint funerals with pastors of various denominations or laymen in the community. However, the amount of funerals conducted by him and the amount conducted by the pastors of Warren A.M.E. church, combined, were not significantly different, therefore the conclusion could be made that both church memberships were comparable. Rev. W.B. Lee of Warren A.M.E. officiated 10.3 percent (32) of the decedents. Rev. Charles Bundy officiated 6.1 percent (19) of the funerals and Rev. William T.

Anderson officiated 3.8 percent (12) of the funerals, for a combined total of 63 funerals accounting for 20.2 percent of total amount of funerals. Furthermore the church affiliation of the deceased which was determined based on the church where the funeral was held, and/or the officiant of the funeral service, was also pretty evenly divided between Warren A.M.E. and Third

Baptist, lending more support to the above conclusion on both churches memberships. 184

Reverends Jackson C. Taylor of Friendship Baptist Church, and Williams E. Gilliam of

All Saints Episcopal Church, pastored smaller congregations than Warren A.M.E. and Third

Baptist Church, respectively the oldest and the second oldest black churches in the area. Based on the data, Friendship’s membership was more than All Saints’ membership, Rev. Taylor officiated 9.6 percent (30) of the funerals and Rev. Gilliam only officiated 1.2 percent (4) of the funerals and one of those funerals was officiated jointly with community member Forrest

Mitchell. Rev. Atkins whose name was not listed in the records with being affiliated with a particular church performed more funerals than Rev. Gilliam, he officiated 1.5 percent (5) of the funerals. The majority of the funerals he officiated were located at the Wanzo Chapel. Perhaps

Atkins was a minister of one of the “storefront” churches that Williams peripherally mentioned.

Some of the other ministers in the area like Rev. Thomas and Rev. Christian, respectively, officiated .6 percent (2) of the funerals. Perhaps they also pastored “storefront” churches or held services in their homes in the community, or possibly, they were related to the deceased or were the former pastors of the deceased and were living in town or came to town to officiate the decedents’ funerals.

Furthermore, one overriding aspect of Williams’ study was to compare the quality of black life in the small enclaves of Toledo from 1890 to 1915 relative to the larger communities in the 1920s and 1930s in order to discover if the black Toledo community had an enduring character (“distinguishing features or traits…”). So Chapter Five of “Black Toledo” examines

the black institutional and social life of Toledoans and therefore explores issues of church

attendance in the 1920s, however since the objective of this work was to compare pre 1920 black

Toledo with post 1920 black Toledo, he would need to examine what church attendance looked

like before 1920. Nonetheless, he does not address such issues before 1920 in order to fully 185 understand the social climate. Perhaps it was hard to find information on church attendance and/or church affiliation of blacks in Toledo before the 1920s. An earlier quote by Williams captures the challenges he faced with using available sources: “The lack of a black press in

Toledo during the time period under investigation has hampered efforts to locate detailed information about certain aspects of Afro-American life.” 214 Funeral records could have been

useful to Williams in trying to reconstruct certain aspects of black life in Toledo in regards to

church attendance and religious affiliation.

According to Williams, in 1925 with the encouragement of Rev. B.F. McWilliams, Mrs.

W.F. Kennedy (she was hired by the Race Relations Department as a full-time black social and

religious worker) compiled statistics on the church attendance among black residents in Toledo.

Kennedy found that between 1925 and 1926 approximately 61 percent of individuals did not

belong to a Toledo church. The data analysis from the funeral records provided insights into

church attendance and affiliation before the 1920 time period. The data show that 43.6 percent

(136) of individuals had nothing listed for church affiliation and for 38.8 percent (121) of the decedents, there was no clergyman listed as presiding over their funerals. The findings in the

records show similarities to the findings in the 1920’s study. If funeral records were used,

perhaps, Williams could have made the comparison and shown that there appeared to be a fairly

consistent pattern over the years, which would have lent to a more comprehensive study of black

Toledo from the 1912 to the 1930 time period. The remainder, 56.4 percent of the decedents’

church affiliation was divided between the Baptist, African Methodist Episcopal, Catholic,

Methodist Episcopal, and Episcopal Churches.

The majority of the decedents were either Baptist or African Methodist Episcopal. The

majority of the Baptist decedents were male, 69 percent, and the majority of the A.M.E.

214 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 2. 186 decedents were Female, 51 percent. There were certain members in the community who perhaps were affiliated with more than one church and therefore ministers from multiple churches officiated their funerals, or perhaps they were so well known and knew more than one pastor personally and wanted both pastors to officiate the funeral. Rev. B.F. McWilliams was a prominent and active member of the community and interacted with various community members. It was stated earlier that out of five joint funerals, McWilliams was the officiant of four of them. This suggests that there was a certain degree of continuity in the black Toledo community and that ministers from different denominations worked together on various occasions within the community. The deceased who were affiliated with both Third Baptist

Church and Warren A.M.E. Church accounted for only .9 percent of the Wanzo Funeral Home’s clientele. Males made up 67 percent of individuals affiliated with both the Baptist and A.M.E. churches and females accounted for 33 percent of the Baptist and A.M.E. decedents. The sole

Catholic decedent that was listed in the records was a female

Williams’ work also covers the topic of the expanding black Toledo population. In

Chapter One he references the migratory patterns of black Toledoans. The author concludes that between 1900 and 1930 “there was a decided shift between the origins of black Toledoans from the Midwest to include greater numbers from the Southeast and the ‘deep south’.”215 He also

indicated that a significant number of blacks came to Toledo from other northern industrial

cities. Williams’ findings showed that in 1900, 45 percent of black Toledoans were native

Ohioans. The funeral records, which cover some of the formative years of the black Toledo

community, also indicate that many of the decedents were born in Ohio, 32.4 percent (101).

Additionally, the data analysis provides a further breakdown of what cities the Ohioans were

born in, something Williams’ study does not cover. Roughly 55 percent (55) of those born in

215 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 6. 187

Ohio were born in Toledo, the others were born in cities like: Columbus (5 percent); Cincinnati

(4 percent); Zanesville (3 percent); Dayton (2 percent); Marion, Xenia, and Findlay (1 percent each). This suggests that many black Toledoans, during the time period, were native Ohioans.

However, the analysis also indicates that the second and third highest percentages of the decedents were born, respectively, in Kentucky and Virginia. The first three states, Ohio,

Kentucky and Virginia together account for 45.8 percent of the decedents’ birthplaces. The records show that after Virginia a significant number of the decedents were from Tennessee.

Williams’ research also reveals the increase of black Toledoans coming to the city from the states of Kentucky and Tennessee; the research states that by 1930 almost half of the black

Toledo population was born in the four states of Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and

Mississippi.

Furthermore, the data show that collectively by region of the country, the areas where many of the decedents were born: The Midwestern States--- Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois,

Iowa, Missouri and Kansas together accounted for 44 percent of the states of origin for many of the decedents. The South Atlantic States/Districts--- West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland,

Washington, DC, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, and Florida accounted for 14.1 percent of the populations’ birthplaces. The South Central and East South Central States---

Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas and Louisiana, collectively had 13.5 percent of the population coming from this area of the country. Lastly, the Northeastern States---

New York, New Jersey, Vermont, and Pennsylvania, 3.8 percent of decedents came from this region of the country. Moreover, it is interesting to note that 3.4 percent (9) of the decedents were born outside of the United States, 2 from the Caribbean and 7 from Canada. 188

To further indicate migratory patterns of black Toledoans the birthplaces of the decedents’ parents could have been examined. This contributes to further providing information on the origins of many of Toledo’s black residents. The results do not deviate greatly from the previous results on where the decedents were born, in regards to the three states with the greater percentages of the decedent population’s origins of birth. Like the decedents, the greater percentage of the mothers was born in the following states: Ohio 11.9 percent (37), Kentucky 9.6 percent (30), and Virginia 8.3 percent (26). About 3.2 percent of the mothers were born in outside the United States in Canada (90 percent) and Greece (10 percent). And like the decedents, the Midwestern States--- Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Missouri accounted for the highest percentage (18 percent) of the decedents’ mothers’ birthplaces, followed by the South Atlantic States--- West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina,

North Carolina, and Georgia---which collectively accounted for 16 percent of the mothers’ birthplaces. The South Central and East South Central States--- Kentucky, Tennessee,

Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas---collectively 16 percent of the mothers came from this region. The Northeastern States--- New York and Pennsylvania---accounted for 1.9 percent of decedents’ mothers’ birth states. Collectively, the largest percentages of the decedents’ mothers were born in the South.

The birthplaces of the fathers of the decedents do not change significantly from the decedents’ and mothers’ birthplaces. However, the percentages of individuals from each state do change. The data indicate that for the fathers, the greatest percentage of them were born in the states of Kentucky, 8.7 percent (27), Virginia, 8.3 percent (26), and Ohio, 6.7 percent (21). A smaller percentage of the fathers were born in Ohio as compared to the previous data on the decedents’ and mothers’ origins. One reason can be attributed to the fact that migratory studies 189 show that men migrate more than women. Furthermore, there were other differences between the fathers’ places of origin as compared to the decedents’ and mothers’ origins. The South

Atlantic States--- West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina, North Carolina, and

Georgia, accounted for 18.3 percent of the fathers’ birthplaces, followed by the South Central and East South Central States--- Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and

Texas, which collectively accounted 16.6 percent of the fathers’ birthplaces. Moreover, the

Midwestern States--- Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, together accounted f or 11 percent of the states where the fathers were born. In the Northeastern State of Pennsylvania, 1 percent of decedents’ fathers came from this region of the country. Additionally, some of the fathers were born outside of the United States, 3.8 percent of them were born outside of the US in the following countries: Canada, (10), Greece (1), and Mexico, (1).

The funeral data analysis show that blacks migrated to Toledo from various locations, however, in the majority of the cases they migrated from Southern and Midwestern states, even as some were born outside of the United States. In contrast, Williams’ work does not treat the foreign born migratory patterns or origins of the black Toledo residents during the 1912-1917 periods. If he had used funeral records, he would have arrived at a more thorough picture of the migratory patterns of black Toledo community members. The funeral records complement the material he presented in his work by validating some of his findings, in addition to expanding on his study by providing new information that is not included in his research.

Chapter Four of Williams’ work also addresses the issue of widowhood among black females in Toledo. In the following quote he states:

Black females tended to have a greater percentage of widows in specified categories [as compared to white women]…For example in the age group of 35 to 44, 17.4 percent of the black community’s females were widows…Between the ages of 44 to 54, almost 28 percent of the black 190

females were widows…In the age group of 65 and over 72 percent of black Toledo’s females were widows. 216

The funeral records also provide further insights on the widowhood issue among blacks in the Toledo area by dealing with both black male and female widowhood in Toledo, during the

1912 to 1917 period. The data revealed that roughly 28 individuals, accounting for 9 percent of the total deceased population were widowed. The percentage of widowed decedents was higher in those who were above the age of 53. Thirty-three percent of those between the ages of 53 and

62 were widowed and 30 percent of those between the ages of 63 and 80 were widowed. The data from the records suggests similar percentages to the findings of Williams’ study as it pertains to the widowed population aged 65 and over. The highest percentage of decedents who were widowed fell between the ages of 81 and 100. Furthermore the data indicate that women made up more of the widowed decedents (61 percent) compared to men (39 percent). This finding suggests that men were dying at higher rates than women.

The following information provides further insights on the higher rate of death among black males than females. To start with, Williams’ found in his comparative study of widowhood among blacks and whites, that there were more black female widows over the age of

15. While this can be attributed to a number of factors, he explained it thus:

The conditions of widows reflected conditions of work, health, customs, culture, as well as the state of medical care and its availability in the early decades of the new century…Among blacks, the percentage of widows graphically illustrates the harshness of many black-held forms of labor. In the critical years of 35 to 44, a time for cementing familial bonds, death claimed the black male in much higher percentages than the native and foreign born whites…In an estimated black population of 15,000 in 1931 (the year of available data), Afro-Americans in Toledo had higher death rates than whites from such maladies as heart disease, tuberculosis, and pneumonia. Beyond these the black homicide rate in 1931 exceeded that of whites in the city as well.217

Like Williams the funeral record analysis shows that the greater proportion of Wanzo’s

decedents were male, approximately 57 percent compared to the 36 percent who were female

216 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 179-180. 217 Ibid., 181. 191

(the gender of 7 percent were unknown). This suggests that there was a higher rate of death amongst black men than amongst black women in Toledo. The highest percentage of male deaths occurred between the ages of 42 and 52 years old, while the greater percentage of female

deaths occurred between the ages of 20 and 30 years old, many during childbirth. Between the

age ranges of 20 to 30, 53 to 62, and 81 to 100, the percentage of male and female decedents

were relatively equal, 50 percent of the decedents were male and 50 percent of the decedents

were female. Between the ages of 42 to 52 there was a disproportionate amount of male

decedents to female decedents, 73 percent of the decedents were male and 27 percent were

female. The individuals that died between the ages of 63 to 80, 70 percent of them were male

and 26 percent were female. In most cases, these different death rates were related to the

different male and female occupations noted in the funeral record data. The funeral records

offered valuable information that would help to enhance Williams’ study on widowhood in the

black Toledo community. The records provided insights into widowhood amongst men and

women in the black community, something that the previous study did not address. Additionally

it provided information that helped to support Williams’ claims about black widows in the

community.

From the Wanzo funeral records, a number of causes explain these gender specific

mortality rates. Gastrointestinal illnesses ranked high amongst the female cause of death (45

percent) in addition to “other” illnesses such as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, and old age (57 percent). Males died at higher rates from the following causes: One hundred percent of deaths involved men drowning and wounds were male, followed by accident related deaths (79 percent), brain and kidney related deaths (75 percent), heart related deaths (64 percent) and pulmonary diseases (58 percent) and infectious diseases (58 192 percent). The data reveal that men and women differed in the leading causes of death. Men had a higher rate of accident related deaths (a 3:1 ratio), which perhaps can be attributed to the risky nature of their occupations (e.g., washing windows, sweeping streets, construction work, working on streetcars as well as other areas of manual labor). The data analysis supports this assertion as there were more deaths among laborers than any other occupation. Additionally, accidental deaths were highest among laborers, (57 percent). Laborers accounted for 23 percent

of all the deaths. All of the deaths associated with wounds were male, and the majority of

wounds occurred as a result of gunshot or stab wounds. The data analysis suggests that men more so than women were likely to die by gunshot or stab wounds, which in turn suggests that men were more likely than women to be shot or stabbed. Laborers had the highest percentage of accident deaths, which reflects the risky nature of their jobs as well as the high injury risk factors associated with many of their jobs. Additionally, laborers also had the highest percentage of wound deaths as well.

The information from the funeral records provided more information on Williams’ claims concerning blacks in Toledo and in the higher death rates among blacks than whites from causes like heart disease, tuberculosis, pneumonia, and homicides. Williams used information from

1931 in order to draw the above conclusions. He stated that was the first year of available data.

Funeral records from that era would have been useful in giving him more information and insights on the above issues as the funeral records do provide monthly and yearly data on death and the causes of death from 1912 through 1931.

Finally, in Chapter Three of Williams’ study he examines labor in Toledo, specifically focusing on the types of jobs blacks held compared with other ethnic groups in the area. During the 1890 through 1910 time period the author asserts that blacks held such positions as servants, 193 waiters, and unspecified laborers. Additionally, he asserts that in later years such occupations as sexton, waiter, janitor, barber, constable, plasterer, bellman, teamster, hackeman, drayman, machinist, electrician, and physician, were held by some blacks between 1890 and 1930. The funeral record analysis provides a more comprehensive listing of occupations that were prevalent in black Toledo at the beginning of the twentieth century. Moreover, the data show that laborers accounted for the highest proportion (21.8 percent) of the decedents’ in the study, followed by housewives (15.1 percent), domestics (8.3 percent), servers, including a bartender, waiters and

waitresses (4.5 percent) and porters (3.8 percent). The data indicate that there were 4 barbers, 4 cooks, 3 teamsters, 3 dealers of goods including a junk peddler, and 3 musicians. There were 2 retirees, 2 students, 2 engineers, 2 clerks, 2 chefs and 2 brick masons among the deceased.

Additionally, there was at least a preacher, a proprietor, a restaurant keeper, a hotel manager, an auto mechanic, a constable, a carpenter, a taxi driver, a laundress, a paper hanger, a butler, an expressman, in addition to other occupations such as attorney, doctor, and undertaker, which the records, by their nature, revealed. The additional information complements Williams’ study as well as enhances his study by providing a more comprehensive examination of the jobs held by black Toledoans.

Williams’ study also addresses some aspects of gender and labor. For example, he talked about black females being employed as servants and domestics and black males being employed as laborers in low paying jobs.218 Similarly the funeral record show that the majority of those listed as laborers were male (98 percent) and 37 percent of all the male decedents were laborers. Only 1 female was listed as a laborer. Perhaps this female worked as a server, domestic, or laundress and was classified as a laborer or perhaps she worked in a predominantly male dominated job as a laborer, which in that case makes for a remarkable finding and can be

218 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 124-133. 194 further examined in another study. Nevertheless, black males dominated in such fields as: auto mechanic, butler, carpenter, porter, chef, constable, hotel manager, proprietor, paper hanger, preacher, restaurant keeper, taxi driver, teamsters, goods dealer, clerk, engineer, chef, brick mason, and janitor, among other occupations. Additionally, those listed as retirees were also all male.

There were some occupations that were held by both men and women in the Toledo

community. However, these details were not addressed by Williams’ study. The records reveal

that out of the 14 servers, 12 of them were male which represented 7 percent of the male

workers, and 2 of them were females, representing 2 percent of the female workers. Out of the 4 people listed as cooks, 3 of them were male while 1 was female. Also among the 3 individuals listed as musicians, 2 were male and 1 was female and among the 2 individuals listed as students, there was 1 male and 1 female.

Black females dominated certain occupations especially that of housewife. Forty-one percent of the female decedents were housewives. Williams’ work does not address the topic of housewifery and the women in the black Toledo community who were engaged in this sphere.

The funeral records show that many black women were engaged in this occupation, something that provides insights into the black community including the family unit and the place of black women in the community. There could be several reasons why women were so heavily concentrated in this sphere. Perhaps, women could not find employment outside of the home

and therefore, by circumstance, had to stay in the home. It is possible that most black women in

Toledo were, like most women in America during the turn-of-the-twentieth century, homemakers. Another sphere that was heavily populated by women was that of domestic service. Only women were clearly designated as being in the 8.6 percent of the population 195 whose occupation was domestic service and 23 percent of all the female decedents were domestics.

The funerary records provided a multiplicity of information on occupations amongst black male and female Toledoans. The information showed that black males and females

generally held different jobs, but there were certain cases in which men and women held the

same jobs. The data presented in the funeral records varied from the information that was

presented in Williams’ work, in that the former provided a more comprehensive list of the

occupations held by blacks. Nevertheless, the funeral record also complements Williams’ study

while expanding upon his findings.

In summary, the data from the Wanzo funeral record analysis indicates that funeral records can highlight broad themes of social life. This chapter discussed traditionally used sources like oral histories and analyzed the study by Leroy T. Williams on black Toledo, demonstrating how this analysis of funeral home records shows how Williams’ work missed the opportunity that would have led to a more comprehensive study of the black Toledo community.

The following table highlights the differences and similarities between this current study and works by Williams and other historians. By relying on conventional sources, the later failed to retrieve more comprehensive data.

Table 52. Wanzo Funeral Home Records v. Conventional Sources

This Study Using Wanzo Leroy T. William’s “Black Other Works Covering Black Funeral Records, 1912-1917 Toledo” for the years 1910- Toledo between 1910-1920 1920 List of cities and/or localities of X X some black Toledoans’ origins More comprehensive list of states or List of some states List of some states countries of origin of some black Toledoans’ as well as insights into the Canadian communities where blacks migrated from Parents’ Origins X X

196

Table 52 (continued) Wanzo Funeral Home Records v. Conventional Sources

More comprehensive list of street List wards and 15 street names X names (over 50) where some black where some black Toledoans resided Toledoans resided List of hospitals, other institutions X X and states where some black Toledoans resided History of Elvin B. Wanzo and the X List of Funeral Home Locations Wanzo Funeral Home Access to full census data for 1912- Partial access to certain census data X 1917 because of the 70 year release rule List of fraternal orders (4) in the Mentions Grand Masons in a list of List 1 or 2 fraternal orders community and the benefits of such clubs orders More comprehensive list of List of some occupations & some List of some occupations occupations and a breakdown of occupations based on gender occupations based on gender analysis A mo re comprehensive list of Mentions 3 churches and 1 pastor List of 3 Churches and the churches (4) and clergymen (over clergymen of 3 churches 12) in the area Church membership affiliation Some info on church attendance X including the names of some members List of cemeteries where blacks were X X buried Information on funerals, funeral X X traditions & costs Information on insurance benefits, X X workmen compensations benefits, employee benefits, and county benefits List of causes of death in relation to X X other factors, insight into seasonal mortality List of names and addresses of X List of some black physicians with physicians including the black only last names or first initials and physicians who certified the deaths last names of Wanzo’s clientele Vignettes of multiple black X Some vignettes based on oral Toledoans’ lives which provides interviews which provide insights on insights into community social singular individual lives dynamics

If funeral records like the Wanzo records used in this study were more widely utilized, they could enhance the studies by providing complementary information in addition to providing new information and insights that may not be available in conventional archival sources. The analysis shows how the Wanzo records help to provide a more comprehensive history of black 197

Toledo. For instance, they provided data that led to the creation of a more complete narrative of the health, cultural, social, economic and demographic aspects of the black Toledo community.

This narrative analysis enhances, complements, and expands Williams’ study.

Williams indicated in his bibliography that he had problems locating information on certain aspects of African American life in Toledo because sources were limited or not available.

He raised the issue of the limitations of conventional extant sources. This chapter addressed this issue by showing funeral records could have been used to provide information on black Toledo that could not be found in extant sources. Additionally, funeral records could have been used as a supplement to the sources Williams utilized in order to enhance his study. Statistical data in funeral records would have offered information to inform his analysis on the quality of life of black Toledoans.

This chapter showed that the funeral records provided general information in regards to: the occupations of black Toledoans in general and by gender; the amounts of money black

Toledoans were spending to bury their dead; the associations they belonged to, including church membership and affiliation as well as fraternal order affiliation; the residential location blacks in

Toledo at the time; the migratory patterns of black Toledoans based the birth places as well as that of their parents; the social status of black Toledoans including prominent black Toledo community members; the leading causes of death in Toledo in the early 1900s and other health related issues and other social issues such as widowhood among black females and mortality rates and causes by gender. Data from funeral records also provided insights into the decline of the proportion of children in the black community during the specific time period as well as the influence of the Wanzo Funeral Home and Elvin B. Wanzo on the black Toledo community. 198

The next chapter further shows the usefulness of the Wanzo funeral records and the information

abstracted from them in reconstructing aspects of the history of black Toledo.

199

CHAPTER IV

TOWARD A RECONSTRUCTION OF BLACK TOLEDO HISTORY

This chapter offers a paradigm for the reconstruction of aspects of the history of black

Toledo from 1912 through 1917 by summarizing and drawing conclusions based on the information from the Wanzo funeral record data analysis in Chapter II and based on previous histories of Toledo. In this chapter the funerary documents will be interfaced with census and other public data as well as myriad printed sources and manuscript collections in order to lead toward a more comprehensive reconstruction or interpretation of aspects of black Toledo history.

While the funeral and the census data complement one another, it is noteworthy that the funerary data played a principal role in locating the census data. Since full census data is not released until seventy years after it has been collected, the data from 1910 and 1920 were not fully available for studies before 1980.

This chapter will address questions such as the following: What insights do the funeral records provide in regards to the various social conditions and culture of the black community in

Toledo? What was the community like during the years of 1912 to 1917? What do the ledgers reveal about one of the earliest black funeral homes, the Wanzo Funeral Home, and its role in the in the Toledo community? This chapter does not reconstruct the history of black Toledo per se, but it leads toward a reconstruction of various aspects of black Toledo by applying some data that have not been incorporated into other histories. Additionally, this work provides vignettes of black Toledo community members, based on the data from the Wanzo funeral records. These vignettes provide the reader with names and stories of black Toledo residents; this helps to personalize the story of black Toledo during the period under study and provides a glimpse into the lives of multiple members of the black community. 200

The 1912 through 1917 period is significant for various reasons. First, it corresponds with the period of the Great Migration and the beginnings of World War I, which brought an influx of African Americans to northern manufacturing cities. Second, this era represents the late formative years of the black Toledo community that have not been definitively studied.

Finally, this period runs parallel to the beginning years of the Wanzo Funeral Home. Therefore the fact that Toledo had a black-owned and operated funeral home, with records dating back to

1912, presents a significant opportunity for further defining the formative period of black

Toledo.

In order to appropriately place the black community and the Wanzo Funeral Home within the city of Toledo from 1912 through 1917, it is important to provide background information on the city of Toledo, only for the purpose of placing the black community within the context of the broader Toledo community. Therefore, the next section will briefly discuss the city of Toledo.

AN OVERVIEW OF TOLEDO

Toledo is situated in Northwest Ohio on the western perimeter of Lake Erie and is located on the Ohio-Michigan border. Toledo was Ohio’s fourth largest city, after Cleveland, Cincinnati and Columbus. By 1900, Toledo was a relatively major industrial center, falling behind only

Cleveland and Cincinnati.219 Although Toledo was not a very large northern manufacturing city,

it was nevertheless listed as “thirty-third among fifty principal cities in the U.S. in the 1890s,”220

and it was self-proclaimed as “The Future Great City of the World” because of the industrial

potential of the Maumee River. 221 The river runs through the city of Toledo and then empties

into Lake Erie. “With almost four thousand miles of streams, creeks, and rivers emptying into

the Maumee River, the Maumee has the largest watershed of any river flowing into a Great

219 Morgan Barclay and Charles Glabb, Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, 42. 220 Lee Williams, “The Case of Black Toledo,” 167. 221 Barclay and Glabb. Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, 42. 201

Lake.” 222 In the early 1900s, industrialists utilized the Maumee River and the Erie Canal to ship oil, natural gas, coal, and minerals.223 In the process Toledo became a major hub and commercial depot of the Great Lakes, and manufacturing automatically gravitated to the city.224

According to the book Toledo the Gateway to the Great Lakes, between 1860 and 1920

Toledo had established itself as an important commercial and manufacturing city.

“Manufacturing essentially provided the base of the city’s continued growth through the

twentieth century… [; however] by 1890 several regional cities including Detroit, Cleveland, and

Chicago had eclipsed Toledo in importance.” 225 Toledo never seemed to be able to take full advantage of its strategic position and opportunities in order to live up to its self-proclaimed title.

Consequently, “The Future Great City of the World” would have to adopt another name to replace its ephemeral title. Its new name was thus changed to “The Glass Center of the World,” which it was able to live up to as a result of Edmund Libbey, who moved his glass company to

Toledo in 1890. The eventual success of the company was due to the innovations of Libbey and his partner Michael J. Owens. There were other areas of industry for Toledo such as iron and

metal production along with car manufacturing. Companies like The Pope Motor Car Company

and John Willys Overland Car Manufacturer became large employers for Toledoans. They would

be magnets for African American migrants who were in search of a better life. 226

At the turn of the last century, Toledo had a relatively small black population in

comparison to larger manufacturing cities like Cincinnati, Cleveland, Chicago, or Detroit.227

Chapter II, Table 1 shows that in 1910, Toledo’s black population was roughly 1,877, accounting

222 “Maumee River," Ohio History Central, July 1, 2005, http://www.ohiohistorycentral.org/entry.php?rec=2164. 223Ibid. 224 Barclay and Glabb. Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, 42. 225 Ibid. 226 Ibid. 227 Leoroy T. Williams, “The Case of Black Toledo,” 167. 202 for 1.1 percent of the city’s total population of approximately 168,497. By 1920 the black population had grown to about 5,691, or 2.3 percent of the total population of approximately

243,164. Between 1910 and 1920, the black population of Toledo rose by 3,814, or 203 percent.

When comparing this decade’s growth to that of the previous decade’s growth of 9.7 percent, the black population increased exponentially from 1910 to 1920. This is significant and indicative of the influx of African Americans to northern manufacturing cities (e.g. Toledo) as a result of the Great Migration and the beginnings of World War I. According to Morgan Barclay and

Charles Glaab, the authors of Toledo the Gateway to the Great Lakes, Toledo’s smaller

population caused its black community to develop differently from other manufacturing cities

although “there were many important similarities to such well known larger black communities

as New York’s Harlem or Chicago’s “Black Metropolis.”228 The Toledo Blade observed in 1923 that a black Toledo was being created comparable to but on a much smaller scale than the famous black Chicago. “Negroes no longer live in a few houses in a widely separated section [;] they have come to constitute in themselves a good size city.”229 The funeral records support this

assertion by providing a list of the street names where blacks resided, showing the widely

dispersed residences of blacks in the city at the time.

BLACK MIGRATION AND TOLEDO, 1912-1917

In this section and in the subsequent sections, the information presented in vignettes on

black Toledoans will show continuing migration to Toledo; that is why mention will be made of

their origins throughout this chapter. This section highlights the migration of funeral director

Elvin Wanzo and his family, as well as others to the Toledo area. This information cannot be

found in existing works on black Toledo. This section will focus on migration areas that other

228 Barclay and Glabb. Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, 42. 229 Ibid. 203 works on Toledo did not address, for example black foreign migration to Toledo during this time period. Additionally this section will provide information that complements findings in other studies of black Toledo.

During Toledo’s earlier years, a small group of free blacks lived in the area. As Table 1 in Chapter II shows, in 1840 the United States Federal Census reported around 54 blacks in the area. By 1850 the population had grown to 115 blacks, and by 1860, the population had grown to 300. The Underground Railroad was credited for bringing some of the earliest black population to the Toledo area.230 By 1890, Toledo’s black population had risen to 1,077.231 The

following thirty years brought a significant increase to the black population of the city.

According to John Rinehart’s “A Negro in A Congested Toledo,” the 1920 to 1930 time period showed that the greatest migration of blacks came to the Toledo area between 1910 and 1920.232

In Black Migration to America, Daniel Johnson and Rex Campbell argued that between 1900 and

1910 there was a decline in the net increase of southern black migration to industrialized

northern cities in comparison to what it had been between 1890 and 1900. In Ohio, however,

that was not the situation; the numbers of black southerners migrating to Ohio had increased

from 2,500 in the 1890s to 9,500 in 1900.233 One scholar of internal migration studies in the US

listed a number of factors which pushed people to relocate to new areas and other factors that

pulled them to new areas. These energies are referred to as “push” and “pull” factors. The

following is a list of push factors that may have caused people to out-migrate: “Decline in a

resource, loss of employment, oppressive or repressive discriminatory treatment, alienation

(family or community), and retreat (offers no opportunities for marriage or employment), retreat

230 Barclay and Glabb. Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes and Emmet Wheaton. “The Social Status of the Negro in Toledo,” 12. 231Williams, “Black Toledo,” 277. 232 John Rhinehart, “The Negro in A Congested Toledo,” 17. 233 Johnson and Campbell, Black Migration in America, 69. 204

(catastrophe—[natural disaster, famine] drought, epidemic).” 234 Conversely, there are other factors that “pull” people to in-migrate: “Superior opportunities for employment in one’s occupation or preferred occupation, opportunities to earn a larger income, opportunities to obtain desired specialized education or training, preferred environment or living conditions.” 235 Many of these reasons can be attributed to black migration into Toledo. According to one migration scholar young men and women made up the majority of the black migrants at the turn of the twentieth century. Both black men and women migrated for many reasons, but predominantly for economic opportunity and social and economic improvement. Johnson and Campbell assert that at the turn of the twentieth century, men’s migratory patterns were based on moving from one agricultural section to another and women’s migratory patterns were based on moving to cities where they could find better employment.236

Many scholars place the Great Migration in the decades between 1910 and 1930, with the

migration beginning in earnest around 1915. Johnson and Campbell argue that, “The Great

Migration bears such a resemblance to the earlier migrations that it may be regarded as a continuation of the same movement with intervals of a number of years.”237 Their

conceptualization of the Great Migration and black migration was one of continuity from earlier

periods. Although the numbers might have been greater during the period of the Great

Migration, prior to that period, many blacks seemed to be migrating, just in smaller numbers.

There was interstate black migration, individuals moving from one state to another, as well as

intrastate black migration, individuals moving within the same state. Blacks that migrated within

the United States came from mixed socio-economic backgrounds; however research suggests

234 Jones, Black Migration In the United States, 19 and Donald J. Bogue, “Internal Migration,” The Study of Population, Ed. Philip M. Hauser and Otis Duncan, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959), 753-754. 235 Ibid. 236 Johnson and Campbell, Black Migration in America, 70. 237 Ibid., 71. 205 that the majority of black migrants were from lower socio-economic backgrounds.238 The desire for better job opportunities and economic advancements, amongst other push factors, caused many blacks from various socio-economic classes to migrate to the North, Midwest, West, and also to cities in the South. Johnson and Campbell assert that some blacks were moving to the

South because of their professions, for example certain professionals such as teachers, dentists, and doctors, relocated for jobs and professional opportunities that were available for them in the

South.

Like other industrial cities, Toledo was a location where some blacks from other states

and from within the state of Ohio decided to relocate to in order to create new lives for

themselves and take advantage of the opportunities available in the area. Elvin Burris Wanzo

(often referred to as E.B. Wanzo in other works) was one of many blacks who decided to move to the Toledo area for the opportunities the city afforded. His story serves as an example of intrastate black migration in Ohio. His legacy continues to exist because of the body of records that he left behind and that the Dale-Riggs Funeral Home has preserved. The next section will document Wanzo’s formative years in order to illustrate his prominence in Toledo. He has been referred to only sparingly in extant scholarship on black Toledo. Background information on his early years, including some information on his family, offers a brief outline of those years for historical context.

Elvin Wanzo’s presence in the Toledo area can be traced back to 1911 and, perhaps, farther. According to the publication, Toledo Our Life, Our Times, Our Town, 1800s-1950

(edited by John R. Husman), Elvin B. Wanzo opened up a funeral home at 1412 Monroe Street in 1911. In the following quote, a 1964 Jet magazine article on Wanzo indicates that he was a funeral director since 1910: “The Elvin B. Wanzo’s of Toledo, Ohio, observed their 50th wedding

238 Johnson and Campbell, Black Migration in America, 67. 206 anniversary with a dinner for friends and family…. Wanzo [was] a Toledo Funeral Director from 1910 to 1946.”239 The Toledo City Directory of 1912 does not have Wanzo’s name listed in the business section, but his name is listed in the residential pages. The name in the directory is listed as Alvin Wanzo, which appears to be a typo. It indicates that he was boarding at 321

Woodland Avenue, and he worked as a porter. The Wanzo Funeral Home ledgers begin in

September 1912. These records suggest that Wanzo had been legitimately operating his business by the end of 1912. Perhaps during the previous years that he was in Toledo, he had a funeral apprenticeship in a local funeral home. By 1913 the Toledo City Directory has him listed in the business and residential section as Elvin B. Wanzo, undertaker. He was listed as being located at

1412 Monroe Street, which was the location of his first funeral home. In 1914 the funeral home was listed in the directory at 1303 Washington Street; this was the location where the second funeral home was located. Wanzo later moved the funeral home to a third location, which was listed in the directory as 1210 Washington Street.240 In 1937 he moved his funeral home to a fourth and final location--572 Nebraska Avenue.241

According to the 1880 United States Federal Census Elvin Wanzo was born around 1878.

However on Wanzo’s military draft registration card, which he filled out himself, he wrote that he was born on January 25, 1879. The Ohio birth register contradicts both the date and the year that he gave, stating that Wanzo was born January 29, 1878.242 The actual date that he was born is unclear, but collectively the information suggests that he was born around 1878 or 1879. He was born Elvin Burris Wanzo, to parents William C. and Lucinda (Lucy Cook or Hancock)

239 “Weddings” Jet, May 7, 1964, 40. 240 R.L. Polk & Co., “Toledo City Directory,” 1913, 2022, and R.L. Polk & Co., “Toledo City Directory,” 1914, 2500. 241 John R. Husman, “Toledo-Our Life, Our Times, Our Town, 1800s-1950,” (Toledo Blade, 2005), 59, and the Dale–Riggs Funeral Home Collection. 242 Ancestry.com, Family Search, Ohio Births and Christenings, Ohio-EASy, film number:313460, reference number: 163 & 164. 207

Wanzo. According to the census records both of his parents were from West Virginia, and they later settled in Rutland, Ohio, 243 which is located in southeastern Ohio, in Meigs County, within four miles or less from the cities of Mason, New Haven and Hartford City, West Virginia and

Middleport, Ohio. Rutland is about twenty miles from Athens, Ohio, where Ohio University is located.244 Perhaps his parents settled in Rutland because of its close proximity to their home state of West Virginia.

In 1880 Elvin was the youngest of six children. The following is a list of his siblings’

names and ages in 1880: William A. (22), Lawrence (20), Nettie (14), Adelia (9), and Florence

(6). The first three children were born in West Virginia, and the last three were born in Ohio.

By 1900, the census information indicates that Elvin had a younger sister, by the name of Bertha

(19) who was also born in Ohio.

At the time of the 1880 census enumeration Elvin’s parents were about forty-five years

old. His father was born around 1835.245 It appears that William Wanzo served in the Civil War

since there was an application submitted by William for his Civil War Pension under application

number 598,776, stating that he served in the Colored Infantry, Company I, Regiment 15.246

According to the 1910 United States Federal Census, he was a survivor of the “Union or

Confederate Army or Navy,”247 helping to establish that he was in the Civil War.

243 Ancestry.com: 1880 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 244 “Rutland,” City Data Website, accessed March 22, 2011, http://City-data.com/city/Rutland-Ohio.html. “Rutland,” Ohio Gazetteer: City Profiles, Physical & Cultural Features, accessed March 22, 2011, http://www.Ohio.hometownlocator.com.“Village of Middleport Info and History,” Middleport, Ohio, Meigs County, accessed March 22, 2011, http://www.village.middleport.oh.us/vom/about.html. 245 Ancestry.com: 1880 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 246 Ancestry.com, Family Search: Civil War Pension Index Cards, Organization Index to Pension Files of Veterans Who Served Between 1861-1900, National Archives and Records Administration, Civil War Pensions. 247 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 208

Elvin’s father was the head of the household, and he was listed as a farmer. It is unclear where William’s parents actually were born. The 1880 census says they were both born in

Virginia, but the 1900 census says his father was born in Maryland and his mother was born in

West Virginia. Wherever their place of origin might have been they both ended up in West

Virginia. Elvin’s mother, Lucy, according to her death information was born in 1836 in

Kanawha County, West Virginia, about fifty-one miles away from Rutland Ohio. She died in

1892 at the age of fifty-six, when Elvin was around thirteen or fourteen. Her occupation was listed on her death information as housekeeper,248 however; according to the 1880 census she was listed as keeping house, which suggests that she was a housewife who took care of the home. 249

From the aforementioned information, it can be inferred that Elvin’s parents migrated to

Rutland to provide a better life for their family. His father was an industrious man who instilled, by the very nature of his profession in the agricultural sector, values of a hard work ethic in his son. His father owned his home outright, free, with no mortgage. He was not literate according to the census information, but his children were literate. 250 Like his father, Elvin migrated in

search for a better life. Around the age of twenty-one or twenty-two, before Elvin moved to the

Toledo area, he was working as a day laborer. By 1900, both Elvin and his youngest sister were

living at home with their father; their other siblings were no longer living at home. Elvin’s

education equipped him with the skills to read and write, and he decided to leave his job as a day

laborer and venture to Toledo. Sometime between 1900 and 1910 Elvin seems to have made

248Ancestry.com, Family Search: Ohio Deaths and Burials, 1854-1997. Ohio-EASY Film number: 313469, Reference number: v1p 326 fn 247 249 Ancestry.com: 1900 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 250 Ancestry.com: 1900 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

209 plans and received training to become a funeral director and embalmer. The 1910 census does not enumerate Elvin, which suggests that he was most likely transient at the time.

As was mentioned earlier, scholars Daniel Johnson and Rex Campbell asserted that many single, young people migrated from one place to another in search of economic advancements and job opportunities. Elvin seems to have followed this trend. It was not until he moved to

Toledo, Ohio and established his funeral home business that he decided to marry. He married at age thirty-five to Elizabeth Johnson (25) on March 4, 1914 in Toledo.

The 1910 Census and the marriage license information list her as Alice Elizabeth Johnson and Elizabeth Alice Johnson, respectively. According to the 1910 US Federal Census, she was born in Duluth, Minnesota, around 1889 to Harry E. and Alice (Moxley) Johnson. Harry was born in Ohio and according to the 1910 census his father was born in New York and his mother was born in Canada, although in the 1920 census it says both parents were born in Ohio. This identifies another shortcoming of census data, which can contain conflicting information. There are many discrepancies in the census data for various reasons: the enumerators may not have been consistent with asking the same person each time the information was collected, the location of the parents’ birth might be unclear because they were enslaved and at times transient, and enumerator error can also be a factor. Harry worked as a barber in Minnesota in 1910.

Elizabeth’s mother (Alice) was born in Canada and so were her parents. Many blacks who were living in Canada migrated back to the United States after the Civil War. It is unclear whether or not Alice’s parents did, but it might be suggested that they did and that that is when Harry and

Alice, Elvin’s in-laws, were able to meet. Alice must have been a housewife because “none” was listed for her occupation in the census. Both of Elizabeth’s parents were listed as literate.251

251 Ancestry.com: 1880 and 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 210

Elizabeth had one sibling by the name of Cecil Johnson, and he was twelve years old at the time of the 1910 census enumeration. In 1910, Elizabeth lived at home with her parents, as was common among young people in those days. She worked as a teacher in the public school system in Duluth, Minnesota. 252 Elizabeth’s family, much like Elvin and his family migrated to other areas to find better opportunities. Elizabeth’s parents left Duluth sometime after 1910; the

research suggests between 1910 and 1914, but most likely before 1914. The Johnson family,

including Elizabeth, moved to Toledo, which could have been nearby her father’s (Harry)

birthplace. This move allowed Elvin and Elizabeth to become acquainted and marry in 1914.

By 1920, Elizabeth was married and living in Toledo and so were her parents, who owned their home in the ninth ward of Toledo. Her father continued working in his profession as a barber in the area. In 1920, eight years after Elvin Wanzo established his funeral home and was working as a funeral director and embalmer, Elvin B. and Elizabeth already had two children--Elvin H.,

who was three years old and Muriel E., who was one year old. In later years, according to the following quote in Jet magazine, “The couple…[had] a daughter, Muriel E. Jackson, a Los

Angeles teacher, and a son Elvin Jr., a Detroit attorney, two grandchildren and a great- grandchild.”253 Muriel became a teacher like her mother, and Elvin Jr. became an attorney.

According to alumni information, he studied at University of Michigan Law School.

Elvin, Elizabeth, and their two children, as well as Elizabeth’s parents and brother, were

early members of the Toledo community. Elvin migrated to the city around 1910 and Elizabeth

and her family migrated sometime after 1910. Like the Wanzo’s and Johnson’s, there were

many other black families and single individuals who came to Toledo before the Great Migration

252 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 253 “Weddings,” Jet, 40.

211 started in earnest. Previous research on black Toledo, like Harlan M. Frost’s 1927 survey of

Toledo, found that the majority of Toledo’s black migrants--34 percent--came to Toledo from

what he considered to be the East South Central States: Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama,

Mississippi, Illinois, and Indiana. According to the survey the next highest percentage of black

Toledoans, 16.6 percent, came from the South Atlantic States of Virginia, North Carolina, South

Carolina, Georgia, and Florida; 9.2 percent came from the West South Central States of

Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, and Oklahoma and 14.5 percent from other states and Canada.

John Rinehart’s 1939 interviews of a number of black Toledoans yielded results that were

similar to Frost’s yet were slightly different. His tabulations concluded that the greatest

percentage of migrants (46.1 percent) came from the East South Central States of Kentucky,

Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, a higher percentage than Frost found. The second highest

group of blacks (19.1 percent) migrated from the South Atlantic States of Virginia, South

Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia and Florida, once again a higher percentage than Frost’s findings. Additionally, 16.5 percent migrated from the West South Central States of Arkansas,

Louisiana, Texas and Oklahoma, 11.2 percent came from East North Central States of Ohio,

Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana and 7.1 percent came from other states.254

Based on the funeral records, the analysis of migratory patterns for the years 1912-1917,

indicates that 32.4 percent (101) of the residents in the 300 decedent records were born in Ohio.

The data analysis of the decedent records provides a further breakdown of the cities the individuals were from in Ohio. The majority of those born in Ohio were born in Toledo. About

55 of the decedents (or 18.3 percent of those born in Ohio0 were born in Toledo. The others were born in other cities such as Columbus (5 percent), Cincinnati (4 percent), Zanesville (3 percent), Dayton (2 percent) and Marion, Xenia and Findlay (1 percent each). This suggests that

254 Rinehart, “The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area,” 14. 212 many blacks, during the 1912 through 1917 timeframe, were still native Ohioans. Leroy

Williams’ findings concluded also that in 1900, a large percentage of black Toledoans were native Ohioans. However, other studies including Frost’s and Rinehart’s show that the percentages of native-born Ohioans must have changed after the Great Migration started in earnest. Williams also concluded that between 1900 and 1930, “there was a decided shift between the origins of black Toledoans from the Midwest to include greater numbers from the

Southeast and the ‘deep south’.” 255

According to the funeral records, the second and third highest percentages of the decedents were born, respectively, in Kentucky and Virginia. Collectively Ohio, Kentucky and

Virginia accounted for 45.8 percent of the decedents’ birthplaces. The records show that after

Virginia a significant number of the decedents migrated from Tennessee. Williams’ research also indicates the increase of black Toledoans were from the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. He asserts that by 1930 almost half of the black Toledo population was born in the four states of

Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi. Furthermore the funeral data analysis indicates by region of the country the areas of migration of many of the decedents. The Midwestern

States--Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri and Kansas--together accounted for 44 percent of the states of origin for many of the decedents. The South Atlantic States/District--

West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, District of Columbia, South Carolina, North Carolina,

Georgia and Florida--accounted for 14.1 percent of the populations’ birthplaces. The South

Central and East South Central States--Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas and Louisiana, collectively had 13.5 percent of the population coming from this area of the country. Lastly, the Northeastern States--New York, New Jersey, Vermont and Pennsylvania— account for 3.8 percent of decedents. Additionally 3.4 percent (9) of the decedents were born

255 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 146. 213 outside of the United States--6 percent (2) were from the Caribbean and 71 percent (7) were from

Canada.

Neither the findings from the funeral record analysis nor the findings from this research in other sources support Morgan Barclay and Charles Glabb’s assertion that after 1900 the black

Toledo community was made up of migrants largely from Ohio and other parts of the upper

Midwest. The research shows that this may have been true for a number of years, but after 1917, there was a shift in the migration pattern to include greater numbers of blacks from the South.256

The data show that outside of the Midwest the second highest amount of blacks that migrated to

Toledo were from former slave states; some of them migrated from the South Atlantic states that

were closer in proximity to Ohio. Perhaps these individuals wanted to escape the oppression of

the South and were looking for better economic opportunities that were not available to them

where they were living.

To further indicate migratory patterns of black Toledoans, the birthplaces of the decedents’ parents were examined. This contributes to further providing information on the origins of many of Toledo’s black residents. The examination of the parents’ origins was not explored in the previous works on this time period of black Toledo history. The results do not deviate greatly from the previous three states where the decedents were born. Like the decedents, the greater percentages of the mothers were born in the following states: Ohio 11.9 percent (37), Kentucky 9.6 percent (30) and Virginia 8.3 percent (26). About 3.2 percent of the mothers were born outside the United States, that is in Canada (9 individuals) and Greece (1 individual). Similar to the decedents the greater percentages of the mothers were born in the

Midwestern States of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Missouri, collectively accounting for the highest percentage (18 percent) of the states where the mothers were born.

256 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 146. 214

The South Atlantic States of West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina, North Carolina and Georgia accounted for 16 percent of the birthplaces of the mothers of the decedents. The

South Central and East South Central States of Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama,

Louisiana and Texas collectively accounted for 16 percent of the birthplaces of the mothers of the decedents. The Northeastern States of New York and Pennsylvania collectively accounted for 1.9 percent of the origins of the decedents’ mothers. The greatest number of the mothers was born in the South. The birthplaces of the fathers of the decedents do not change significantly from those of the decedents and their mothers, except that 1 was born in Greece and 1 was from

Mexico, and more of the fathers were from outside of Ohio.

Although the numbers of foreign-born black migrants were not as large as the numbers of nationally born migrants, there were a small number of blacks living in Toledo; they were foreign born or had parents who were foreign born. As previously stated many of them were born in Canada or had a parent or parents born in Canada. For example according to the records,

Elizabeth Jones, one of the individuals the Wanzo Funeral Home serviced, was born in Canada around 1844 to Dr. Alfred and Ann Stake Jones. Her father, however, was born in Kentucky and her mother was born in New York, so her parents migrated to Canada at some point, perhaps to escape racial injustices or in search of better opportunities. Elizabeth died in 1913 in Toledo at the age of sixty-nine. Her body was shipped back to London, Ontario, where all the funeral proceedings took place. This suggests that she still had roots in Canada. There were two other ladies much younger than Elizabeth; they had the same surname and lived in Toledo at the same address as Elizabeth Jones. Upon their deaths, they became clients of Wanzo, and their bodies also were shipped back to London, Ontario. Perhaps these women were related, but the data does not reveal that fact. This information strongly suggests that some individuals migrated to 215

Toledo from Canada, perhaps in search of better opportunities, but they still had ties--most likely family and close friends--back in Canada and upon their deaths they were shipped back home.

In the case of these ladies, home was London, Ontario, which is located approximately 180 miles from Toledo and is situated halfway between Detroit and Toronto. London was known for its agricultural belt which produced wheat to sell to the United States during the Civil War, it was also known for some manufacturing and commercial enterprises. 257

Another example, from the funeral records, of a black immigrant to Toledo from Canada is William Bingey. According to the 1910 United States Federal Census, William immigrated to the United States in 1857 when he was about seventeen. William was born in French Canada around 1840 to Adam Bingey and Jane Andy. His father was born in Kentucky, and his mother was born in French Canada. His father may have left the US to escape slavery. According to the funeral records William worked in Toledo as an engineer. He died in 1913 at the age of seventy-three and was serviced by Wanzo and interred in Toledo at Forest Cemetery. This suggests that at the time of death, unlike that of the Jones women, William’s survivors must have been in Toledo and not back in Canada where he was born.

Moreover there are two other examples of black immigrants to the Toledo area from

Canada. William Harrison, who was the father of Ora Glen Harrison, died in 1914 and was serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home. He was born in Chatham, Ontario, around 1859.

Chatham was an area which incorporated several black settlements including the Elgin

Settlement or Buxton community which was settled by Reverend William King, a white

257 “History of London,” City of London, 2010, http://www.london.ca/d.aspx?s=/About_London/london_history.htm . 216 minister, and several of his freed slaves in 1849.258 According to the 1910 United States Federal

Census William immigrated to the US in 1879. Both of his parents were born in Kentucky,

however, they immigrated to Canada at some point. Another individual, from the funeral

records, living in Toledo from the Chatham, Ontario area was Jerome Harris. His daughter

Henrietta Jane Harris died in infancy and was serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home. Jerome

was born in Chatham around 1867. According to the census his father was born in New York

and his mother was born in Maryland. Chatham, Ontario, is located in southwestern Canada, the

area is known for its history of being an Underground Railroad site, where many black people

settled after escaping slavery. The following quote describes what Chatham was like around

1850:

By 1850, Chatham was a bustling commercial center. The total population was 1/3 black by the end of the decade. The majority of the black population who settled in Chatham was from t he United States. There were 80 Canadian-born blacks in Chatham. Most of the refugees lived beyond Prince Street on King Street East. The street was lined with log cabins and small houses with garden plots. At Chatham's largest market, a great number of the vegetable wagons belonged to the black residents. The prosperous black families would have owned two story homes equal to those of white citizens. The New York Herald proclaimed that begging did not exist in Chatham-- only 2 or 3 refugees received municipal funds. This decade was probably the height of the black population in Chatham, mainly due to The Fugitive Slave Law that was passed in the United States. Many blacks had escaped to Chatham to avoid being caught by slave catchers.259

Perhaps many blacks from Canada settled in Toledo because of its close proximity to the

Canadian border and the opportunities that the city afforded.

The data show that blacks migrated to Toledo from various locations; however, in the majority of the cases, the greater percentages of them appeared to migrate from southern and mid-western states. As was stated in the work of Anthony Quinn, A Toledo

Blade writer by the name of Charles Lucey said: “What probably was the greatest

258 Fred Landon, “The Buxton Settlement in Canada,” The Journal of Negro History 3, no. 4, (October 1918), 360-367. Lori Gardner, “Introduction to the Elgin Settlement,” Buxton National Historic Site and Museum, updated January 2011, www.buxtonmuseum.com/history/hist-ELGIN.html. 259 Lori Gardner, “Introduction to the Elgin Settlement,” www.buxtonmuseum.com/history/hist- ELGIN.html. 217 voluntary movement of a people ever known--the migration of the Negro northward across the Mason-Dixie line…from Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, South

Carolina, and North Carolina--they came glad to get away from segregation, tired of being exploited, eager for a freedom they heard of but never possessed.”260 Blacks as a

whole were migrating from their places of origin in search for better opportunities and

social mobility.

Black migration from the rural South began to affect Toledo as it did other

northern manufacturing cities during World War I. Between 1910 and 1930 the number

of blacks in the city rose from 1,877 to 13,260, an increase of 336 percent.261 On average

Wanzo serviced 50 decedents a year. Between October 1912 and June 1917, he serviced over three hundred decedents. In 1913 he serviced 36 decedents and by 1916 he serviced

93 decedents--an increase of 150 percent, which is a significant increase compared to those serviced in 1913. The number of deceased persons serviced increased with each year, perhaps reflecting the pattern of population growth, and/or the increased death rate.

Black males more than black females appeared to makeup the larger percentage of migrants. In Toledo, for example, this seemed to be true, although the ratio of men to women was pretty favorable and more evenly distributed in later years. Table 1 in Chapter II shows census data from 1890 to 1910. The data show the male to female ratio was almost evenly divided. Between 1910 and 1920, however, the male population surpassed the female. This growth in the male population is indicative of findings in migratory studies which show that men tended to migrate more and farther than women.

260 Anthony Quinn, “The Great Migrations to Toledo, Ohio,” 5. 261 Williams, “Black Toledo,”274-277. 218

The funeral records indicate that the greater percentage of those serviced by the funeral home were male, approximately 57 percent with 36 percent being female. There were only 10 individuals where no gender was evident. This suggests that there were more men in the community and, therefore, more men were dying than women--a fact corroborated by mortality studies. Wanzo not only buried more men in total over five years, but he also buried more males per year than he did females, which once again suggests that more men lived in the community than women and/or that the death rate was higher among men than women. The percentage of males serviced by the funeral home was higher in 1912 and in 1915--67 percent in 1912 and 64 percent in 1915. In 1914 and 1917 the funeral home serviced a greater percentage of female decedents--40 percent in 1914 and 40 percent in 1917. Since the funeral ledger book ended in

June of 1917, the full year of 1917 was not included, so he could have serviced more individuals in 1917, which could have surpassed the numbers for 1916. The percentage of the females he serviced increased each year from 1912 (33percent) to 1914 (40 percent) and then decreased in

1915 (31 percent) and increased again from 1916 (39 percent) to 1917 (40 percent). Conversely the percentage of males he serviced decreased from 1912 (67 percent) to 1914 (57 percent), then increased in 1915 (64 percent) and decreased in 1916 (59 percent) and 1917 (56 percent). The fact that there were slightly more males than females can indicate that the economic standing of blacks in the Toledo community was higher than in communities where they had less men because traditionally men usually had a higher earning potential than women. The numbers could also reflect that more men were dying than women which could have a negative economic impact on a community since men traditionally were the primary breadwinners. 219

MIGRATION, MARITAL STATUS AND FUNERAL EXPENSES

This section provides information on black Toledo in regards to marital status during the

1912-1917 period, which either cannot be found in previous works on black Toledo or that complement existing information. Additionally, this section offers original information on funerary practices such as funeral expenses, information not available in other works. As Black

Migration in America indicated, young men and women made up the majority of the black migrants at the turn of the century. The funeral record analysis provides insights into the age ranges of the black population in Toledo. The records indicate that the majority of the individuals serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home were under the age of fifty-two years old.

Perhaps this suggests that a large percentage of the black Toledo population between 1912 and

1917 were relatively young. The higher percentages of decedents were between the ages of 31 and 41 years old--20.1 percent (59 decedents) were 42 and 52 years old, 17.7 percent (52 individuals) were 22 and 32 years old, 17 percent (50 decedents) were 0 and 5 years old. The records suggest that the number of young people dying in the community was greater than the older members, which can indicate that Toledo had a larger population of younger people and therefore their numbers of deaths were higher than the older members. The records appear to support the trend that Daniel Johnson and Rex Campbell brought to the fore in regards to the higher percentage of younger people migrating. They stated that the census figures for 1920 show that “the largest numbers of black urban residents were between the ages of 25 and 29.”262

Leroy Williams’ work provides supporting evidence, and vice versa, to the funeral record findings. According to his work, the number of children in a community under the age of fifteen is an important feature to a community. He indicated that 27 percent of the black population in

Toledo around 1900 was made up of children under the age of fourteen. Williams concluded

262 Johnson and Campbell , Black Migration in America, 78. 220 that the black Toledo community contained the “essential ingredients for a viable community life,” with the population’s having a favorable amount of children and a favorable male to female ratio. 263

Like the Wanzo family, some other black migrants did not marry until after they had

established themselves in their new location, and others married couples migrated with their families. Wanzo was around thirty-four or thirty-five years old when he married. Likewise, the funeral record analysis indicates that the higher percentages of the married decedents were age thirty and older; 56 percent of the decedents were between the ages of 31 and 41 years old; 44 percent were between the ages of 42 and 52 years old; 53 percent of those between the ages of 52 and 62 were married; roughly 37.5 percent of the decedents were older than 62 years old; and 42 percent were between the ages of 20 and 30 years old. The total amount of the deceased that were married was 34.9 percent. In the United States in 1915 the average age of marriage for a male was 25.1 and for females it was 21.6.264 According to Williams’ work, between the years

1900 and 1910 more than half of the black population was married and were between the ages of

20 and 44 years old. 265 The funeral records suggest that there was a relatively large amount of black Toledoans over the age of twenty who were married. Based on the percentages more individuals between the ages of 30 and 52 were married than in the other age groupings.

An example of a married couple who migrated to Toledo can be found in the story of

Prince and Ida Suggs. Their story also encapsulates the stories of other families with whom they

were connected and shows their pattern of migration in addition to providing more insight into black Toledo families. Prince was serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home in 1916 and a

263 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 70. 264 “Table MS-2. Estimated Median Age at First Marriage, by Sex: 1890 to the Present.” US Bureau of the Census, accessed January 12, 2011, http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hh-fam/ms2..xls. . 265 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 68. 221 significant amount of vital information can be found about him in the records. Prince was born in Pulaski, Tennessee, around 1876. He married Ida, who was born in Michigan in approximately 1887. They married in 1906 when Ida was roughly twenty years old and prince was roughly thirty years old. They migrated to Toledo from Chicago sometime after 1910.

According to the 1910 United Stated Federal Census, Prince and Ida were lodging with the

Clifford Vorhes family (wife Emma and son James) in Chicago. Clifford was also born in

Tennessee around the same time as Prince, so perhaps they knew each other from Tennessee and that helps to explain why Prince and his wife were living with that family or perhaps why the

family took them in as lodgers. Many of the vignettes on other fellow Toledoans, in this chapter, will also illustrate the trend of families bringing lodgers into their homes. According to Leroy

Williams it was not uncommon during this time period for people to take boarders or to live together in order to pay rent or a mortgage. Taking in boarders provided a solution to economic desperation, but it also had its negative side. In Marcy Sack’s Before Harlem, she addresses some of the issues associated with families taking in boarders, for example, family privacy was somewhat invaded; there were problems for landlords such as theft, rape, and in some cases murder, unreliable pay, among other issues.266

Both Clifford and Prince were listed as laborers doing concrete work in Chicago.

Clifford was listed as the head of the household and was renting the house where they lived. Ida

was working as a laundress and Clifford’s wife Emma was not working. By 1910 Ida and Prince

had been married four years.267 After Prince and Ida moved to Toledo, Prince found work as a

porter; the records do not indicate that he was a Pullman Porter so he may have been a hotel

266 Marcy Sacks, Before Harlem: The Black Experience in New York City Before World War I. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 78-79. 267 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

222 porter or another type of porter. They resided at 415 Dorr Street, according to the funeral records. Prince died on January 27, 1916 at the age of thirty-nine in St. Vincent’s Hospital as a result of a brain embolism following a fracture to his tibia and fibula. By this time Prince and

Ida had been married for about nine or ten years, but they did not have any children. The funeral service took place on January 31 at two o’clock in the afternoon at their residence on Dorr Street, and Reverend Charles Bundy of Warren A.M.E. Church officiated.

By 1920 Ida was thirty-three years old, widowed and boarding with the William E. and

Drusilla Clemens (who is listed in Edrene Cole’s work as black Toledo’s first historian) family and sons Edward (29) and Harry (25)) in the ninth ward in Toledo. William was born in Ohio around 1867 and his parents were also listed as being born in Ohio, however his wife Drusilla was born in Kentucky around 1869 and her father was listed as being born in England and her mother was born in Kentucky. So at some point they migrated to Ohio. Both of their sons were born in Ohio; they were single and were living at home with their parents. The Clemens family also had a servant living with them by the name of Edith Johnson who was also from Ohio.

Everyone, except for the servant, was listed as mulatto; the servant was listed as black. William was employed as a janitor for a bank. He was the head of the household and owned his home, which was mortgaged. Ida and Drusilla were both listed as not having any type of occupation in

1920.268 So perhaps Ida was living off of savings or money from insurance benefits from her

husband’s death. It is not clear how she paid for her boarding expenses. The story of Ida and

Prince Suggs provides an example of a black family’s eventual migration to Toledo and gives

insights into what life was like for them in the community, as well as insights into the

community in general.

268 Ancestry.com: 1920 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

223

The records also reveal information about the single black population in Toledo that previous works on Toledo do not address. The records show that the total percentage of the single decedents was 37.2 percent; this number includes infants and small children, which would explain the high number of single decedents. Decedents who were fell within and/or above the average age range (25.1 years old for males and 21.6 years old for females) of married individuals in the United States in 1910, made up 47 percent of the single population. Those decedents between the ages of 20 and 30 years old made up 21 percent of the single’s population.

The larger number of the single population was made up of those under the age of 19 years old,

53 percent of the single population was under the age of 19. The majority of the singles in this age range, 43 percent, were under the age of 5 years old. The greater percentage of single decedents were men, 64 percent of the men were single compared to 29 percent of the women.

More women were married than were single. A significant portion of the single population might account for the newly relocated members to the Toledo community, who like Elvin Wanzo were single upon entering Toledo. Perhaps these young singles were looking to establish themselves before they married.

The funeral records also provide information on the widowed, divorced, and separated populations of the black Toledo community. About 28 individuals, accounting for 9 percent of the total deceased population, were widowed, and .6 percent of the decedents, respectively, were divorced or separated. The divorced population was small reflecting the social norms of the period. Women made up the majority of the widowed decedents, 61 percent of the widowed deceased were women and 39 percent were men. The percentage of widowed decedents was higher in those who were above the age of 53 years old. Thirty-three percent of those between the ages of 53 and 62 years old were widowed and 30 percent of those between the ages of 63 224 and 80 years old were widowed. The highest percentage of widowed decedents fell between the ages of 81 and 100 years old. Williams’ work on black Toledo briefly treats the issue of widowhood. The funeral record findings were complementary to his. He indicated that, “black females tended to have a greater percentage of widows in specified categories.”269 Daniel

Johnson and Rex Campbell in Black Migration in America purported that some migrant women,

who were widows or divorcees, were attracted to relocating for the education opportunities that

would be afforded to their children and for domestic employment opportunities.

Julia Elizabeth White and her family provide insights into the migration of a widow and

her family to the Toledo area. It also provides information on the adult singles in Toledo during

the time period. Julia was serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home in 1915, according to the

records. Julia was born in Oxford, Ohio, but her parents were born in Virginia, so they migrated

to the Ohio areas before she was born. She was married to Frank W. White around 1884 at the

age of twenty-six; her husband (Frank) was two years her junior. He also was born in Ohio and

his parents were born in Kentucky, according to the 1910 census. His parents migrated to Ohio

sometime before he was born. Julia and Frank lived in Springfield, Ohio. They had three

children--a daughter Olie and two sons, Carmen and Ora. Frank was a physician in the

Springfield area and Julia was a homemaker. In 1910 the family was still living in Springfield,

Ohio and the three children, Olie, Carmen, and Ora were still living at home. Olie worked as a

stenographer in an office, Carmen was a conductor at a steam railroad, and Ora--the youngest--

worked as a repairman at a machine factory. By this time Carmen was married, but Olie and Ora

were still single. Sometime after 1910 their father Frank died, and they moved to Toledo.270

Perhaps they moved after Frank died because they wanted to leave behind the memories of his

269 Williams, “Black Toledo,” 179. 270Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 225 death in Springfield and start anew in Toledo. Whatever the reason may have been for the move, by 1915 the family was living in Toledo at 564 Pinewood Avenue.

According to the funeral records, their mother died on April 4, 1915, not very long after their father and their subsequent move to Toledo. She passed away at home due to mitral insufficiency which is also known as acute mitral regurgitation; it causes a heart murmur. This disorder is characterized by the heart's mitral valve’s failure to close properly, which in turn causes “blood to flow backward (leak) into the upper heart chamber when the left lower heart chamber contracts.”271 Progressive insufficiency ultimately leads to congestive cardiac failure.272

Julia was Methodist, so when she came to the city she either became a member or was affiliated with the Warren A.M.E. Church. Her funeral services were held on April 8 at two o’clock in the afternoon at Warren A.M.E. Church with the Reverend William B. Lee presiding.

By 1917 Carmen and Ora had registered for the World War I draft. On June 15, 1917

they both filled out draft registration cards. Carmen wrote that he had a wife to support and was

working as a waiter. Ora wrote that he worked as an electrician for the Champion Spark Plug

Company in Toledo. On August 16, 1918, Ora enlisted in the military. He was honorably

discharged in December 1918. He was a member of the Company C 418 Reserve Labor

Battalion.273 By 1920, Olie (34), and Ora (32) were still single and continued to live together

along with their brother Carmen (33). Olie was enumerated as the head of the household. She

was renting the house where they resided in the fifth ward, still at 564 Pinewood Avenue. She

271 Pub Med Health, “Mitral Insufficiency; Acute Mitral Regurgitation.” reviewed by Issam Mikati, MD, last reviewed May 4, 2010, http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMH0001229/. 272David N. Holvey, MD, ed., andHolvey and John H. Talbott, contributing ed., The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 12 ed., (Rahway: Merck Sharp & Dohme Research Laboratories, 1972), 344, 361-362. Pub Med Health, “Mitral Insufficiency; Acute Mitral Regurgitation.” reviewed by Issam Mikati, MD, last reviewed May 4, 2010, http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMH0001229/. 273 Ancestry.com: World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918[database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2005. Ohio Soldiers in World War I, 1917-1918[database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2005. 226 was working as a stenographer for Lucas County. Carmen and Ora were both working in a factory.274 The White family provides insights into various aspects of the widowhood and single

life in Toledo around 1912 through 1917.

The findings from the records on the marital status of black Toledoans provides a profile

of the trends of the community members in regards to marriage, widowhood, singleness, divorce,

and childbearing. The information shows that a significant amount of black Toledoans were

married and/ or getting married well over the average age of marriage in the United States in

1910. Traditionally marriage increased ones social and economic standing, so this could have

boded well for the black Toledo community in regards to contributing to a higher social and

economic standing, for these measures contained the “essential ingredients for a viable

community life.” 275 Another indicator of marriage contributing to an increased economic

standing in the black Toledo community can be seen through the cost of the funerals, the manner

in which the funerals were remunerated, and whether or not the funeral expenses were paid in

full. This information can also provide insight into the economic standing of married individuals

as opposed to single individuals in the black community in Toledo. The funerals records indicate

that the majority of the individuals with the most expensive funerals were married; 62 percent of

the funerals that cost between $200.01 and $300 were for those individuals who were married.

No doubt their combined holdings allowed them to spend more.

This trend can be seen in the example of John Fields. Although John, husband of the

decedent, and his parents were born in Ohio, his wife and her parents had been born in English

Canada. She immigrated to the United States in 1905 and shortly thereafter she married John.

He worked as an electrician for a day goods store. Mae, his wife, was a housewife. John had a

274Ancestry.com: 1920 United States Federal Census: Year: 1920; [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 275Williams, “Black Toledo,” 70. 227 mortgage on their house that was located in the eighth ward of Lucas County.276 He secured a

$250 funeral for his thirty-six year old wife. The funeral was remunerated in full, and it was paid for with insurance benefits. The 1910 census indicated that he and his wife had been married for five years. She was around twenty-five when they were married and he was about forty-three years old. They did not have any children by 1910, and less than three years after marriage, she died at home on May 25, 1913 from despondency. Perhaps she was depressed because she did not or could not bear children. The funeral services took place on May 28 at two o’clock in the afternoon in their residence on 601 Indiana Avenue; Reverend Benjamin F. McWilliams of Third

Baptist Church officiated the funeral.

Another example of a married individual who spent a significant amount of money on his

spouse’s funeral can be seen in the example of James (Jim) King. He secured a funeral that cost

$225 for his fifty-three year old wife (Anna) of twenty-eight years. The funeral expenses were

remunerated in full through insurance benefits. Anna was a housewife. Jim worked as a cook.

Anna died at home--326 Belmont Avenue--on August 4, 1914 from tuberculosis of the bowel.

The funeral services were held August 7 at two o’clock in the afternoon at Warren A.M.E.

Church and Reverend William B. Lee officiated. They rented a home in the ninth ward of

Toledo. They did not have any children living with them. They both migrated to Toledo from other areas. James was born in Kentucky and so were his parents. His wife was born in Virginia and so were her parents.277 Even though they were renters, they managed to have life insurance.

Another interesting example of a married individual spending a significant amount of money on his spouse’s funeral is the case of James Miller. She was serviced by the Wanzo

276 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 277 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 228

Funeral Home in 1916. Her husband secured a funeral in the amount of $276.50. The funeral expenses were paid in full with insurance benefits. James worked as a fireman for the fire station and Lucy was a hairdresser. Lucy died at the age fifty-five years old, at home, on September 1,

1916. Her funeral services took place on September 5 at two o’clock in their residence that was located at 953 Indiana Avenue. Reverend Jackson C. Taylor of Friendship Baptist Church officiated.

Lucy had migrated to Toledo from Huntsville, Alabama, and both of her parents were born in Alabama as well. James was born in Virginia, as were his parents. T hey were married around 1882. They had two children, a son Richard and a daughter Jenny; they were both born in Michigan. Jenny was not listed as living with her parents in 1910, so perhaps she was married by this time. Richard (24), however, lived at home with his parents and he worked as a mail carrier for the city of Toledo. The family owned their home, free, without a mortgage. Their home was located in Toledo’s eighth ward. They had boarders living in the home as well; one was Mary Green, who was born in Michigan. She boarded at the family’s home from 1900 to

1910. Alice Bar, a widow, also boarded with the family in 1900.

The last example of married individuals spending a significant amount of money on funeral expenses can be seen in couple Cora Woodlin and Joseph Smith. They secured a

$222.50 funeral for their sixteen year old daughter who died in St. Vincent’s Hospital on April

17, 1917, from tuberculosis. The funeral expenses were paid in full with insurance benefits. The funeral services took place on April 19, at two-thirty in the afternoon, at Warren A.M. E. Church and Reverends William T. Anderson of Warren A.M.E. and B.F. McWilliams of Third Baptist officiated the services. 229

Cora was born in Cold Water, Ohio, also her father was born in Ohio, but her mother was born in Tennessee. Her husband was born in Washington, DC and so were his parents. They were married around 1899, when Cora was around seventeen years old and Joseph was around twenty-seven. They had two daughters, Rebecca and Vernetta, who were both born in Ohio.

Joseph worked as a Janitor and Cora was listed as not having an occupation. They rented a house in the fifth ward in Toledo278 at 1952 Franklin Avenue.

The married decedents’ funerals were paid for with insurance and cash at higher rates

than any other group. A significant amount of the married decedents’ funerals were paid for

with insurance, 53.2 percent of the married decedents’ funerals were paid for by these means; 60

percent (58) of the funerals that were remunerated with insurance were for married decedents.

Additionally, many of the married decedents’ funerals were paid for with cash, 25 percent (16).

A smaller percentage of the married individuals had to use county funds to pay for the funeral.

Lucas County paid for 8 married decedents’ funerals, accounting for 25 percent of the total

amount of funerals paid for by the county. Subsequently, installment payments ranked the

second highest way married decedents’ funeral bills were paid, 27 percent (17 payments) of the

installment payments made to Wanzo Funeral Home were for married decedents.

The majority of the funerals that cost under $50 were for the single decedents, 58 percent

(60) of the funerals between $1 and $50 were for single individuals. Only 17 percent (17) of the funerals within that same price range were for individuals who were married. All of the funerals that Adams Township remunerated, 100 percent (2), were for single decedents. The majority of the installment payments made, 53 percent (33 installment payments), paid for the funeral expenses of single decedents. Furthermore, 51 percent (33 cash payments) of the total amount of

278 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 230 the cash payments were made on the behalf of single decedents. Lucas County paid for 35 percent of the 34 funerals paid for by the county. For those that paid for the funeral expenses in full, 44 percent of the single individuals did not pay in full, as opposed to 36 percent of the married decedents. It was pretty evenly divided between both groups of people in regards to the bills that were paid in full, 38 percent of married decedents’ bills were paid in full and 37 percent of single decedents’ bills were paid in full.

When it came to the widowed decedents, the larger percentage of the funerals that were paid for by the decedents’ estates, 75 percent were for widowed individuals. The majority of the widowed decedents’ funerals cost between $100.01 and $200, one widowed decedent had a funeral that cost $209, he was an engineer and his daughter and her husband took care of the funeral arrangements. Six funerals, accounting for 13 percent of the funerals which cost between

$150.01 and $200 were for those decedents who were widowed.

The preceding information provides insights into the marital status and funeral expenses in the black Toledo community. The examples show that married individuals were fairly stable, employed, and either owned or rented their homes. Traditionally families were not as transient as single individuals, contributing to a more stable environment among families or married individuals, and possibly leading to a higher social economic status than a lone single individual.

An example of a lone individual with a lower socio-economic status can be seen in the prior example of Mary Green, who boarded with the Miller family at least from the time she was twenty-five until she was thirty-five and quite possibly beyond that time. Perhaps, those who were married were better prepared to deal with the expenses of a funeral than those adults that were single. It may be that they planned for end of life circumstances, such as their eventual death or the eventual death of their spouse or children, by buying insurance policies. These 231 could all be explanations for why the married individuals had more expensive funerals, remunerated the funerals in full, and paid for the funerals with insurance benefits, more often than the singles in the black Toledo community.

RESIDENTIAL BOUNDARIES AND EMPLOYMENT

The brief vignettes on some of Wanzo’s clientele provided a glimpse into some of the black Toledo community members’ lives and demonstrates how funeral records can highlight and provide useful information that helps to profile the community at large. In the aforementioned vignettes, such information as residential locations of these individuals was provided. Many of the black residents lived on such streets as, Indiana Avenue, Belmont

Avenue, Pinewood Avenue, Dorr Street, Woodland Avenue, Canton Street, Avondale Avenue, and Southard Avenue. West Grove Place, Spielbusch Avenue, Woodruff Avenue, Washington

Street, City Park Avenue, and Illinois Avenue, these streets coincided with the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth wards, that housed the majority of the black Toledo population according to

Williams’ work. Additionally there were other streets that black Toledoans lived on, however these streets did not appear as frequently in the records as the aforementioned street names:

Moore Street, Hildebrand Avenue, Norwood Avenue, Mill Street, Oakwood Avenue, Noble

Street, Franklin Avenue, Palmwood Avenue, Charles Street, South Street, Claire Street, Hoag

Street, Pomeroy Street, 2nd Street, South 15th Street, Peoria Street., Summer Street, Hunt Street,

Summer & Hunt Streets, Perry Street, St. John Avenue, Detroit Avenue, Hamilton Street,

Collingwood Avenue, Alpena Street, Jessie Street, Mayo Street, Crane Lane, Montgomery

Street, Champlain Street, Tunnel Street, Oak Street, Delence Street, Howard Street, Mitchell

Street, Chase Street, Ottawa Street, Adams Street, Nebraska Avenue, Ottawa Hills, Doyle Street,

and East Broadway Street. 232

There were other black Toledoans who resided in such locations as, hospitals, for example the Toledo State Hospital and the Lucas County Hospital (formerly Lucas County

Infirmary), as well as at their places of employment, for example the Federal Creosote Plant and the Pleasant Hotel. The individuals, whose residences were located at the hospitals, most likely suffered from long term illnesses or were infirmed. The Lucas County Infirmary or Hospital, which was established in 1838, and was a place that cared for the less fortunate, it was referred to by some as “the poorhouse.” There were three main parts to the hospital: the infirmary, the tuberculosis hospital, and the general hospital.279 There were several black Toledoans who died in the Lucas County Tuberculosis Hospital as well as in the Lucas County General Hospital.

Many of them had residences outside of the hospital and infirmary. However there were members of the black community that did reside at the infirmary.

Martin Tolliver, for example, was a resident at the Lucas County Infirmary, according to the funeral records. The infirmary was located in the tenth ward. He was a resident there at least from1910, according to the census, until his death on November 30, 1912. Conceivably, there were many reasons why he resided at the infirmary. He most likely did not have any family in the area, he was originally from Virginia, and so were his parents, he most likely migrated to the area by himself, he was single. He was also sixty-six years old when he died, so he was relatively aged, for the time period in discussion. He was employed in his earlier years as a laborer, so as he aged he probably could not perform the same task and therefore it was most likely, harder for him to make a living to support himself. He suffered and eventually died from acute enterocolitis, an ailment that is characterized by the inflammation of the colon and affects the small and large intestine. The ailment can be caused by bacterial, viral, fungal or parasitic

279 Nevin Otto Winter, A History of Northwest, Ohio: A Narrative Account of its Historical Progress and Development from the first European Exploration of the Maumee and Sandusky Valleys and the Adjacent Shores of Lake Erie Down to the Present Time, Vol. II, ( Chicago: Lewis Publishing, 1917), 1318. 233 infection in either the colon or intestines.280 He was buried at Sunshine Cemetery, which was

also known as “Potter’s Field,” a cemetery for indigent individuals.

Drs. R.W. Beard, H.G. Pamment, John Hofner, C. H. Graf and Charles H. Souder, all

worked within the Lucas County Hospital system for the various main sections of the

infirmary/hospital. Drs. Mary Ketring, George Watts and F.L. Barman worked for the Toledo

State Hospital. The Toledo State Hospital had a female doctor employed there. The Toledo

State Hospital, which was established in 1888 as a part of the state hospital system, served the

mentally ill and it functioned as an insane asylum. The hospital also served epileptics. Daniel

Duffy, originally from Mississippi, was a status epilepticus, which is defined as a continuous

state of seizures usually lasting for thirty minutes or more.281 This condition caused his death at

the Toledo State Hospital on May 1, 1914, at age thirty-six. He was married and worked as a

cook in a dining car. He and his wife rented a home in the eleventh ward in 1910. There was no

address listed in the funeral records, so perhaps by 1914 his seizures caused him not to be able to

work anymore and he had to take up residence at the hospital.

The Federal Creosote Plant, known also as the Toledo Tie Site, is another location where

some black Toledoans lived. The Federal Creosoting Corporation and the American Creosoting

Company ran a creosote railroad tie treatment plant in Toledo. Creosote is a preserving agent

that is used to preserve wooden railroad ties.282 It appears that those individuals who lived at the facility worked for the plant. Perhaps the workers lived there temporarily, until they were settled in the city. From the records it appears that the individuals that were listed as residing at the plant were born in other states, so perhaps they migrated to the area to find work at the plant.

280 Holvey and Talbott, “Enterocolitis,”The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 719-727. 281 Holvey and Talbott, “Status Epilepticus,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 1279-1288. 282 Christine Foreman, Rachel Ammonette, and Robert Sinsabaugh. Investigation of Microbial Activity Along. Williams Ditch,” Lake Erie Protection Fund Small Grant Final Report: (Toledo:University of Toledo, 1998), 1-2. http://www.lakeerie.ohio.gov. 234

Joseph Mack was from Texas and his daughter Ivory was born in Carbondale, Illinois in 1914. It is apparent that he migrated to the Toledo area probably to find work. His daughter, Ivory Mack, died at the plant on September 6, 1915, at the age of two years old from bronchial pneumonia and the measles. The funeral services were held on September 10, 1915, at the Federal Creosote

Plant at two o’clock in the afternoon. Another family, Nathan Bailey and his Wife Hattie Bailey whose daughter Juanita Bailey also died at the plant from bronchial pneumonia and the measles, a little over a month after Ivory, at the age of one. She died on November 9, 1915, and her funeral services took place on November 12, 1915, at the plant at two o’clock in the afternoon.

Reverend Jackson C. Taylor of Friendship Baptist presided. Nathan was from Indiana and Hattie was from Tennessee. So it appears as though they migrated to the area. Their place of residence was listed as the Federal Creosote Plant where their daughter died.

Perhaps these individuals were not permanent members of the community and came to the area for temporary or permanent employment nevertheless they made up a broader aspect of the black Toledo community. There were other people that Wanzo serviced whose residences were listed in places like Chicago, Michigan, or in other cities in Ohio such as Cleveland, and

Lima. Some migrants tried to find work first before they would uproot their families and relocated them to a new place. These individuals may well have been transient members of the community who worked and/or died in the Toledo area, but their permanent residences were in other locations.

The records show that the black Toledo population was made up of people who were originally from Toledo, those who migrated to Toledo from other countries, states, and others who migrated there from other cities in Ohio. No matter where these individuals were from, they were in search of same goal, a better life for themselves. A way to earn a decent living to 235 support themselves and their families was an integral part in the pursuit of an enhanced life. As seen above with the workers at the Federal Creosote Plant, employment opportunities were essential to the pursuit of a better life, which is inclusive of economic stability and growth as well as good economic standing. Black Toledoans found jobs in the city in various sectors.

Many found jobs as laborers, traditionally the term laborer refers to unskilled working class individuals who perform manual labor, however some were skilled or semi-skilled laborers but

most seemed to fall in the category of unskilled laborer. Laborers made up the highest amount of

the decedents 21.8 percent (68). The majority of the laborers were listed as unspecified laborers,

however, some laborers worked as hod carriers (a person that carries supplies to brick layers),

brick masons, janitors, pavers, plasterers, and paper hangers. The majority of the laborers were

male, 98 percent of the laborers were male and 37 percent (65) of all the male workers were

laborers. For example, Jesse Duckworth was a twenty-one year old, male, laborer working in the

Toledo area. He came to Toledo from Mississippi. It appears as though he left his parents,

Wiley and Anne Lee, in Mississippi. It is not clear what type of laborer he was. Whatever type

of work he was involved in, he received a nail wound in his foot and later died of tetanus due to

the wound. The injury occurred at his place of employment because the Industrial Commission

of Ohio, which provided workman compensation benefits, was listed as paying for the funeral

expenses.

Jacob Crenshaw also worked as laborer. The records do not specify what type of laborer

he was, however he accidentally fell from a building, which resulted in fractured ribs and

pneumonia, which led to his eventual death. Perhaps he too worked in construction, whatever

type of work he performed it must have required him to be up fairly high on a building. His fall

happened while he was on the job because the Industrial Commission of Ohio was listed as 236 paying his funeral expenses. He was forty-one years old when he died. Working as a laborer in various fields was usually hard work and, as seen in the above stories, could be very dangerous.

The areas where many black Toledoans found jobs were diverse. Many community members worked as the following or in the following jobs: barber, cook, chef, mail clerk, night clerk, proprietor, engineer, teamster, musician, servers, restaurant keeper, hotel manager, auto mechanic, constable, carpenter, expressman, railroad porter, hotel porter, bell boy, taxi driver, junk dealer, fish dealer, laundress, soldier, and butler. Servers (waiters, waitresses, bartenders), made up 4.5 percent (14) of the decedents, followed by porters which made up 3.8 percent (12) of the decedents. Out of the 14 servers 12 of them were male which represented 7 percent of the male workers, and 2 of the servers were females, representing 2 percent of the female workers.

There were some females working in a few of the specified positions, in addition to the areas stated above, there was a female cook and musician, additionally women worked as laundresses and seamstresses, however most of the aforementioned jobs were male dominated.

To provide more insight into male and female dominated professions the following

vignette will be used. Daniel Green was a barber by trade, working in a barbershop in 1910. He

later became the owner of Pool Room 2. Daniel was from Nashville, Tennessee according to the

records so he migrated to Toledo at some point. Daniel was relatively young; he was thirty-nine

years old when he was killed as a result of a bullet wound to his abdomen. His wife Jennie and

the boarder living with them, at their home in ward six at 530 Avondale, Terra Chedam, provide an example of the fields that were dominated by women. Jennie worked as a seamstress, and their lodger, Terra Chedam, worked as a domestic. Many individuals working as domestics made up the third largest group of decedents 8.3 percent (26). All of the domestics were female and 23 percent of all the females who were listed were employed as domestics. After laborers, 237 housewives made up the second largest percentage of the occupations listed amongst the deceased 15.1 percent (47 decedents) and 41 percent of the female decedents were housewives.

Many of the women stayed home and took care of the home and children (if they had any).

It appears that some of the jobs where certain individuals were employed provided benefits. The funeral records indicate that some of the employers or companies contributed partially or fully to the funeral expenses of a decedent. Perhaps the decedent had benefits with the company (i.e. insurance) or the decedent died due to a work related incident or accident and therefore the company felt obligated to, or was legally responsible for, paying all or some portion of the funeral expenses. This information was examined and is original to this work because funeral records were utilized. There were 7 funerals, accounting for 2.2 percent of total amount of the funerals that were either entirely or partially remunerated by various businesses nationally and locally. The Adams Express Company was a national company, which was founded by

Alvin Adams in the 1840s and incorporated in 1854, was a mail and packaging, shipping and transportation company, which prided itself in being “the nation’s leading express company.”

They transported documents, securities, currency along with other packages. The company later became an investment company, “one of the largest closed-end investment funds.”283 The

funeral of Wesley Leftridge was charged to and paid for by the Adams Express Company.

Wesley worked as a laborer. He died on May 15, 1917 from tuberculosis. His funeral services and his interment were held in Tronton (Trenton), Ohio where he was born.

Another national employer that paid for an employee’s funeral was the Pullman

Company, which was founded by George Pullman in the 1860s. The company was originally

283 “The Adams Express Company 150 Years,” Adams Express Company Baltimore, Maryland, accessed March 15, 2011, http://www.adamsexpress.com/files/u2/adams_history.pdf. 238 known for its sleeping car service and later for its railroad car manufacturing.284 The funeral was

charged to, secured and paid for by, the Pullman Company. Bertram Flint, who was originally

from the West Indies, but had migrated to the Chicago area, worked as a porter for the Pullman

Company. Pullman Porters worked as attendants on passenger trains assisting passengers with

various needs in addition to serving them. Initially the Pullman Company only hired black men

as Pullman Porters. By the 1920s, the Pullman Company became the single largest employer of

black men. 285 The Pullman Company headquarters was located near Chicago, Illinois.286 A.

Philip Randolph, prominent black civil rights activist, founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car

Porters, a labor union/bargaining unit or representative body for Pullman Porters, in 1925. This

organization was established to protect and lobby for the rights of the Pullman Porters, which

many of them were black. The funeral records listed Bertram’s residence at 511 East 33rd Street in Chicago, Illinois. However, he died in Toledo on December 16, 1916 at St. Vincent’s

Hospital from pneumonia. His funeral service took place in Toledo at the Wanzo Chapel he was buried in Toledo in Forest Cemetery. The company paid for his funeral in full. There are questions that can be raised as to why he was not shipped back to Chicago. Since the company paid for all his expenses could it be that the company would not pay for shipping the body to

Chicago and the wife did not want to assume responsibility for that expense? Could it be simply that he had a particular connection to Toledo, dictating that he be buried there? These are questions that records per se do not reveal.

284 Martha Briggs and Cynthia Peters, “Guide to the Pullman Company Archives,” (Chicago: The Newberry Library, 1995), 7. http://www.newberry.org/collections/PullmanGuide.pdf. 285 Arthur C. McWatt, “ ‘A Greater Victory’: The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters,” 204-210. “America On the Move,” “Lives on the Railroad.” National Museum of American History. accessed March 15, 2011, http://www.americanhistory.si.edu. Edward Howes, “Three Weeks that Shook the Nation and California’s Capital: The Pullman Strike of 1894 was a National and Local Calamity,” California Historian, accessed March 15, 2011, http://www.californianhistorian.com 286 Edward Howes, “Three Weeks that Shook the Nation and California’s Capital.” http:// www.californianhistorian.com 239

There were local companies that were based in Ohio and particularly in the Toledo area that provided benefits for their employees. They helped to remunerate some of Wanzo’s clientele’s funerals also. A. Bentley and Sons was a family construction company in Toledo. It was founded by Anderton Bentley and was later run by his sons Thomas and James. According to the Woodlawn Cemetery webpage, many of Toledo’s prominent buildings were built by A.

Bentley and Sons. They were also known in the area for their ground-breaking work in steel rod

manufacturing used in concrete work. 287 The A. Bentley Company was listed as giving a small amount of money towards John Jones funeral expenses. John was listed as a laborer. He died at the age of thirty at St. Vincent’s Hospital, as a result of a stab wound to the lung, on September

23, 1916.

Other local companies that were listed in the records for giving monies towards funeral expenses were the Citizen Ice and Cold Storage Company, an ice production company; and

Toledo Railway & Light Company, a railway and electric company which eventually split and in later years became Toledo Edison and Toledo Area Regional Transit Authority. James Wade worked for the Citizen Ice and Cold Storage Company. He died on August 12, 1913 as a result of being scalded by a boiler explosion. His funeral was charged to the Citizen Ice and Cold

Storage Company.

In addition to the aforementioned occupations and companies, there were some black

Toledoans who were in business for themselves. The funeral record data show that there were other black professionals in the area such as preachers, physicians, and attorneys. Drs. Phillip M.

Johnson from Pennsylvania, Jay P. Haynes from Mississippi and Charles H. Ferguson, from

Canada collectively certified twenty-seven of the decedents’ deaths between October 1912 and

287 “History of Woodlawn,” http://www.historic-woodlawn.com/attic/bentley.html. Toledo Biography Scrapbook (Bea-Berd), Local History Collection, Toledo/Lucas County Public Library. 240

June 1917. There were at least two attorneys in the area, Albertus Brown and Harrison B.

Fisher who handled the estates of some of Wanzo’s clientele. There was of course funeral director Elvin Wanzo. There were also several ministers in the area: Benjamin F. McWilliams,

Jackson C. Taylor, William E. Gilliam, William B. Lee, Charles Bundy, William T. Anderson,

William Baley, and the Reverends Thomas, Hicks, Christian, Jones, Chin and Atkins. Most of these ministers presided over the funerals of Wanzo’s clientele. However, Rev. William Ballay

(Baley) was a client of Wanzo Funeral Home. He died December 13, 1913 at the age of eighty- three. He was living with Reverend Jackson C. Taylor, who resided at 554 Woodland Avenue, at the time of his death. Reverend Taylor took care of the funeral expenses. Baley was originally from Kentucky, he was the former minister of a Baptist church in Silver Creek, Ohio, where he resided in 1910 with his wife Nancy of thirty-nine years, before moving to Toledo. They owned their home in Silver Creek which was fully paid. His funeral service took place in Toledo at

Friendship Baptist Church and his body was interred in Chicago, Illinois, where his mother was born.

The funeral records show that black Toledoans were engaged in various sectors of employment. There were some who were engaged in professional occupations, unskilled, semi- skilled, and semi-skilled occupations. However, the majority of the individuals were engaged in menial jobs. As Morgan Barclay and Charles Glaab noted, “Although some blacks coming in the early 1900s found employment as iron molders, founders and casters and as mechanics in general they were confined to lower paying jobs…By 1930…They filled 61% of the servant jobs in the city and held 62% of the city’s elevator jobs…82% of Porter jobs and 31% janitorial jobs only 1% of blacks held clerical or professional jobs.”288

288 Barclay and Glaab. Toledo, the Gateway to the Great Lakes, 2. 241

BLACK INSTITUTIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITIES

This section will provide new and complementary information on black churches, clergymen and fraternal orders in the Toledo during the period under study. Outside of work, many black Toledoans were engaged in other activities and organizations. Historically in black communities’ churches and benefit societies and later funeral homes played a particularly significant role in the black community, especially when it came to social and political involvement and the advancement of the community. These entities were among the first institutions among the “quasi-free” black communities. Black Toledoans’ social involvement can be examined through the medium of their involvement with these institutions and the institutions involvement in the community. C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence Mamiya in their book, The Black Church and the African American Experience, stated that the “Black Church has no challenger as the cultural womb of the black community….Not only did it give birth to new institutions such as schools, banks, insurance companies, low income housing, it also provided an academy an arena for political activities and it nurtured young talent.”289 The funeral records

provide insights into the community’s relationship/involvement in the black community.

Black churches were among the first institutions created by black people and for the

black community in Toledo this was no exception. The first black church that was established in

the Toledo area and in Northwest Ohio was the Warren African Methodist Episcopal Church. It

was originally organized as a mission in the 1850s as a part of “The Sandusky Circuit” until

1862 when it was able to stand on its own and become part of “The Toledo Circuit.” Warren was

amongst one of the earliest churches founded in the Midwest.290 Another early black church

289 C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence Mamiya. The Black Church In the African American Experience, (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990), 8. 290 “The History of Warren AME Church, 1847-1976,” Warren AME Church Webpage, accessed March 21, 2011, http://www.warrren-ame.org/core/history.html. 242 that was established in Toledo was Third Baptist Church which was founded in 1868. It was first established as a mission like Warren and then became the first black Baptist church in Toledo.291

Both of these denominations became staple churches in the black Toledo community. Friendship

Baptist was another principal church in the black community in Toledo. It developed out of

Third Baptist Church around 1900.292 All Saints Episcopal Church, which is not addressed in

any public venue or history, was first established as a mission. It was another black congregation

that was established in the Toledo area after 1910. The pastor and the name of the church appear

in the funeral records in 1913. Therefore, from the 1912 to 1917 time period, the

aforementioned churches were the four major black churches in the black Toledo community.

The funeral records suggest that there were also several smaller congregations in the community.

According to Albert Raboteau, Baptists and Methodists were the two denominations that

licensed black preachers frequently.293 It appears that the Council of Bishops rotated the ministers of the A.M.E. church rather frequently, so between 1912 and 1917, the pastors affiliated with Warren A.M.E. Church changed several times. The funeral records show that

Rev. William B. Lee completed his tenure as pastor of the church roughly around September

1915. Rev. Lee began pastoring the church in 1910 at the age of forty-two. He, his wife Mary, and son Samuel moved to Toledo from Newark, Ohio in 1910 where he was serving as a minister. They were renting a home in the Newark area before they moved to Toledo. They had several boarders living with them as well. Lee was from Maryland originally, but his wife was from Ohio. They had been married ten years before their son Samuel was born. He was born in

291 William C. Bryant, Geraldine Cannon, and Bernice Williams, “The History of Third Baptist Church,” Alice J. Cole ed., accessed March 21, 2011, http://www.tbctoledo.org/Church-History. 292 “The Highlights of History of the Friendship Baptist Church from 1905-2008,” accessed March 21, 2011, http://www.friemdship-toledo.org/history.html. 293 Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion, 204-208. 243

Ohio and by1910, he was six years old. Rev. Lee presided over 10.3 percent (32) of the Wanzo

funerals between 1912 and 1915.

In 1915 Williams was transferred from Warren and Rev. Charles C. Bundy became

pastor. He was affiliated with the church from about October 1915 to October 1916. This

information is not indicated on Warren’s church history site, but the funeral records revealed that

Bundy was serving as pastor. In 1910 Charles and his wife Eliza were living in the nineteenth

ward in Cleveland, Ohio, where they owned their home. Bundy was working in Cleveland as a

minister. Bundy was around fifty-seven years old when he began pastoring the Warren

congregation. He and Eliza had been married for about thirty-five years by the time they came to

Warren. They had four children, a daughter by the name of Lula and three sons, Richard, Leroy, and Clifford in that order. The entire family was born in Ohio so Bundy did not migrate to Ohio from another state. Rev. Charles Bundy officiated 6.1 percent (19) of the Wanzo funerals.

At the end of 1916, Rev. William T. Anderson took over the reigns as pastor of Warren from November of that year through 1918. William was originally from Texas. He was a

Chaplain the United States Military. According to the 1900 census he was stationed in

Manzanillo, Cuba, with the US naval forces. By 1910 he had retired from the military and was living with his wife Sadie in Xenia, Ohio. Sadie was originally from Ohio. When he came to

Warren in 1916, he was around fifty-seven years old. They had been married for about twenty- six years by that time. By 1920 they were living in Cleveland, Ohio where they owned a home.

Rev. William T. Anderson officiated 3.8 percent (12) of the funerals from November 1916 to

June 1917. The amount of funerals conducted by the pastors of Warren A.M.E. church equaled

20.2 percent of the funerals conducted. 244

Reverend Benjamin F. McWilliams was the pastor of Third Baptist Church from 1911 until 1933. McWilliams and his wife Ellen came to the Toledo area from Portsmouth, Virginia around 1911. He was around thirty-six years old when he came to the area. He and his wife were both working in Virginia as teachers a school in the area. He and Ellen married in 1900.

Benjamin was born in Ohio, but his parents were from Kentucky and so were his wife and his wife’s parents. The McWilliams’ son Benjamin was born in 1914. They owned their home

(mortgage) in the 9th ward in Toledo.294 Rev. B.F. McWilliams was active in the community most likely had a relatively large congregation. The funeral records indicate that Rev.

McWilliams presided over many of Wanzo’s clientele’s funerals, 20.2 percent (63) of the funerals. He also conducted 4 (1.2 percent) joint funerals with pastors of various denominations or laymen in the community.

The data in the records indicate that the two oldest black churches in Toledo, Warren

A.M.E. and Third Baptist had the largest church populations. The records suggest based on the

funerals officiated and the church affiliation of the decedents that Warren A.M.E. and Third

Baptist church memberships were comparable. The data suggest that Friendship Baptist Church and All Saints Episcopal Church had smaller congregations than Warren A.M.E. and Third

Baptist. Reverend Jackson C. Taylor was the pastor of Friendship Baptist Church around 1900 through the 1920s. In 1900 census he was listed as a minister. Jackson was married to Carrie in

1873. Both Jackson and Carrie were born in Virginia. They had at least two daughters, the oldest Josephine (16) who was born in Arizona and the youngest Julia (14) who was born in New

Mexico. They owned their home, which was fully paid for, located in the fifth ward in Toledo.

Carrie’s mother Rachel Morris lived with them. The information shows that Jackson migrated to

294 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census and 1920 United States Federal Census[database on- line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 245 the Toledo area.295 Rev. Taylor officiated 9.6 percent (30) of the funerals between 1912 and

1917.

The only information that is readily available on the following pastors was found

exclusively in the funeral records. The funeral records suggest that Rev. William E. Gilliam was

the pastor of All Saints Episcopal Church at least from 1913 to 1916. Rev. Gilliam only

officiated 1.2 percent (4) of the funerals and one of those funerals was officiated jointly with

community member Forrest Mitchell. Based on the data, Friendship Baptist congregation was

larger than All Saints.

Among the reverends associated with several small congregations or storefront churches

were Thomas, Hicks, Christian, Jones, Chin and Atkins. There was no church listed in the

records for these ministers, so it is unclear whether they pastored or were merely affiliated with a

denomination. Rev. Atkins presided over 1.5 percent (5) of the funerals, more funerals than Rev.

Gilliam. Rev. Thomas presided over .6 percent (2) of the funerals and Rev. Christian officiated

.6 percent (2) of the funerals.

The church affiliations of the decedents were divided among the Baptist, African

Methodist Episcopal, Catholic, Methodist Episcopal, and Episcopal Churches. The majority of the decedents were either Baptist or African Methodist Episcopal. Both males and females made up a fairly equal proportion of both churches’ membership. The majority of the decedents who were Baptist were male, 69 percent, and the majority of the decedents who were A.M.E. decedents were female, 51 percent. There were some community members who appeared to be affiliated with more than one church and therefore ministers from multiple churches presided over their funerals. There were five joint funerals that were presided over by more than one

295 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census and 1920 United States Federal Census[database on- line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 246 officiant. The deceased who were affiliated with both Third Baptist Church and Warren A.M.E.

Church accounted for only .9 percent of the Wanzo Funeral Home’s clientele. Males made up

67 percent of individuals affiliated with both the Baptist and A.M.E. churches and females

accounted for 33 percent of the Baptist and A.M.E. decedents.

The black church seemed to play an integral role in Toledo’s black community. Rev.

B.F. McWilliams of Third Baptist became an active and prominent member in the community,

perhaps his background as a teacher helped him relate to the black community members as well

as the white community members in an effective manner that helped to address the needs of the

community as well as get them addressed. Not only was the church an integral part of the

community so was the funeral home. The records show the relationship between the funeral

home and the church. Many of the funerals were conducted inside the various churches and or

the ministers of the various churches officiated funerals at the funeral home chapel. There was

constant interaction between the funeral home and the black church. This interaction between

ministers and the funeral director also spilled over into community involvement. Rev.

McWilliams along with funeral director Elvin Wanzo, Albertus Brown (attorney), Dr. Phillip M.

Johnson, Wickliff C. Fox (information clerk), Clarence Hackley (barber), and John Harter

(merchant ice and coal), Ira Stuart, Pleasant H. Woods, and others were influential in

establishing the Frederick Douglass Recreational Center for boys in 1919. Wanzo’s role in

helping to establish the center was also mentioned in Jet magazine which noted that

“[Wanzo]…was one of the ten founders of the Frederick Douglas Community Association.”296

Wanzo and the others were leaders of the center. The center’s objective was to “maintain and improve the physical, social, cultural, and moral conditions in the area which it serves…It also fostered strengthening family life, racial understanding, the development of black

296 “Weddings,” Jet, 40. 247 leadership…”297 Again some years later Rev. McWilliams and funeral director Elvin Wanzo, along other influential members of the black community in Toledo lobbied prominent white leaders in the area including Paul Block of the Toledo Blade and Adam Kuhlman president of the

Toledo YMCA. Rev. McWilliams contacted them to solicit support for the construction an

Indiana branch Young Men’s Christian Association because the main branch of the YMCA was opened to blacks on a very limited basis. As a result of the financial support of McWilliams,

Wanzo and others a $1,500,000 black branch of the YMCA was established by June 1930.298

Rev. B.F. McWilliams was a prominent and active member of the community and

interacted with various community members and therefore officiated four of the funerals that

Wanzo conducted which were presided over jointly. So clergy from various churches interacted

within another and shared the pulpit with one another at some funerals. This suggests that there

was a certain degree of cooperation in the black Toledo community and that ministers from

different denominations worked together on various projects within the community.

In addition to the church, another integral institution in the black community was mutual

aid societies or benefit societies. Many of these societies, particularly during the period under study, took shape in the form of fraternal organizations. Fraternal orders provided benefits like insurance for burial, unemployment benefits, and promoted and provided a place for social and political involvement. The societies focused on “communal self-help…collecting dues to provide insurance benefits to members…they also provided a venue for the development of civic skills, and social sensibility that translated into community service and political activism.”299 The importance of such orders in the black community and the impact of these organizations on the community were especially essential to the community’s advancement, connectedness, and sense

297Williams, “Black Toledo,” 251. 298 Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 25. 299 Joe Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 487. 248 of pride; “membership in fraternal orders contributed to African Americans’ sense of respectability and self-worth denied them by white society and of collective pride and control over their own destinies.”300

Some of the fraternal orders were originally created by blacks for blacks and other orders

were formed as a result of being denied membership into the existing white orders, so they

formed what Joe Trotter in “Duty to the Race” refers to as black “parallel orders.” The funeral

records revealed that many black Toledo community members were engaged in such fraternal

orders. The orders that were listed in the records were as follows: the Improved, Benevolent and

Protective Order of Elks of the World; the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows Knights of

Pythias of North America, South America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia; and the Amazon

Lodge, which was a part of Prince Hall Free Masons. The Amazon Lodge can be traced back to

1864 in Toledo when it was named Ambush Lodge No. 4 it was changed to Amazon in 1880. In

1900 the Euclid Lodge No. 5 united with the Amazon Lodge. Elvin Wanzo was also a member

of the Amazon Lodge of Prince Hall Free Masons. In 1928 he became a leader of the

organization, a Worshipful Master, which shows once again Wanzo’s involvement and influence

in the Toledo community. 301 Wanzo buried Amazon Lodge member Charles Kindle, who was

originally from Bowling Green, Kentucky. James Hughes, a former Worshipful Master of the

Amazon Lodge, gave the order for Kindle’s funeral and the funeral was secured by the insurance

that the lodge provided. Kindle worked as a laborer in the city and died from tuberculosis, at the

Tuberculosis Hospital on September, 26, 1916, at the age of fifty-two. However before his death

in 1910 Charlie lived in the eleventh ward of Toledo at 838 Mill Street. He was a neighbor of

Arthur and Mildred Tatum, parents of renowned jazz pianist Art Tatum. Charlie had two female

300 Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 487. 301 Cole, “Blacks in Toledo,” 16. 249 boarders, Jena Hamper, a seventy year old widow who was listed on the census as a laborer doing odd jobs, and Anna Washington, twenty-one.302

Toledoan Robert Jones, originally from Virginia, was a member of the Elks fraternal

order. His funeral was secured by and charged to the Elks Lodge, additionally, his funeral

services were held at the lodge. Jones worked as a porter at a saloon. He died at the age of

forty-eight on April 11, 1914, at Robinwood Hospital as a result of dilation of the heart, which

signifies the enlargement and weakening of the heart.303 In earlier years, by 1910, Jones was

widowed and was boarding at a house in the second ward in Toledo with four other people: his

twelve year old son Russell Jones who was born in Ohio; the head of the house, John B. Taylor

who was originally from Georgia, he was a divorcee who worked as a porter for a railroad

company, perhaps for the Toledo and Ohio Central Railway Company, which had its beginnings

in 1869 as the Atlantic and Lake Erie Railway Company ;304 William Copper who was originally from Indiana, like Jones he was also widowed (56), he worked as a barber; and Lizzie Elliot (28) originally from Kentucky she did housework with a private family. After Robert died, Russell moved to Manhattan, New York where he was working as a musician in a band.305

The Elks Lodge also paid for part of Walter Jordan’s funeral expenses. Jordan was

originally from Maybill, Kentucky, but later migrated to Toledo. He was most likely a member

of the Elks order otherwise they would not have given money towards his funeral. He died on

302 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 303 Dilation of the heart is also known as dilated cardiomyopathy which is defined as heart failure due to an enlarged left ventricle the heart cannot pump blood properly which can affect various body systems including the liver and lungs. “Dilated Cardiomyopathy,” Medlineplus, updated by Michael A. Chen, updated May 17, 2010, http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/000168.htm. Holvey and Talbott, The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 452-458. 304 Rowlee Steiner, “Roots of the Columbus Central Railroad in Columbus, Ohio,” Columbus Railroads, (unpublished manuscript, 1952), 4-5. http://www.columbus railroads.com 305 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census and 1920 United States Federal Census[database on- line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 250

July 30, 1913 as a result of a bullet wound in the brain; he was employed as a bartender at a saloon so perhaps he was shot at his place of employment by an inebriated individual. Walter was married to Nellie Jordan. In the 1910 census she was listed as white, however in the 1920 census she was listed as black and in the 1930 census it appears that she was listed as white.

Perhaps his wife was very fair and she could pass for white or maybe she was actually white.

She was originally from Ohio. The family lived in the ninth ward of Toledo, at 227 North Erie

Street, the shared their home with two boarders, Frances Whitsel, a bar tender at a saloon, and

Eliza Lawson, a laundress for a family.306

Another Toledoan who was affiliated with a fraternal order was Lee Taylor. His funeral

was charged to the Knights of Pythias Lodge. He died at the age of forty-one from nephritis on

August 2, 1913, at the Lucas County Hospital where he resided. Before he was sick, he worked

as a laborer doing odd jobs in the area and he lived in the first ward with Maggie and Isaac

Brown. Isaac was from Iowa and Maggie was from Ohio. They were both forty years old and

had been married for four years by 1910. Isaac worked as a laborer doing cement work and

Maggie worked as a laundress. Lee like other Toledoans boarded with others to share living

expenses. His funeral was remunerated in full by the Pythians.

A few other individuals who were affiliated with the Knights of Pythias according to the

funeral records were George C. Gray and David Johnson. Both of their funerals were

contributed to by the Pythians. The Knights of Pythias Howard Lodge No.123 in Kokomo,

Indiana took care of the expenses for David’s funeral. His body was shipped to Peru, Indiana

where the funeral services and interment took place. David died at the age of fifty-eight from

pneumonia on January 27, 1917 at his place of residence in Toledo located at 642 State Street.

306 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census and 1930 United States Federal Census[database on- line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

251

He worked as a cook at a hotel. In 1910 he was living in Toledo’s fifth ward with his son and daughter-in-law, Harry G. and Maud Johnson. David’s wife preceded him in death so he was a widower in 1910. Harry was born in Indiana, around 1878, and so was his wife, she was born around 1883 and in 1910 they had only been married for two years. The both of them as well as

David probably migrated to Toledo sometime between 1900 and 1910.307

The order for George Gray’s funeral was given by the Pythians. He died on October 30,

1915 in the city ambulance as a result of a stab wound to the heart. His funeral services took

place in Toledo at Wanzo Chapel and Rev. B.F. McWilliams presided, however his body was

interred in Rocky Mount, North Carolina where he was born and his sister Lossie B. Gray was

still residing. George was married to Orena B. Gray and they had a daughter named Rosetta who

in 1910 was eight years old. They were renting a home in Toledo’s fifth ward at 534 Woodland

Avenue. George worked as a cook at a hotel and Orena worked as a chambermaid.

The above examples show that there were individuals in the black Toledo community

who were affiliated with various fraternal organizations and these organizations provided

benefits such as funeral benefits at their time of death. The examples show that fraternal orders

were important institutions in the black community; they provided important insurance benefits

that without them many of these individuals would have been either a burden on their families or

on the county. The following quote by Joe Trotter in his journal article on black fraternal

organizations supports the notion that fraternal orders were indeed an integral part of the black

community: “By the turn of the century fraternal orders had become the most popular form of

secular association among African Americans.” 308 This ending quote from the newspaper Atlanta

Independent, also spoke of the importance of fraternal orders and the church in the black

307 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 308 Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 486. 252 community, it states: “…We have nothing left to help us develop a useful and helpful citizenship except the church and secret societies.”309

In addition to the black church and fraternal orders or secret societies, blacks joined other

organizations that were related to their professions in order to keep themselves current and

abreast on what was happening in their professions. An example of this can be seen with funeral

director Elvin B. Wanzo. Wanzo was a member of The National Funeral Directors Association

(NFDA). The NFDA is a funeral organization which was founded in 1882 by a group of

Michigan funeral directors in an attempt to create a funerary profession, somewhat like the

medical profession and law profession.310 The following quote by William Lamers encapsulates the desires of the men who formed the organization: “But wisely they formed an association based on a code of ethics and comprised of practitioners with aspirations of becoming a profession.” 311 There were many benefits associated with being a member of the organization,

for example, exposure to new trends in the industry through trade shows and trade magazines,

access to continuing education at the annual convention and outside of the convention, among

many other benefits.

However, according to Suzanne Smith’s book To Serve the Living, the NFDA barred

black funeral directors from becoming members of the association in 1912. She stated the

following quote from the association’s constitution as supporting evidence to that fact: “But no

delegate of ex-officio member shall be admissible to membership in this association, however he

or she may be accredited by a state or territorial association, who is not of the white race and

309 Trotter, “Duty to the Race,” 486. 310“The History of NFDA,” Brookfield, Wisconsin, accessed September, 2009. Howard Charles Raether Collection at the National Funeral Directors Association. 311 Quote by William M. Lamers, Sr., found in “A Centurama of Conventions.” Howard C. Raether, Funeral Service: A Historical Perspective, “The Early History of NFDA,” (accessed September, 2009), 5. Howard C. Raether Collection NFDA. 253 actively engaged in the profession of funeral directing and caring for the dead.”312 Perhaps for

most black members this was the case. Nevertheless, the proceedings from the United States

NFDA annual convention from the thirty-sixth annual convention meeting in 1917, the thirty- seventh annual meeting in 1918, and the thirty-eighth annual meeting in 1919, indicate that

Wanzo was listed as a funeral director in Toledo, Ohio. So it is ironic that black funeral director

Elvin B. Wanzo managed to become a member of the NFDA after 1912. The cover of the proceeding booklet for the years listed above states the following: “Also the Names of Officers and Delegates in Attendance, and a List of Officers and Members of Several State

Associations.”313 Maybe there were exceptions to the rule or perhaps he was a member of the

Ohio Funeral Directors Association and therefore by default became a member of the NFDA

although he was black.

The fact that a black funeral director from Toledo, Ohio became a member or was listed

as a member of this national organization, after their constitution barred black membership, is

substantial and suggests the influence and power of negotiation that Wanzo had as a funeral

director in the Toledo community. The funeral home as an institution and the directors of these

homes became important entities in the black community and Wanzo’s Toledo funeral home

shows that it was an important entity. He was constantly in touch with the community as a direct

result of his profession. Community members relied on him in some of their hardest times, times

of grief and sorrow, to respectably bury their loved ones “…funeral directors have always been

culturally valued for their ability to help their communities honor their dead with dignity… they

312 Suzanne Smith, To Serve the Living, 53. 313 Proceedings of the Thirty-sixth, Annual Convention of the National Funeral Directors’ Association of the United States, H.C. McDermott, Reporter, H.M. Kilpatrick, Secretary (Jacksonville, November 1917), 217, Proceedings of the Thirty-seventh, Convention of the National Funeral Directors’ Association of the United States, H.C. McDermott, Reporter, H.M. Kilpatrick, Secretary (Grand Rapids, October, 1918), 205, and Thirty-eighth, Annual Convention of the National Funeral Directors’ Association of the United States, H.C. McDermott, Reporter, H.M. Kilpatrick, Secretary, (1919), 264. Howard C. Rather Collection at the National Funeral Directors Association. 254 not only helped families at a time of loss, but also supported local politics, culture, and education through philanthropy.”314 In To Serve the Living: Funeral Directors and the African American

Way of Death, it emphasizes the role of the funeral director in the black community. The book

talks about how funerals directors used their funeral homes for meeting places for community

members, especially during the civil rights movement. For example, in Plaquemine, Louisiana in 1963 Good Citizen’s funeral home sheltered James Farmer and other members of CORE who were protesting against voter discrimination. The funeral home used their hearse as a decoy and escape vehicle to drive Farmer and three other lead activists, who were wanted by a lynch mob and state troopers out of town. 315

The funeral home was a pivotal force among the black community’s churches, fraternal

orders and professional organizations. In terms of economic empowerment, social development,

and influence, the black funeral home provided services which reached beyond the funeral home.

A quote from a 1953 Ebony magazine article entitled “Death is Big Business” expressed how the

funeral industry had become black America’s third largest industry, following behind insurance

and cosmetics, making undertakers “the wealthiest and most influential men in Negro

society.”316 One reason why undertakers became wealthy and influential can be attributed to the

fact that black funeral homes offered a service that black people needed, and would constantly

need (people would continue to die). As more black funeral homes opened their doors,

especially in areas where there were no black funeral homes, they took a lot of the black clientele

that was once being served by white funeral homes. The end of life treatment and services could

314 Smith, To Serve the Living, 80. 315 Ibid., 114-115. 316 Ibid., 80. 255 be one of dignity and respect.317 The economic empowerment and the importance of the black

funeral director and home were essential to black communities.

Wanzo was indeed influential in the community. He was relied on numerous times when

it came to negotiations and monetary contributions in setting up the Frederick Douglass Center

or the black branch of the YMCA for black members of the community. Wanzo went from

working as a day laborer in Meigs County, Ohio to establishing a thriving funeral business in

Toledo, Ohio. He built his company from the ground up, grew his clientele, and eventually

purchased a funeral home. The records reveal that the Wanzo Funeral Home brought in at least

$24, 662.70 ($530, 191.80 in today’s currency) for 284 funerals between September 14, 1912 and June 13, 1917. This information indicates the economic capacity of the funeral home during

Wanzo’s beginning years in the business. His business acumen assisted him in running a prosperous business. In his first five years of business he recovered a large percentage of the funeral costs, the funeral records indicated that if some individuals did not have the money to meet all the expenses they paid their bills by doing work for the funeral home. The records show that he also used collection agencies to recover unpaid bills.

The Wanzo Funeral Home became an important entity of black Toledo. When Wanzo

retired in 1946, he sold his funeral home to Clarence Dale, a funeral director and employee of the

Wanzo Funeral Home.318 Wanzo died in 1968 and his obituary posted in the Toledo Blade, states that if any tribute was to be given, it should be in the form of a donation to the Frederick Douglas

Community Center. Wanzo was still giving back to the black Toledo community even at his death. During his life he gave to the Toledo community by providing dignity to the end of life proceedings, not only did he accomplish that, his funeral home allowed him to give back to the

317 Karla Holloway, Passed On, 14-24 318 Husman, “Toledo-Our Life, Our Times,” 59. 256 community by providing funds and leadership to open the Frederick Douglas Community Center and the black branch of the YMCA. He also served as an example to the other black funeral homes that would open their doors in the Toledo community after him.

HEALTH, WEALTH AND FUNERAL TRADITIONS

This section provides new and/or complementary information on mortality, disease, funeral traditions, funeral costs, which highlight aspects of socioeconomic status, and interments in black Toledo. In addition to occupation, marital status, institutional support, health is another indicator of a community’s viability and is a determinant of its social and economic wellbeing.

The funeral records provide insights into the relative health of the black Toledo community in terms of health related ailments that no other work on black Toledo during this time period has.

Poor health could place tremendous hardships on a family and could lead to financial ruin, especially if the sick individual was the main source of income for the family. If the illness was long term or eventually led to death the consequences could be grave for the family’s social and economic status. In most cases this would place a definite financial burden on the family and would take away the economic standing of a family and/or their potential at improving their social economic status. At the turn of the century infectious disease was a leading health related cause of death. The funeral records showed that black male decedents accounted for 58 percent of the infectious disease deaths. Men were usually the primary breadwinners in the family so this might not have boded well for some black Toledo families. According to Mary Sacks in

Before Harlem infectious disease affected both black and white populations however blacks were affected by these diseases at disproportionate frequencies than whites. For example, in New

York City tuberculosis was a very prevalent and deadly infectious disease that was affecting the city’s residents. The illness was nicknamed “white plague,” however it killed the city’s black 257 residents at much higher rates, twice as much, than it killed the white residents. In 1905, a committee was eventually formed by black and white Progressive Era reformers to address the issue of the high susceptibility of tuberculosis among blacks. The committee was termed the

Sub-committee on the Prevention of Tuberculosis among Negroes.319

Many families were devastated by such diseases as diphtheria, whooping cough, typhoid

fever, heart disease, pneumonia, dysentery and consumption which were higher among blacks

than whites. Although infectious diseases affected various ethnic groups and age groups, they

were more prevalent amongst blacks and infant children.320 The funeral analysis indicated that

children died at much higher rates primarily due to pregnancy related issues, like stillbirth and

premature birth, and secondarily due to pulmonary issues, like tuberculosis and other contagious

diseases, than any other causes. For example, the funeral records revealed that in Toledo, black residents Daniel and Mary Ford lost three of their children within the matter of a couple of weeks. Daniel Jr., the youngest son died at nine months on September 9, 1912; Albert the middle son, died at the age of two years old, on September 17, 1915; both boys died of diphtheria. The oldest son Fred died at the age of four on October 5, 1915 from whooping cough and bronco-pneumonia. The family resided at the Federal Creosote Plant and the funeral services took place there as well. Adam’s Township paid for the children’s funerals. They were all buried at Town Hall.

Urbanization and transiency can perhaps provide insights into health related deaths,

particularly the spread of contagious diseases that led to death, amongst children. In Chapter I,

this work examined public health concerns and issues coming to the fore from 1912 to 1917.

These concerns eventually led to the development of health departments and the creation of

319 Sacks. Before Harlem, 77. 320 Ibid., 77. 258 health and sanitation policies. There were many health and sanitation issues that arose as a result of the growth of the city. The increase in the population of urban areas, which oftentimes created close living conditions like in New York City, and living in close proximity to others facilitated the spread of bacteria and disease. The above example of the Ford family and the aforementioned vignette about two year old Ivory Mack, who died from bronchial pneumonia and the measles at the Federal Creosote Plant on September 6, 1915, and one year old Juanita

Bailey, who died at the plant from the same causes on November 9, 1915, they died within about a month of each other, provide examples of the spread of disease amongst those that lived within close proximity of one another in the Toledo area.

Children, especially infant children, were often some of the most vulnerable members of society in regards to health risk factors. The funeral records reveal what many children in the black Toledo community were affected by various diseases and health related issues that led to their deaths. Children in between the ages of 0 and 5 years old, 31.3 percent, died mostly due to pregnancy related issues (i.e. still birth and premature birth). Pulmonary related issues were the second highest cause of death among children in the same age group, 24 percent of the children died because of these problems, additionally 50 percent of the children between the ages of 6 to

12 years old died most frequently from pulmonary related causes and amongst adolescents between the ages of 13 to 19 years old, 57.1 percent were dying mostly as a result of pulmonary related causes. Among children within the 6 to 12 year old grouping fractures were the second highest cause of death, 25 percent died due to such causes. Furthermore, the data show that 9.8 of the children within the 0 to 5 age grouping died from gastrointestinal related causes and 7.8 percent died due to infectious diseases outside of tuberculosis. The funeral data also show that more 0 to 5 year olds died of the following causes than any other age group: gastrointestinal 259 causes, 45.5 percent, infectious diseases, 33.3 percent, and pregnancy related causes, 89 percent.

More children between the ages of 0 to 5 years old died of pregnancy related causes than any other cause and the percentage of deaths in this category was higher than in any other age category.

Overall pregnancy related deaths like premature birth or stillbirth, accounted for 5.4 percent of the total amount of deaths. There are several factors that can help to explain the pregnancy related causes of death during the 1912 to 1917 time period. One explanation can be attributed to the health of the mother and the stressors placed on the mother. Since many families were migrating from the rural areas to the city, from state to state, and city to city during this time period, urbanization and transiency can perhaps be contributing factors to the pregnancy related causes of death amongst the 0 to 5 age group. The stress of urbanization and transiency on the mother’s health as well as the lack of prenatal care and adequate healthcare, which can also be attributed to transiency as well as the time period, can provide insights into why mothers were giving birth to stillborn and premature babies.

Other health related illnesses that plagued other members of the black Toledo community were pulmonary related illnesses. The majority of those serviced by the Wanzo Funeral Home,

27 percent, died from pulmonary related causes such as: pulmonary tuberculosis, pneumonia, bronchitis, and pulmonary edema or oedema, is usually acute and is caused by an excess of fluid in the extra-vascular spaces of the lung (excess fluid in lungs),321 as well as from other pulmonary related issues. The funeral records show that the black male decedents accounted for

58 percent of the pulmonary related illnesses like pneumonia and tuberculosis. Moreover, pulmonary related causes of death were high amongst individuals between the ages of 20 to 30

321 Holvey and Talbott, “Pulmonary Edema,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 435-439. 260 years old, 38 percent of individuals in this age category died from such causes. Furthermore,

27.1 percent the decedents, between the ages of 31 to 41 years old, the majority in this age group, also died from pulmonary related illnesses. Also 33 percent of decedents between the ages 42 and 52 died of pulmonary related causes.

The subsequent highest number of decedents died due to various heart related causes like

heart disease which includes conditions like: valvular heart disease, which is “characterized by

damage to or a defect in one of the four heart valves: the mitral, aortic, tricuspid or

pulmonary;”322 dilated cardiomyopathy, which affects the heart muscle and enlarges the left ventricle which causes the heart to not be able to pump enough blood to the body’s organs and tissues; 323 myocarditis or chronic myocarditis, is defined as the inflammation or degeneration of the myocardium or heart muscle caused by viral, bacterial, rickettsial, fungal, or parasitic diseases;324 as well as other conditions. In addition to the other conditions, heart failure, cardiac asthma, which is defined as acute pulmonary congestion which can be characterized by wheezing, coughing as well as shortness of breath, “It occurs when the left side of the heart suffers from a sudden disproportion between work load and work capacity,” 325 among other heart related illnesses contributed to the deaths of 12.5 percent of the deceased. Black males accounted for the majority of the heart related deaths, 75 percent of the heart related deaths were male. For those individuals between the ages of 31 and 41 heart related causes accounted for

15.3 percent of the deaths; 15.4 percent of the decedents between the ages of 42 and 52, died of

322 Heart and Vascular Institute Johns Hopkins Medicine, “Valvular Heart Disease,” accessed March 28, 2011, http://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/heart_vascular_institute/conditions_treatments/conditions/valvular _heaart_disease.html. For more detailed information please refer this site. 323 “Cardiomyopathy,” Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research, by Mayo Clinic Staff, March 5, 2010, http://www.mayoclinic.com/health/cardiomyopathy/DS00519. For detailed information please refer to: Holvey and Talbott, The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 452-458. 324 Holvey and Talbott, “Myocarditis,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 452-453 325 Holvey and Talbott, “Cardiac Asthma,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 429, 438, 501. Thomas A. Lombardo and Tinsley R. Harrison, “Cardiac Asthma,” ed. Herrman L. Blumgart and Stone Freedburg, Circulation 4, (1951), 920-929, http://www.circ.ahajournals.org/cgi/content/ short/4/6/920. 429 438 501 261 heart related conditions; individuals between the ages of 53 and 62 had a higher percentage of heart related deaths, which accounted for 28 percent of the deaths in that age category.

Additionally, 26.3 percent of the decedents between the ages of 53 to 62 died of heart related illnesses.

Many black Toledoans died from other causes such as: despondency; suicide; paralysis; exhaustion; old age; peritonitis, is characterized by the inflammation of the peritoneum which is caused by infection or chemical irritation of the peritoneum, the thin tissue that covers most of the organs in the abdomen,326 toxemia, which is characterized by toxins in the blood and may also refer to pregnancy induced hypertension;327 among other causes, 9.6 percent of the decedents died from such medical problems related to these causes. These causes accounted for

12 percent, the second highest cause of death among decedents within the 20 to 30 age range.

Moreover, those between the ages of 31and 41 made up 15.3 percent of the deaths in this category and those between the ages of 42 and 52 accounted for 13.5 percent of deaths in this age group.

Additionally, females made up the majority of the deaths in this category, 57 percent

those that died of such causes were women. There was only one case of a suicide related death

in the records and the report was of a woman. The cause of death was due to ingesting carbolic

acid. Carbolic acid is a phenol as is creosote and is poisonous if ingested. One medical site

describes carbolic acid as a sweet smelling, clear liquid chemical that is added to various

products and if the chemical is ingested or touched can be very toxic. Large doses of the

chemical may cause immediate unconsciousness, quickly followed by death, additionally the

acid damages the esophagus and stomach and can cause death if not immediately, up to a month

326 Holvey and Talbott, “Peritonitis” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 701-702. 327Judith C. Rodriguez, “Toxemia,” The Gale Group Inc., Nutrition and Well Being A to Z,” Gale Encyclopedia of Public Health (Macmillan Reference USA, 2004), http://www.healthline.com/galecomtent/toxemia. 262 later.328 Florence Meredith worked as a domestic in Toledo. Before Harlem highlighted some of the problems that black domestics faced. Some of these women were placed at the mercy of those they worked for and in the homes they worked in were harassed sexually by the men in the homes. Oftentimes these women had no recourse but to leave their jobs which could prove to be very devastating since it could be hard to find another one and they were relying upon their jobs for sustenance. Perhaps Florence was being harassed and she felt that her only way out was to end her life. She died at the age of thirty-four on July 6, 1915 due to carbolic acid poisoning.

Coroner Charles J. Henzler was the certifying physician. Her body was shipped to Columbus,

Ohio where the funeral services took place. The funeral records indicate that suicide amongst black Toledo residents was rare.

Other health related illnesses that were not as rare amongst black Toledoans were brain

related illnesses such as: strokes, cerebral hemorrhage, epilepsy, convulsions, acute meningitis, among other related causes accounted for 5.1 percent of the all deaths. Men accounted for 64 percent of the brain related deaths. There were many other causes of death for example: gastrointestinal related diseases, which include intestinal obstruction, acute indigestion, enteritis or regional enteritis, which is defined as an inflammatory disease which may affect all the small intestine, as well as other parts of the GI tract of the small intestine,329enterocolitis, which was

defined earlier as an ailment that causes the inflammation of the colon and intestines as a result of infection, in addition to infectious diseases like syphilis, diphtheria, tetanus, typhoid fever, affected various members of the black Toledo population; cancer; senility; kidney related diseases like nephritis; among other illnesses. Males accounted for 64 percent of the kidney

328 Medline Plus, “Carbolic Acid Poisoning,” updated by Jacob Heller, updated February 6, 2010, http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/002890.htm. Holvey and Talbott, “Carbolic Acid Poisoning,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 1722. 329 Holvey and Talbott, “Enteritis,” The Merck Manual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 717. 263 related deaths. Females made up 86 percent of the dropsy 330 related deaths, 80 percent of the cancer deaths, and 45 percent of the gastrointestinal related deaths. The senility deaths were highest among those within the age group of 63 to 100 years old, 40 percent of those within this age group died from senility related causes.

Additionally, wound deaths, due mostly to gunshot or stab wounds, accounted for 4.2 percent of the causes of the decedents’ deaths. Males accounted for all of the drowning and wound deaths. The majority of wounds occurred as a result of gunshot or stab wounds caused by a violent act. Wounds made up the third highest cause of death amongst those between 31 and

41, 10.2 percent of the decedents within this age grouping died as a result of being wounded and

8 percent within the age group of 42 to 52 died as a result of a wound. Laborers also had the highest percentage of wound deaths which suggests that the men who died of gunshot wounds and stab wounds were most likely unskilled laborers. For example, James McBride who was born in Kentucky and migrated to the Toledo area was killed as a result of a gunshot wound to the brain; it was deemed a homicide. He was 37 years old when he was killed on November 9,

1915. He worked as a laborer and resided at 26 South St. Clair Street. His body was shipped to

Evansville, Indiana where his funeral service and interment took place. Another man by the name of Obray Bookman who was in the Toledo was stabbed in the chest and died after hemorrhaging from the wound. His death was also deemed a homicide. He worked as a laborer like James. He died at the age of 33, at St. Vincent’s Hospital on September 26, 1916.

Other causes of death were accidents, which accounted for 4.5 percent of the decedents’ death. There were many accidents which included, vehicular related accidents, like being

330 Dropsy is a term that refers to some type of edema which describes the swelling of the soft tissues due to the accumulation of water. Edema can be caused by many factors, one being congestive heart failure. MedicineNet, Inc., “Definition of Dropsy,” last reviewed October 2, 2003. http://www.medterms.com/script/main/art.asp?articlekey=13311. 264 crushed or hit by a streetcar, work related accidents, like being crushed by an elevator, and falling from a building, and other accidents related to being burned to death or an accidental overdose. Males had a higher rate of accident related deaths (a ratio of 3:1), males accounted for 79 percent of the accident related deaths. Many of these accident related deaths appear to be connected to the individual’s occupation. For example, Charles Wilson who worked as a taxi driver in Toledo died as a result of a car accident in Washington Township in Lucas County. He died on June 13, 1916 at the age of 27, as a result of hemorrhaging after his carotid artery was severed in the accident. Certain occupations posed more risks than others for example working as a laborer could be very risky, especially doing various tasks as, washing windows, sweeping streets, construction work, working on a streetcar among other tasks. Joseph Wagner lived in the

Toledo area. He was a laborer probably working for a railroad company. He died at St.

Vincent’s Hospital on June 23, 1914, at the age of 25, following a railroad accident in which he sustained injuries which caused shock and hemorrhaging.

The records indicated that more deaths occurred among laborers than any other occupation. Accidents were highest among laborers, they made up 57 percent of these deaths, followed by housewives which made up 14 percent of the accident deaths and then taxi drivers which made up 7 percent of the accident deaths. Laborers accounted for 23 percent of all the deaths: 69 percent of the wound deaths; 50 percent of the kidney related deaths; 40 percent of the senility deaths; 31 percent of the heart related deaths; 20 percent of pulmonary and drowning deaths; 17 percent of infectious disease and deaths from causes like: despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, among other illnesses; 13 percent of brain related deaths; and 9 percent of gastrointestinal deaths. Laborers accounted for the highest percentages of kidney, heart, and pulmonary related deaths. 265

Housewives accounted for the next highest number of deaths, 16 percent of the total amount of deaths. Many conditions were significant for housewives: cancer, 60 percent of the cancer deaths were related to housewives; senility, 40 percent of the senility causes of death were housewives; “other” causes like despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, etc., accounted for 31 percent of the deaths in this category; gastrointestinal illnesses,

18 percent of the gastrointestinal deaths were in this occupational category; heart and pulmonary illnesses, 15 percent of the heart related and pulmonary causes of death were housewives; dropsy, 14 percent of the dropsy deaths were in this category; and brain and kidney related illnesses, 13 percent of the brain and kidney related deaths were housewives. Housewives made up the highest percentages of cancer, senility, gastrointestinal and such deaths as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, and old age. For example, housewife

Elizabeth Randolph, the wife of Fred Randolph, died at home at 830 Yondota Street. Dr. Charles

H. Mills certified that she died of old age and paralysis on June 15, 1917 at the age of 52. It is interesting to note that the physician said she died of old age at the age of 52, however according to Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 the average life expectancy in 1915 was 54.5 years, another source indicated that for males the average life expectancy was

48.4 and for females it was 51.8.331 Elizabeth’s funeral service and interment took place in

Monongahela City, Pennsylvania, where she and her husband Fred lived in 1910.332

Another housewife by the name of Henrietta W. Griffin who was originally from New

Jersey, died at home at 356 Woodland Avenue, on April 23, 1915 from old age and senility, at

331 Peggy Whitley, “1910-1919” American Cultural History, (Lone Star College-Kingwood Library, last modified November, 2008), http:/wwwappskc.lonestar.edu/popculture/decade10.html. Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/cb06-ffse06.html - 31k 332 Ancestry.com: 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006. 266 the age of 96. She was the second oldest decedent Wanzo buried during this time period. She lived with her daughter and son-in-law Thomas and Mary Delaney. Thomas at the age of 77 was still working odd jobs as a laborer. This provides insight into the plight of older black residents living in Toledo. It suggests that some of them had to work to sustain themselves well into their older years. Her funeral services took place at Warren A.M.E. Church.

Once more, the data analysis indicates that domestic workers accounted for 9 percent of all the deaths, the third highest percentage of deaths. Domestics accounted for 14 percent of dropsy deaths, 14 percent of deaths such as despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, and old age, 13 percent of the brain related deaths, 13 percent of kidney deaths, and

9 percent of gastrointestinal deaths. Servers which includes waiters, waitresses and bar tenders accounted for 5 percent of all the deaths: servers made up 13 percent of the brain related deaths;

40 percent of the drowning deaths, 15 percent of the wound related deaths; and 6 percent of such deaths as, despondency, suicide, paralysis, peritonitis, toxemia, exhaustion, old age, among other illnesses, were in this group as well. Servers had the highest percentage of drowning deaths.

Waiter Richard Gibson, for example, died in Swan Creek. According to the Ohio Environmental

Protection Agency website, “Swan Creek watershed drains 204 square miles of northwest Ohio.

[It] is a sub-watershed of the Maumee River and covers portions of Lucas, Fulton and Henry counties. The watershed overlaps the southwestern portion of Toledo; smaller municipalities include Swanton, Whitehouse and Holland.” 333 Coroner Charles Henzler certified that Richard died from accidental submersion, drowning, in the creek. He died at his residence which was located at the Pleasant Hotel, on October 5, 1916, at the age of 41. He most likely worked as a waiter at the hotel.

333 “The Swan Creek Watershed, Total Maximum Daily Load Report,” January 6, 2010, http://www.epa.state.oh.us/dsw/tmdl/swancreektmdl.aspx 267

Other occupations had an equal percentage of deaths as a few of the occupations listed above and/or accounted for a fairly significant percentage of deaths in their category: chefs made up 9 percent of the gastrointestinal deaths; porters made up 7 percent of the pulmonary deaths; and cooks and proprietors, each made up 8 percent of the wound deaths.

The funeral records indicate that there were numerous diseases, medical complications, work and safety hazards, violence, and mental health problems, as well as other causes that led to the deaths of many of Toledo’s black community members from 1912 to 1917. The records also indicated the causes of death of the decedents based on their age ranges. The findings revealed that the 20 to 30 age group, the 31 to 41 age group and the 53 to 62 age group had highest causes of death in the various categories. However, more decedents between the ages of 20 to 30, 23 percent, died of pulmonary related illnesses than in any other age category; more within the same age group, 60 percent, died due to fractures than any other age group; more died of accidents than in any other age category, 36 percent died which was the highest number in the accident category; and those within the 20 to 30 age group, more than any other age group, except those within the 53 to 62 age range, 40 percent died of cancer. The age groupings where the highest percentages of deaths occurred were amongst those in their prime working age. The primary breadwinner being removed from the family could definitely place a heavy financial burden on a family and take away the income and good economic standing of a family. This fact could help explain the poor economic conditions of many black families in Toledo that John Rinehart and

E.L. Wheaton addressed in their works.

Funerals seemed to be an important ritual for blacks in the Toledo community, and the records provide insights into this social tradition. In 1912, many black Toledoans’ funeral services took place in homes or in Wanzo Chapel. It was not until November 2, 1913 that the 268 first church funeral was held at the All Saints Episcopal Church for Bessie Smith who died at St.

Vincent’s Hospital on October 29, 1913. The next church funeral took place at Warren A.M.E.

Church on November 14, 1913 for Mary Louise Johnson who died at home on November 11,

1913. The subsequent church funeral took place at Friendship Baptist Church on December 15,

1913 for William Ballay who died on December 13, 1913. Third Baptist Church had its first church funeral on July 5, 1914 for James Monroe Jay who died on July 3, 1914. The funeral data show that it was not until after 1913 that funeral services in greater numbers took place at the various black Toledo churches. According to The American Funeral Record, Episcopal

Services were mostly held at the home and Roman Catholic services were always held at the church. The sole Catholic that was listed in the funeral records, her funeral service took place at her residence. Perhaps her family broke away from tradition or she was not allowed in the church, however she was buried in a Catholic cemetery.

After 1913, funerals services held at churches were more common, however the records show that the majority of the funerals were held in the Wanzo Chapel, 26.9 percent (84) of the funerals were held at the funeral home chapel; 20.2 percent (63) of the total amount of funerals were held in the decedents’ homes and 14 percent (45) of the funerals were held in churches.

There were funeral services that took place at other locations like the Federal Creosote Plant and the Elks Lodge. On a side note, the dates of death and the dates of funeral service were close together, this suggests that the deceased were buried rather quickly after they died, within one to four days after death.

Funerals could be public, that is to say anyone could attend, or private, meaning no

uninvited person had a right to attend, depending upon the request of the funeral arrangers. There were funeral laws that stipulated whether or not there could be a public or private funeral based 269 on the cause of death. In Minnesota, for example, the State Board of Heath stipulated that “The funeral shall be strictly private when the death has been due to diphtheria, influenza, meningitis, poliomyelitis, scarlet fever, epidemic sore throat, or smallpox.” 334 In the case that a private

funeral was held as a result of the cause of death, in addition to the funeral director only

immediate members of the family, particularly only those that lived within the residence of the

deceased and were already exposed to the disease could attend the funeral. Furthermore private

funerals related to the cause of death could not be held in churches and only those individuals

listed above could attend the interment. The two decedents’ in the Wanzo records who were

listed as dying from the highly infectious disease of diphtheria 335 were both children. Their

funeral services were held at their residences and there were no carriages listed as accompanying

the bodies to the interment, which suggests that only a small group of people, most likely only

the parents were in attendance at the funerals. The information suggests that these were most

likely private funerals.

Black Toledoans followed various funeral traditions. Embalming was one of the

traditions embraced by members of the black Toledo community around the 1912 through 1917

time period, right around the time period that embalming on a whole became a more accepted

practice among many Americans. As Chapter I indicated, embalming was a practice of the

ancient Egyptians that was passed down to modern civilizations. However, the modern

technique of embalming in the United States has been credited to Dr. Thomas Holmes, the

“Father of Modern Embalming.” In 1861 he was endorsed as creating a process that allowed a

liquid to be injected into the body to preserve it for an extended period. Embalming of the dead

became popular in the US around the time of the American Civil War. During the Civil War a

334Arthur L. H. Street, Street’s Mortuary Jurisprudence, 10. 335Diphtheria is an acute contagious bacterial disease characterized by the formation of a fibrinous pseudomembrane on the mucosa, usually of the respiratory tract.” Holvey and Talbott, The Merck Manual, 129 270 new professional specialty arose among military surgeons and civilian surgeons. The profession was referred to as, “embalming surgeons,” those who performed embalming procedures. There was also a small amount of undertakers who started to embalm at home as well as on the battlefield. Although embalming took place during the Civil War and afterwards, it did not become a more popular and accepted practice until the beginning of the twentieth century. As the public became more familiar with embalming and as Americans moved farther away from home, upon death, loved ones wanted to pay their last respects to the body before burial which contributed to the increased popularity of embalming.336

Many black Toledo families chose to embalm their loved ones; the majority or 63

percent (197) were listed as embalmed. There were 84 decedents that had nothing listed in the

embalm category, so it is not clear if these bodies were embalmed. Nineteen bodies, accounting

for 6.1 percent of the bodies, were listed as not embalmed. So embalming was relatively popular

amongst the black community members. On average Wanzo charged between $5 and $10 for

embalming. He seemed to charge less for the bodies that were paid for by the county and for

infant bodies.

Burial robes also appeared to be another popular tradition. The average charge for a

burial robe was between $3 and $15. There were 40.1 percent (125) of the decedents whose

loved ones purchased burial robes for their burial. Additionally, there were other burial dress

accoutrements that could be purchased for the decedents, for example burial hoses and slippers

could be purchased for burial, on average slippers cost between $1 and $3. The other

accoutrements did not appear to be as popular as the burial robe, 4 decedents, accounting for 1.3

percent of the decedents, had burial robes and burial slippers purchased for their funerals and

336 Giovanni Primavesi, “Embalming Surgeons and Undertakers in American Civil War,” Thanos, no. 45 (2004), 34-37. 271 only 1 decedent had a burial robe, slippers, and hoses purchased for their burial. There were 82 decedents, accounting for 26.3 percent of the deceased, who did not have any burial accoutrements purchased for them.

Many black Toledoans guaranteed that their loved ones were well taken care of in terms of how they were buried. In reference to the caskets the decedents were buried in, many decedents were buried in style. For example, Ellen Spencer made sure her 57 year old husband

Robert, who died May 30, 1917, was buried in the best. The casket she purchased for her husband cost $210, this was the most expensive casket purchased by any of Wanzo’s clientele from September 1912 to June 1917. There were others who spent a significant amount of money on their loved ones’ caskets. William Goins, apparently John Goins brother, spent $175 on a casket for John’s funeral. John worked as a restaurant keeper, so it was important that he was buried in style, a funeral to fit the prestige of his occupation. Only 2.9 percent (9) of the caskets purchased cost between $120.01 and $150 and 1 percent (3) of the caskets cost between

$150.01 and $200. The majority of the decedents were buried in caskets that cost more than $60;

23.4 percent (73) were buried in caskets priced between $60.01 and $90; 8.3 percent (26) of the caskets purchased cost between $90.01 and $120. The majority of the caskets were manufactured by Toledo Casket Company and a few were manufactured by Frank Artis, perhaps he was a local carpenter.

Most of people used Wanzo’s carriages and automobiles for funeral services. The carriages would carry pall-bearers, mourners, ministers, and friends. The procession was to take place with pall-bearers leading the procession, and if lodge members conducted the funeral they would lead the procession, followed by the hearse, and then the mourners, ministers, and friends, 272 in that order. 337 On average Wanzo charged $5 per carriage and most people used between 2 and

5 carriages. The funeral for Miss Halton, the daughter of Louisa White, used 7 carriages.

Wanzo charged between $5 and $8 for an automobile and a pall-bearers bus cost $7. For Lucy

Miller’s funeral her husband James used 5 automobiles. In 51.6 percent (161) of funerals transportation was used to take people to the cemetery. Many of the funerals where transportation was not used, they were less expensive and cost between $10 and $40. Perhaps these individuals did not want to spend additional monies for transportation or there were not many people attending the funeral so the families opted to use alternative transportation. Many of the less expensive funerals were for infants and stillborns. According to The American

Funeral Record, “stillborns were buried by the undertaker alone and it is unusual that any of the family attend the interment.”338 It appears that black Toledoans followed that tradition.

Excluding farm workers, the average salary for an industrial worker in the United States

for the years 1910-1919 was approximately between $597 and $759. 339 The majority of the

funerals, 65 percent (188), were over $100 hundred which is significant. In light of that fact

many black Toledoans were paying 10 to 20 percent of their annual wages to bury their loved

ones. Some of the funeral expenses were paid for with insurance benefits but others were paid

for with cash and payments; 35 percent (79) of the funerals that were paid in full, were paid for

with insurance benefits, 24.6 percent (55) of the funerals that were paid in full were remunerated

with cash, 12.8 percent (29) of the funerals that were paid in full were remunerated through

installment payments, however the majority of the funerals, 45.8 percent (27), that were not

remunerated in full were paid for by those making installment payments. Therefore many black

337 F.J. Feineman, The American Funeral Record, 2. 338 Ibid. 339 Alan Brinkley, American History, 488, and Peggy Whitley, “1910-1919,” http://www.kclibrary.lonestar.edu/decade10.html. 273

Toledoans had to come out of pocket to pay for their loved ones funeral expenses. For example, if an individual secured a funeral which cost $100 and the individual earned $759 a year, that funeral expense represents 13 percent of that individual’s salary, additionally, that represents roughly what a person would earn in two months.

One hundred and three funerals, accounting for 33 percent of the funerals, cost between

$1 and $50. Many of the funerals that were within the $1 to $50 price range were between $10 and $17 approximately 45 percent (47) of the funerals were within this price range. Many of the funerals that cost between $15 and $17 were paid for by Lucas County, suggesting that these funerals were for the indigent or kinless. Additionally, many of the funerals that cost $10 or less were for infants. The funeral home charged less for these types of services and the family members probably did not want to spend excessive amounts of money on an infant’s funeral.

The second highest amount of funerals, 25 percent (78) of the funerals, cost between

$100.01 and $150. The greater percentage of the funerals in the $100.01 to $150.00 range, 28 percent (22) of them cost between $110 and $120, 23 percent (18) of the funerals cost between

$140 and $150, 18 percent (14) of the funerals in this range cost between $101 to $109, and 17 percent (13) cost between $130 and $139. The funeral records suggest that black Toledoans made sure that their family members were buried in a relatively decent manner. A 1939 study that was conducted on the cost of black funerals in Columbus, Ohio, about between twenty-three

or twenty-eight years after the time period covered in this study, the findings showed that the highest number of individuals in one category secured funerals which cost between $200 and

$299.340 The funeral information suggests that blacks in the Toledo community spent a

significant amount of money on funerals. Perhaps that was the socially accepted trend and many

340Anne Hill, “The Cost of Negro Funerals,” 44. 274 individuals wanted to show other individuals that, although living might not have been easy, but death could be dignified and one could leave this world in style.

Where one was interred could also reflect status and economic wellbeing. There were about five cemeteries around the city of Toledo where the majority of the Wanzo’s clientele were buried. However blacks were predominantly interred in two of the cemeteries within the city. In

To Serve the Living, Suzanne Smith talked about the increasing affects of Jim Crow legislation and the racial conflicts in cities. Smith asserted that certain trends like segregation were created as a result of the Jim Crow legislation and racial hostility and that these trends could also be seen in the funeral industry. She talked about the establishment of black owned casket companies and the movement to ban the burial of blacks in white cemeteries. 341 According to Leroy T.

Williams’ work, Toledo had its share of racial problems; however the banning of blacks from white cemeteries did not seem to develop as racial custom in Toledo the same way it did in other areas. Blacks were buried in white cemeteries in Toledo, however; there could have been certain cemeteries that did discriminate. The majority of the bodies, 55.4 percent (173) were interred in

Forest Cemetery. Forest Cemetery was established in 1832 by the Bissell family and was later taken over by the city of Toledo after the land it was situated on was incorporated by the city.342

Laborer Charles Ward of 387 Indiana Avenue was buried in Forest Cemetery in lot #7200 in the

old section, after he passed way on August 2, 1916 from valvular heart lesions.

Woodlawn Cemetery was relatively exclusive and predominantly white. According to its

website, Woodlawn had become “the cemetery of choice for Toledo’s civic, professional, and

industrial leaders.” This cemetery is currently listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

It was established in 1876, and it was regarded as an outstanding example of the “rural cemetery

341 Smith, To Serve the Living, 57. 342“Cemeteries,” http://www.ci.toledo.oh.us/Departments/PublicService/DivisionofParksandForestry/ Cemeteries/tabid/336/default.aspx 275 movement,” which was a movement of cemeteries outside of city limits for public health reasons and overcrowding.343

About 3.2 percent (10) of Wanzo’s black clientele were buried in Woodlawn Cemetery between 1912 and 1917. Three of Wanzo’s black clients, who were related, were buried in the

exclusive, predominantly white Woodlawn Cemetery. The story of this family provides an

example of continuity in Wanzo’s clientele. There were generations of family members that

used Wanzo’s services. This information documents the fact that loved ones trusted Wanzo with

several members of their family.

An example can be seen in Lutie Ashby and her family, clients of Wanzo. She died of

tuberculosis at home--835 West Grove Place--on June 14, 1913. Her parents were Madison and

Mary Viney. She was divorced at the time of her death, and she worked as a cook. She attended

Warren A.M.E Church. Lutie and Edrudd’s daughter Mary Smith, granddaughter of Mary

Viney, died at the Tuberculosis Hospital at the age of twenty-seven, on July 28, 1916 from tuberculosis. Affiliated with Warren A.M.E. Church, she married sometime after 1910 and was listed as a housewife. Her sister worked as a dressmaker, and she had paid for the funeral of her sister and her mother. Lutie’s mother, Mary Viney lived with her and Lutie preceded her mother in death. Mary Viney, whose husband had preceded her in death, died from dropsy at the age of

ninety-six at the West Grove home, on March 31, 1917. Her son Charles Viney took care of the

funeral arrangements. Charles worked as a janitor. He resided a few doors from them at 831

West Grove Place. Mary’s funeral expenses were charged to her estate. She did not attend the

same church as her daughter and granddaughter; she attended Third Baptist Church and was

buried in Woodlawn as well.

343“History of Woodlawn,” http://www.historic-woodlawn.com/. 276

Toledoans who did not have much money were buried in Sunshine Cemetery, also known as “potter’s field” or the “paupers’ cemetery.” This cemetery was located on the grounds of the

Lucas County Hospital and Home. About 13.5 percent (42) of the decedents were interred in this cemetery. The cemetery was for the indigent, homeless, kinless, and for fire victims who died at the Lucas County Home. 344 An example of a person that was buried in Sunshine Cemetery can be found in the brief story of a widower and older black Toledo resident John Stewart. He was interred at Sunshine Cemetery after he died at the age of seventy years old on April 25, 1914.

He died at his residence located at 516 East Woodruff Avenue, from cardiac asthma. He worked as a junk peddler and most likely did not make a lot of money. His funeral expenses equaled $30 and they were paid for by a man named Harry A. Goodrich.

Black Toledoans were interred at other locations around the city. Willow Cemetery was

another cemetery where a few black Toledo residents were buried. Roughly 2.6 percent (8) of

the decedents were interred at that cemetery. Willow was located in Lucas County in the City of

Oregon, it was established in 1856 and many military veterans are buried there;345 5 decedents, accounting for 1.6 percent of the decedents were buried at Town Hall in Adam’s Township. One person was buried at Calvary Cemetery; the cemetery was founded in 1886 and is currently the largest Catholic cemetery in terms of interments.346 Josephine Buckner, the only recorded

Catholic that Wanzo buried between September 1912 and June 1917, was the wife of Scott

Buckner. She was originally from Maryland. She died at home, located at 3016 East Franklin

Avenue, at the age of 60, on July 22, 1916. Her funeral services took place at home and a priest

344 “Board Criticizes County Home and Pauper Cemetery,” Toledo Blade, August 3, 1940. Cemetery Scrapbook, Toledo Lucas County Local History Collection. 345City of Oregon, A City if Cooperation, “Cemeteries,” accessed May 13, 2011, http//: www.oregonohio.org/cemeteries/cemeteries.html. 346 Catholic Cemetery Diocese of Ohio, “Calvary Cemetery,” http://www.cathcemtoledo.org/index php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11&Itemid=35.

277 presided over the service. She was the only decedent that was interred in Calvary Cemetery, in lot #1461, range 10, section 3, during the time period. As stated in a previous chapter, Albert

Robateau mentioned that the small number of black Roman Catholics were traditionally from

Maryland or Louisiana, one of the reasons for that was because how these areas settled and developed. For example, Maryland was a former Catholic colony and many blacks that were located in Louisiana had Catholic influences because of the French and Spanish influences.

There were numerous bodies that were shipped to other locations for funeral service and burial. Roughly 14 percent (43) were interred outside of Lucas County and/or the state of Ohio, in places like Kentucky, Michigan, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Illinois, among other locations.

About 3 decedents were shipped out of the country to Canada. The information suggests that the individuals who were not interred in Toledo had connections in other locations, whether through family plots or family ties. The information could also suggest that these decedents were transient members of the Toledo community or perhaps their close relatives lived in other locations outside of Toledo, Ohio and chose to have their bodies shipped to the locations where they were residing.

Like several of his clients Elvin B. Wanzo was interred in the historic Woodlawn

Cemetery. He died on Wednesday, January 10, 1968, at about the age of 87. His funeral service was held at the Dale Mortuary Chapel, at the very funeral home Wanzo established, which served the black Toledo community for many years.347

In conclusion, the funeral records from the Wanzo Funeral Home have provided new and complementary insights into aspects of the health, mortality, marital status, standard of living,

employment, residential addresses and boundaries, migration patterns, funeral costs, funeral

traditions, cemetery burial and social institutions and involvement of black Toledoans. All these

347 “Obituaries,” Elvin B. Wanzo, Toledo Blade, January 11, 1968. 278 factors are important in fully understanding the makeup of a community. Furthermore, the records have provided insights into the opportunities and obstacles that existed in the black community, as well as clues about the political, social, cultural and environmental conditions that existed from 1912-1917.

The selected vignettes of individuals and families render deeper insights into the diversity of black Toledo. Readers can ‘resurrect the dead’ so to speak by fleshing out statistical data from funerary records with other information, a process that resurrects the lives of black

Toledoans lost in history. The records have shown that there was a large population of blacks in the Toledo community who migrated to the area from locales around the United States and abroad. For example, black Toledoans came from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, Maryland,

Pennsylvania, Canada, Haiti, the West Indies, among other locations. Additionally, the funeral records have confirmed a historical trend of intrastate migration as a means of upward mobility.

Many Ohioans migrated to the Toledo area. The new migrants as well as native black Toledoans were always looking for ways to make better lives for themselves, ironically these aspirations become most visible to us through the information gleaned from their deaths.

The records have shown that numerous single and married black men and women migrated to the Toledo area. Like other areas around the United States, black Toledo appeared to have reflected the migratory trend of higher incidences of single male migration. Some migrants married after they settled in their new locations. In black Toledo, Elvin B. Wanzo served as a primary example of one of those individuals that married after he settled and established his business. The funeral home records have shown through the occupational information given in the records, that there were opportunities for blacks in the city, one reason why Wanzo as well as other professionals and laborers moved to Toledo. When black immigrants settled in Toledo 279 they found jobs in various employment sectors; however the majority found work as unskilled

and semi-skilled laborers.

In addition to the information these short stories reveal about migratory patterns and the

search for better employment opportunities, these vignettes illustrate how and where black

Toledoans settled in various areas of the city and defined their own communities. Some blacks

rented their homes and others purchased them. Many took in boarders to help pay their

mortgages and living expenses. The records show residentially, blacks were spread out over

various sections of the city indicating that once these black migrants moved to the city they

joined existing institutions and became active in the community.

Many of the newcomers joined alongside native Toledoans and became members of, or

were active with, various black churches in the area. Some migrants and native black Toledoans

had no church affiliation listed, which in some cases would suggest that they did not frequent

any church at all. The pastors from the churches were active members in the community,

especially Rev. Benjamin F. McWilliams of Third Baptist Church, who was also an immigrant to

Toledo. In addition to church involvement, the records reveal that many black Toledoans were

involved in benefit societies or fraternal organizations. These organizations provided various

benefits like insurance as well as social outlets and aid to the newcomers to the city.

The records have shown that numerous black Toledoans suffered from various health

issues, which have historically affected the black community. For example, heart disease was a

leading cause of death among black Toledoans over the age of 40. Another major health

problem for blacks in Toledo that the funeral home records revealed was infectious diseases.

Diseases like tuberculosis affected the young and old alike and were the cause of death for many of the decedents that Wanzo buried during the period. Perhaps that is why many black 280

Toledoans who were conscientious about their future and could afford to made plans for end of life events by purchasing insurance. The funeral home records show that many black Toledoans were mindful of their futures and made provisions for the future by purchasing insurance policies. Many of these policies helped to pay for funeral expenses incurred by end of life services at the Wanzo Funeral Home. The Wanzo funeral data have shown that black Toledoans adopted certain funeral traditions such as embalming. The records show that many of the

decedents’ loved ones invested a significant amount of money to bury their dead. The data

suggest that black Toledoans wanted to bury their dead with dignity and pride and in some cases

that meant providing an expensive funeral.

To conclude, the Wanzo funeral records have been one of the greatest contributions by

funeral Director Elvin B. Wanzo to the black Toledo community. The records have provided

historians and other researchers with a unique link to the early black Toledo community. This

chapter demonstrated that the records Wanzo left behind, and that the subsequent funeral

directors maintained, provided a reconstruction of aspects of the black Toledo community from

1912 to 1917.

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CONCLUSION

The purpose of this study was to examine the Wanzo funerary records, so as to reconstruct aspects of the history of the black Toledo community from 1912 through 1917. The following research questions were posed and addressed by this study: How do the ledgers help to reconstruct the formative years of the black Toledo community from 1912-1917? What insights do these records provide in regards to the various social conditions and culture of the black community in Toledo? What is it about the format of the funerary ledgers at the Dale-

Riggs Funeral Home that gives a profile of the individual’s life cycle and circumstances of final disposal? Do these records provide new, contradictory, or supporting information about the

Black Toledo community? What do the ledgers reveal about one of the earliest black funeral homes, the Wanzo Funeral Home, in the community? What role, if any, did national, state, and/or local funerary policy play in the recordkeeping and maintenance of funeral records?

To address many of the questions pertaining to black Toledo, a quantitative and qualitative methodological approach was employed to analyze the funeral records, which ultimately provided a body of statistical data on which the majority of this study was based. The records were used to suggest a profile of the black population in Toledo. By categorizing and analyzing the information on the funeral ledger forms, various insights on community dynamics emerged including: intra-community social relations, social and economic issues and development, patterns of migration, shifting residential boundaries, burial traditions and funerary practices, as well as the turn-of-the-twentieth century conditions associated with sickness and dying. The record entries presented an abstraction of each individual which led to a larger composite profile of the black Toledo community. This study’s methodological framework could be adopted by the research community at large as it shows that local funeral home records 282 can be a useful archival resource that can aid the reconstruction of the histories of communities in selected historical periods.

Additionally there is a policy component to this research which traced the evolution of professional and government funerary policy in the United States. This study particularly focused on the policies of the State of Ohio to aid better understanding of why funeral records were/are maintained. This study asserts that death certificate and burial certificate applications submitted by funeral directors, as prescribed by government and professional funerary policy, influenced the keeping of funeral records within the funeral industry in the US, which ultimately produced an archival resource. This research study concluded that the Wanzo Funeral Home conformed to various funerary policies and practices in recording and maintaining funeral records. F.J. Feineman, the publisher of The American Funeral Record, the record book that the

Wanzo Funeral Home used, created a record book that assisted funeral directors in conforming to the “principles of the profession” by promoting good recordkeeping. The Wanzo Funeral Home, as well as other US funeral homes over the years, used the Feineman ledger book of forms to keep relatively meticulous records about the deceased, and in so doing, have provided researchers with invaluable information on the communities they served.

This study contributes to the limited body of scholarship on black Toledo which enhances and provides new information on this community, in addition to championing the use of a source that had not been utilized in researching the black Toledo community in the 1912-1917 periods.

The funeral records that the Wanzo Funeral Home created were very useful in reconstructing a profile of the black community in Toledo, Ohio. As John Rinehart alluded to in his 1940s thesis

“The Negro in A Congested Toledo Area,” “there is so little information in print or manuscript 283 form concerning the conditions of life of the Negro population in Toledo.”348 His opinion was later echoed by other researchers of black Toledo, especially by Edrene Cole and Leroy T.

Williams. Edrene Cole reiterated Rinehart’s findings in her thesis thirty-two years later, arguing that “many historical accounts of Toledo do not treat the black community there…although there are isolated accounts of Negroes in regional histories and newspaper accounts, there neither is a chronological recording of events nor a collection of significant activities of blacks in our area.”349 Leroy T. Williams in his 1977 study also agreed with both of them when he indicated that he had problems locating information on certain aspects of black life in Toledo because sources were limited or not available. The issues of the lack of scholarship and the limitations of conventional and extant sources have since been raised by several black Toledo researchers including this study. This study sought to address many of these shortcomings by incorporating a previously unused funeral record resource.

This study showed that funeral records have information on black Toledo that is unavailable in other extant sources. Furthermore this study demonstrated that funeral records could have been used to enrich past studies on this community. In this regard, Leroy Williams’ study was used to demonstrate how funeral records would have enhanced his analysis on the quality of living of blacks in Toledo. For instance, the funeral records contained information on: the occupations of black Toledoans; the costs associated with black Toledo burials; the

institutions and associations (e.g., churches and fraternal orders) that black Toledo community

members were affiliated with; the location of the residences of blacks in the Toledo area; the migratory patterns of black Toledo community members based on their origins of birth as well as their parents; the social status of Toledo’s blacks, including prominent black Toledo community

348 Rhinehart, “The Negro in A Congested Toledo,” 1. 349 Cole. “Blacks in Toledo,” 1. 284 members; the health conditions of the community including their general causes of death; the relationship between social situations (e.g., marriage and health; and the influence of the Wanzo

Funeral Home and its owner Elvin B. Wanzo on the Toledo community. Additionally, data from the funeral records provided insights into the high mortality rates of children in the black

Toledo community at the turn of the twentieth century.

The funeral records from the Wanzo Funeral Home also contributed to our understanding of the socioeconomic makeup of this community by providing insights into its health, mortality, marital status, standard of living, employment, housing, migration patterns, funeral costs, social institutions and involvement. All these factors are important in order to fully understand the makeup of a community. Furthermore the records provided glimpses into the opportunities and obstacles that subsisted, as well as a perspective on the political, social, cultural and environmental conditions of the black community at the time. The abstracted stories of individuals and families in Chapter IV provided examples and insights into the lives of multiple community members. In a broader sense, the funeral information enriches other studies, for example, those on pre-World War I migrations.

While this study offers greater insights into the black Toledo community during the years of 1912-1917, the research does have limitations. The study treats aspects of the black community during the period under study, and does not claim to provide a full reconstruction of black Toledo history. This research is also narrow in scope, covering a five year time span.

Therefore, to track significant changes over a longer period of time one would need to use additional funeral ledgers from the Wanzo funeral home. There are several questions that the data analysis raised which future research needs to address, among the examples are the following: Did Wanzo bury the majority of blacks in Toledo during the period under study? 285

Since the Wanzo Funeral Home was a black owned funeral home, why did he bury white clientele? Did the white decedents whom he serviced live in the black community? Did the white funeral directors refuse to service them or were the loved ones of these individual not concerned with the racial status quo and social separations of the early 1900s? Does this show the exception to some of the divisive Toledo race relations? The research raises questions about black mortality in Toledo, as it relates to socioeconomic status, seasonal mortality, and education, that can be further addressed in a future study.

Another limitation of this study concerns the records of Wanzo Funeral Home. The accuracy and value of them is determined by the meticulousness of the recorder. So funeral records are not immune to problems that conventional sources might present in this regard. The records could contain original recorder errors or errors upon entry into the database.

Additionally, inaccurate information could have been given to the original recorder at the time of the decedent’s death. Neither the Ohio vital records and registration system, nor funeral homes, have a policy in place to guarantee the accuracy of the information entered on the death certificate or into the funeral homes ledger books. Therefore, some records might have inaccurate information. This is a problem that often is acknowledged by agencies and researcher when working with archival materials or information sources.

In light of the possible inaccuracies intrinsic to end-of- life records the following policy recommendations are in order: local and state Vital Statistics offices could be encouraged to put a mechanism in place that would double check accuracy of the information recorded in such records. Additionally, this study shows the usefulness of funeral records for historians and other researchers. Hopefully studies such as this one undertaken here would encourage or inform policy regulating funeral homes and their recordkeeping for posterity. In doing so, these records 286 would be made available nationally and internationally, as pertinent for research purposes.

Forming these archives into databases would be advisable.

There are future studies that can benefit as well as emerge from this research. For instance, it would be instructive to conduct a comparative study of records from a black and white funeral home in the area at the turn-of-the-twentieth century in order to see how black and white funerary traditions and expenses, health, economic, social, and cultural traditions compare.

This type of research can be broadened to include other funeral homes in Ohio, the United States and around the world. Hopefully this research will encourage historians and other researchers to see the value of using funerary records outside of the traditional sphere of genealogical studies. 287

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302

APPENDIX A

COMPLETE FREQUENCY TABLES NOT INCLUDED IN CHAPTER III

Table 2.1. Age of Decedents

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

0 days 9 2.9 2.9 6.7

1 day 3 1.0 1.0 7.7

1 hour 1 .3 .3 8.0

1 month 1 .3 .3 8.3

1 year 6 1.9 1.9 10.3

10 months 1 .3 .3 10.6

10 years 2 .6 .6 11.2

11 months 1 .3 .3 11.5

12 years 2 .6 .6 12.2

15 years 2 .6 .6 12.8

16 days 1 .3 .3 13.1

16 years 1 .3 .3 13.5

18 years 2 .6 .6 14.1

19 years 3 1.0 1.0 15.1

2 days 2 .6 .6 15.7

2 hours 1 .3 .3 16.0

2 years 6 1.9 1.9 17.9

20 years 4 1.3 1.3 19.2

21 years 2 .6 .6 19.9

22 years 5 1.6 1.6 21.5

23 years 1 .3 .3 21.8

24 days 1 .3 .3 22.1

24 years 2 .6 .6 22.8

25 days 1 .3 .3 23.1 303

Table 2.1 (continued) Age of Decedents

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

25 years 8 2.6 2.6 25.6

26 years 3 1.0 1.0 26.6

27 years 7 2.2 2.2 28.8

28 years 4 1.3 1.3 30.1

29 years 6 1.9 1.9 32.1

3 days 1 .3 .3 32.4

3 years 1 .3 .3 32.7

30 years 6 1.9 1.9 34.6

31 years 6 1.9 1.9 36.5

32 years 5 1.6 1.6 38.1

33 years 4 1.3 1.3 39.4

34 years 3 1.0 1.0 40.4

35 years 7 2.2 2.2 42.6

36 hours 1 .3 .3 42.9

36 years 8 2.6 2.6 45.5

37 years 2 .6 .6 46.2

38 years 6 1.9 1.9 48.1

39 years 5 1.6 1.6 49.7

4 months 1 .3 .3 50.0

4 years 2 .6 .6 50.6

40 years 7 2.2 2.2 52.9

41 years 6 1.9 1.9 54.8

42 years 6 1.9 1.9 56.7

43 years 5 1.6 1.6 58.3

44 years 3 1.0 1.0 59.3

45 years 9 2.9 2.9 62.2

46 years 2 .6 .6 62.8

47 years 5 1.6 1.6 64.4 304

Table 2.1 (continued) Age of Decedents

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

48 years 3 1.0 1.0 65.4

49 years 3 1.0 1.0 66.3

5 days 1 .3 .3 66.7

5 months 3 1.0 1.0 67.6

50 years 11 3.5 3.5 71.2

51 years 3 1.0 1.0 72.1

52 years 2 .6 .6 72.8

53 years 8 2.6 2.6 75.3

54 years 1 .3 .3 75.6

55 years 5 1.6 1.6 77.2

56 years 1 .3 .3 77.6

57 years 3 1.0 1.0 78.5

58 years 3 1.0 1.0 79.5

59 years 3 1.0 1.0 80.4

6 days 1 .3 .3 80.8

6 months 2 .6 .6 81.4

60 years 4 1.3 1.3 82.7

61 years 2 .6 .6 83.3

62 years 5 1.6 1.6 84.9

63 years 1 .3 .3 85.3

65 years 1 .3 .3 85.6

66 years 3 1.0 1.0 86.5

67 years 1 .3 .3 86.9

68 years 1 .3 .3 87.2

69 years 6 1.9 1.9 89.1

7 months 3 1.0 1.0 90.1

70 years 3 1.0 1.0 91.0

72 years 4 1.3 1.3 92.3 305

Table 2.1 (continued) Age of Decedents

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

73 years 2 .6 .6 92.9

74 years 1 .3 .3 93.3

76 years 2 .6 .6 93.9

77 years 1 .3 .3 94.2

79 years 1 .3 .3 94.6

80 years 1 .3 .3 94.9

83 years 1 .3 .3 95.2

84 years 1 .3 .3 95.5

85 years 2 .6 .6 96.2

87 years 2 .6 .6 96.8

9 months 2 .6 .6 97.4

96 years 2 .6 .6 98.1

N/A 6 1.9 1.9 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

306

Table 2.2. General Cause of Death Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Bullet Wound 1 .3 .3 4.2

Heart Failure 1 .3 .3 4.5

Accident 3 1.0 1.0 5.4

Accidental Overdose 2 .6 .6 6.1

Acute Indigestion 4 1.3 1.3 7.4

Acute Meningitis 1 .3 .3 7.7

Arteriosclerosis 1 .3 .3 8.0

Asthma 1 .3 .3 8.3

Auto Accident 1 .3 .3 8.7

Bright's Disease 1 .3 .3 9.0

Bronchitis 2 .6 .6 9.6

Bullet Wound 9 2.9 2.9 12.5

Burn Accident 3 1.0 1.0 13.5

Cancer 5 1.6 1.6 15.1

Cerebral Hemorrhage 6 1.9 1.9 17.0

Chronic Alcoholism 1 .3 .3 17.3

Cirrhosis of Liver 1 .3 .3 17.6

Convulsions 3 1.0 1.0 18.6

Dementia 1 .3 .3 18.9

Despondency 1 .3 .3 19.2

Diphtheria 2 .6 .6 19.9

Dropsy 7 2.2 2.2 22.1

Drowning 5 1.6 1.6 23.7

Embolism 2 .6 .6 24.4

Enteritis 2 .6 .6 25.0

Enterocolitis 2 .6 .6 25.6 307

Table 2.2 (continued) General Cause of Death Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Epilepsy 2 .6 .6 26.3

Exhaustion 3 1.0 1.0 27.2

Fibroid Tumor of Uterus 1 .3 .3 27.6

Fracture of Hip 1 .3 .3 27.9

Fractured Skull 4 1.3 1.3 29.2

Heart Disease 28 9.0 9.0 38.1

Heart Failure 9 2.9 2.9 41.0

Hemorrhage of Lungs 1 .3 .3 41.3

Infantile Paralysis 1 .3 .3 41.7

Inquest Pending 4 1.3 1.3 42.9

Intestinal Obstruction 3 1.0 1.0 43.9

Malarial Fever 1 .3 .3 44.2

Mercury Poisoning 1 .3 .3 44.6

N/A 26 8.3 8.3 52.9

Nemphligia 1 .3 .3 53.2

Nephritis 7 2.2 2.2 55.4

Old Age 3 1.0 1.0 56.4

Other 1 .3 .3 56.7

Paralysis 1 .3 .3 57.1

Pelvic Abscess 1 .3 .3 57.4

Peritonitis 6 1.9 1.9 59.3

Placenta Previa 1 .3 .3 59.6

Pneumonia 28 9.0 9.0 68.6

Premature Birth 7 2.2 2.2 70.8

Pulmonary Oedema 1 .3 .3 71.2

Railroad Accident 2 .6 .6 71.8

Senility 4 1.3 1.3 73.1

Smoke Inhalation 1 .3 .3 73.4 308

Table 2.2 (continued) General Cause of Death Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Stab Wound 3 1.0 1.0 74.4

Stillborn 9 2.9 2.9 77.2

Strangulated Hernia 2 .6 .6 77.9

Streetcar Accident 3 1.0 1.0 78.8

Stroke 4 1.3 1.3 80.1

Suicide 1 .3 .3 80.4

Syphilis 4 1.3 1.3 81.7

Tetanus 2 .6 .6 82.4

Toxemia 2 .6 .6 83.0

Tuberculosis 48 15.4 15.4 98.4

Typhoid Fever 3 1.0 1.0 99.4

Umbilical Hemorrhage 1 .3 .3 99.7

Unknown 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0 309

Table 2.3. Deceased Year of Birth Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

1819 1 .3 .3 4.2

1820 1 .3 .3 4.5

1829 2 .6 .6 5.1

1830 1 .3 .3 5.4

1832 2 .6 .6 6.1

1834 1 .3 .3 6.4

1838 1 .3 .3 6.7

1839 1 .3 .3 7.1

1840 1 .3 .3 7.4

1841 1 .3 .3 7.7

1843 1 .3 .3 8.0

1844 4 1.3 1.3 9.3

1845 1 .3 .3 9.6

1846 2 .6 .6 10.3

1847 1 .3 .3 10.6

1848 1 .3 .3 10.9

1849 1 .3 .3 11.2

1850 1 .3 .3 11.5

1853 1 .3 .3 11.9

1854 4 1.3 1.3 13.1

1855 2 .6 .6 13.8

1856 3 1.0 1.0 14.7

1857 3 1.0 1.0 15.7

1859 2 .6 .6 16.3

1860 4 1.3 1.3 17.6

1861 3 1.0 1.0 18.6

310

Table 2.3 (continued) Deceased Year of Birth Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

1862 3 1.0 1.0 19.6

1863 4 1.3 1.3 20.8

1864 3 1.0 1.0 21.8

1865 6 1.9 1.9 23.7

1866 3 1.0 1.0 24.7

1867 4 1.3 1.3 26.0

1868 3 1.0 1.0 26.9

1869 5 1.6 1.6 28.5

1870 3 1.0 1.0 29.5

1871 6 1.9 1.9 31.4

1872 4 1.3 1.3 32.7

1873 2 .6 .6 33.3

1874 4 1.3 1.3 34.6

1875 5 1.6 1.6 36.2

1876 6 1.9 1.9 38.1

1877 4 1.3 1.3 39.4

1878 5 1.6 1.6 41.0

1879 5 1.6 1.6 42.6

1880 2 .6 .6 43.3

1881 5 1.6 1.6 44.9

1882 3 1.0 1.0 45.8

1883 5 1.6 1.6 47.4

1884 4 1.3 1.3 48.7

1885 2 .6 .6 49.4

1886 6 1.9 1.9 51.3

1887 3 1.0 1.0 52.2

1888 2 .6 .6 52.9

1889 6 1.9 1.9 54.8 311

Table 2.3 (continued) Deceased Year of Birth Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

1890 3 1.0 1.0 55.8

1891 1 .3 .3 56.1

1892 3 1.0 1.0 57.1

1893 3 1.0 1.0 58.0

1894 2 .6 .6 58.7

1895 2 .6 .6 59.3

1897 2 .6 .6 59.9

1898 2 .6 .6 60.6

1900 1 .3 .3 60.9

1902 2 .6 .6 61.5

1906 1 .3 .3 61.9

1910 1 .3 .3 62.2

1911 1 .3 .3 62.5

1912 1 .3 .3 62.8

1913 3 1.0 1.0 63.8

1914 16 5.1 5.1 68.9

1915 11 3.5 3.5 72.4

1916 16 5.1 5.1 77.6

1917 6 1.9 1.9 79.5

1980 1 .3 .3 79.8

N/A 36 11.5 11.5 91.3

Unknown 27 8.7 8.7 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0 312

Table 2.4. Deceased City or County of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 13 4.2 4.2 4.2

Allensdale 1 .3 .3 4.5

Augusta 1 .3 .3 4.8

Baltimore 1 .3 .3 5.1

Beavor County 1 .3 .3 5.4

Blair 1 .3 .3 5.8

Bloomville 1 .3 .3 6.1

Bowling Green 2 .6 .6 6.7

Cairo 3 1.0 1.0 7.7

Campbell County 1 .3 .3 8.0

Carbondale 1 .3 .3 8.3

Cedarville 1 .3 .3 8.7

Charlottesville 1 .3 .3 9.0

Chattanooga 3 1.0 1.0 9.9

Cherokee 1 .3 .3 10.3

Chester County 1 .3 .3 10.6

Chicago 2 .6 .6 11.2

Chillicothe 1 .3 .3 11.5

Cincinnati 4 1.3 1.3 12.8

Clearwater 1 .3 .3 13.1

Columbus 5 1.6 1.6 14.7

Culpepper 1 .3 .3 15.1

Dayton 2 .6 .6 15.7

Deerfield 1 .3 .3 16.0

Delaware 1 .3 .3 16.3

Detroit 5 1.6 1.6 17.9 313

Table 2.4 (continued) Deceased City or County of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Emporia 1 .3 .3 18.3

Erie 1 .3 .3 18.6

Evansville 1 .3 .3 18.9

Findlay 1 .3 .3 19.2

Fleming County 1 .3 .3 19.6

Fort Day 1 .3 .3 19.9

Franklin 1 .3 .3 20.2

Frederick 3 1.0 1.0 21.2

Gallia County 1 .3 .3 21.5

Green County 1 .3 .3 21.8

Greensburg 1 .3 .3 22.1

Greenville 1 .3 .3 22.4

Hancock County 1 .3 .3 22.8

Harding County 1 .3 .3 23.1

Harrisburg 1 .3 .3 23.4

Henderson 1 .3 .3 23.7

Huntsville 1 .3 .3 24.0

Indianapolis 1 .3 .3 24.4

Juanita 1 .3 .3 24.7

Kenton 1 .3 .3 25.0

Leesburg 1 .3 .3 25.3

Lexington 1 .3 .3 25.6

Lima 1 .3 .3 26.0

Lime City 1 .3 .3 26.3

Little Rock 1 .3 .3 26.6

Lockland 1 .3 .3 26.9 314

Table 2.4 (continued) Deceased City or County of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

London 1 .3 .3 27.2

Louisville 3 1.0 1.0 28.2

Marblehead 1 .3 .3 28.5

Marion 1 .3 .3 28.8

Maybill 1 .3 .3 29.2

Middleport 1 .3 .3 29.5

Mt Pleasant 1 .3 .3 29.8

N/A 98 31.4 31.4 61.2

Nashville 2 .6 .6 61.9

NS 2 .6 .6 62.5

Oberlin 1 .3 .3 62.8

Ontario 1 .3 .3 63.1

Owego 1 .3 .3 63.5

Owens Bury 1 .3 .3 63.8

Owens Town 1 .3 .3 64.1

Oxford 1 .3 .3 64.4

Paducah 1 .3 .3 64.7

Paris 1 .3 .3 65.1

Peace Valley 1 .3 .3 65.4

Perrysburg 1 .3 .3 65.7

Philadelphia 1 .3 .3 66.0

Phillipsburg 1 .3 .3 66.3

Pittsburgh 1 .3 .3 66.7

Point Pleasant 1 .3 .3 67.0

Polk County 1 .3 .3 67.3

Pulaski 1 .3 .3 67.6

Richmond 2 .6 .6 68.3 315

Table 2.4 (continued) Deceased City or County of Birth

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Rome 1 .3 .3 68.6

Ruloford County 1 .3 .3 68.9

Rush Sylvania 1 .3 .3 69.2

Sandusky 1 .3 .3 69.6

Shelby 1 .3 .3 69.9

Shelby County 1 .3 .3 70.2

Sherbert 1 .3 .3 70.5

Sydney 1 .3 .3 70.8

Tampa 1 .3 .3 71.2

Taylor County 1 .3 .3 71.5

Toledo 55 17.6 17.6 89.1

Trenton 1 .3 .3 89.4

Tronton 1 .3 .3 89.7

Unknown 22 7 7 96.8

Warrenton County 1 .3 .3 97.1

Washington 1 .3 .3 97.4

Water Mercer County 1 .3 .3 97.8

Wilmington 1 .3 .3 98.1

Windsor 1 .3 .3 98.4

Xenia 1 .3 .3 98.7

Ypsilanti 1 .3 .3 99.0

Zanesville 3 1.0 1.0 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

316

Table 2.5. Certifying Physician Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

Coroner Charles J. Henzler 60 19.2 19.2 23.1

Coroner Walter H. Hartung 12 3.8 3.8 26.9

Dr. A.D. Hobart 1 .3 .3 27.2

Dr. A.C. Canfield 3 1.0 1.0 27.5

Dr. A.J. Kuehn 1 .3 .3 27.9

Dr. Albert L. Steinfeld 1 .3 .3 28.2

Dr. Alden M. Bush 1 .3 .3 28.5

Dr. B.J. Hein 2 .6 .6 29.2

Dr. B.W. Patrick 1 .3 .3 29.5

Dr. Baldwin 1 .3 .3 29.8

Dr. E.B. Barlow 2 .6 .6 30.4

*Dr. Burt G. Chall 1 .3 .3 30.8

Dr. C. L. Cass 1 .3 .3 31.1

Dr. C. Snyder 1 .3 .3 31.4

Dr. C. Sumner Emey 1 .3 .3 31.7

Dr. C.E. Monroe 3 1.0 1.0 32.7

*Dr. C.H. Graf 1 .3 .3 33.0

Dr. C.H. Mills 2 .6 .6 33.7

Dr. C.L. Dreyer 1 .3 .3 34.0

Dr. C.W. Waggoner 1 .3 .3 34.3

Dr. Charles D. Ury 2 .6 .6 35.6

Dr. Charles H. Ferguson 5 1.6 1.6 37.2

Dr. Charles Souder 7 2.2 2.2 39.4

*Dr. Cushman 1 .3 .3 39.7

Dr. Dalton Kahn 2 .6 .6 40.4

Dr. David E. Bowman 2 .6 .6 41.0 317

Table 2.5 (continued) Certifying Physician Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Dr. W.S. Deaton 4 1.3 1.3 42.3

Dr. C.B. Ham 1 .3 .3 42.6

Dr. E.J. Vetter 1 .3 .3 42.9

*Dr. E.M. Latham 1 .3 .3 43.3

Dr. Earl R. Mellott 1 .3 .3 43.6

Dr. Edwin Scott 1 .3 .3 43.9

*Dr. F.L. Barman 1 .3 .3 44.2

Dr. F.N. Garand 1 .3 .3 44.6

Dr. G.B. Booth 3 1.0 1.0 45.5

Dr. Gaten F. Bowman 1 .3 .3 45.8

Dr. George H. Riley 7 2.2 2.2 48.1

*Dr. George S. Watts 1 .3 .3 48.4

Dr.L.C. Grosh 2 .6 .6 49.0

Dr. H.M. Meader 1 .3 .3 49.4

Dr. H.B. Preston 1 .3 .3 49.7

*Dr. H.C. McQuillin 1 .3 .3 50.0

*Dr. H.E. Noble 2 .6 .6 50.6

*Dr. H.G. Pamment 9 2.9 2.9 50.3

*Dr. H.K. Beckwith 2 .6 .6 53.8

Dr. H.W.H. Nelles 5 1.6 1.6 55.4

Dr. J.A Wright 1 .3 .3 55.8

Dr. J.A. Howell 3 1.0 1.0 56.7

*Dr. J.B. Metzger 2 .6 .6 57.4

Dr. J.P. Haynes 6 1.9 1.9 59.3

Dr. J.W. Hull 2 .6 .6 59.9

Dr. J.H. Jacobson 1 .3 .3 60.3

*Dr. John Springer 1 .3 .3 60.6

318

Table 2.5 (continued) Certifying Physician Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

*Dr. John S. Hofner 3 1.0 1.0 61.5

Dr. John Wright 2 .6 .6 62.2

*Dr. Kelly 1 .3 .3 62.5

Dr. L.E. Hecker 2 .6 .6 62.2

Dr. L.F. Smead 3 1.0 1.0 65.7

*Dr. Mary Ketring 1 .3 .3 64.1

Dr. McNierney 1 .3 .3 64.4

*Dr. N.J. Curtis 1 .3 .3 64.7

Dr. N.J. Seybold 3 1.0 1.0 65.7

Dr. O.B. Randolph 1 .3 .3 66.0

*Dr. O.W. Kimball 1 .3 .3 66.3

Dr. P.B. Brockway 7 2.2 2.2 68.6

Dr. P.J. Bidwell 1 .3 .3 68.9

Dr. P.M. Johnson 15 4.8 4.8 73.7

Dr. Paul Hohley 2 .6 .6 74.7

*Dr. R.B. Bowen 1 .3 .3 75.0

Dr. R.E. Sinkey 2 .6 .6 74.7

*Dr. R.L. Schultz 1 .3 .3 75.6

Dr. R.P. Daniels 1 .3 .3 76.0

*Dr. R.W. Beard 5 1.6 1.6 77.6

Dr. R.W. Stewart 1 .3 .3 77.9

Dr. O.B. Randolph 1 .3 .3 78.2

*Dr. Rolpusttin 1 .3 .3 78.5

Dr. W.J. Coulter 2 .6 .6 79.2

Dr. N.N. Sallume 2 .6 .6 79.8

Dr. T.P. Heatley 2 .6 .6 81.1

*Dr. Theodore Zbinden 2 .6 .6 81.7 319

Table 2.5 (continued) Certifying Physician Complete List

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Dr. Thomas Burgess--Coroner 1 .3 .3 82.1 Walter H. Hartung

Dr. Thomas E. Burgess 6 1.9 1.9 84.0

Dr. F.C Titus 1 .3 .3 84.3

Dr. W.T. Burke 3 1.0 1.0 85.6

Dr. W.A. Dickey 1 .3 .3 85.9

*Dr. W.R. Stephens 1 .3 .3 86.2

Dr. W.W. Brand 1 .3 .3 86.5

Dr. William C. Hertzler 3 1.0 1.0 86.9

Dr. William J. Gillette 2 .6 .6 87.5

Dr. William M. Shapiro 6 1.9 1.9 89.7

*Dr. Z.H. Ballmer 1 .3 .3 90.1

Drs. Charles J. Henzler and 1 .3 .3 90.4 Green

N/A 24 7.7 7.7 98.1

*R.C. Giles 1 .3 .3 98.4

*T.A. Spitter 1 .3 .3 98.7

*Undertaker C.D. White & Sons 1 .3 .3 99.0

*Undertaker E.J. Boyd 1 .3 .3 99.4

*Undertaker R. M. Green 1 .3 .3 99.7

Unknown 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0 *Names not found in the 1914 Toledo City Directory 320

Table 2.6. Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 12 3.8 3.8 3.8

#8 Ontario St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 4.2

1012 City Park Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 4.5 OH

1016 St. Johns St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 4.8

109 Summer St. & 405 Hunt St., 1 .3 .3 5.1 Toledo, OH

11 North Erie St. Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 5.4

1112 City Park Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 5.8 OH

1114 St. John Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 6.1

1115 Washington St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 6.4 OH

1123 Washington Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 6.7 OH

119 Illinois St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 7.1

122 South St. Clair St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 7.4 OH

1229 Avondale Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 7.7 OH

1237 Noble St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 8.0

124 Roff St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 8.3

1240 Moore St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 8.7

1242 Moore St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 9.0

129 Nebraska Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 9.3

131 S. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 9.6 321

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

132 S. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 9.9

1324 Hoag St. 1 .3 .3 10.3

1325 Montgomery St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 10.6 OH

1387 E. Broadway, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 10.9

1422 Noble St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 11.2

144 Ruff St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 11.9

145 South Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 12.2

1454 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 12.5 OH

1529 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 12.8

1533 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 13.1

1537 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 13.5

1547 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 13.8

16 South Ontario St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 14.1 OH

1707 Canton St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 14.4

1714 Canton St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 14.7

18 North Ontario St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 15.1 OH

1805 Collingwood Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 15.4 OH

1810 Dorr St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 16.0

1811 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 16.3

1816 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 16.7 322

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

1820 Southard St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 17.0

1821 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 17.3

1824 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 17.6

1829 Peoria St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 17.9

1904 N. Twelfth St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 18.6

1907 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 18.9

1908 North 12th St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 19.2

1912 Canton St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 19.6

1913 Spielbusch Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 19.9 OH

1915 Spielbusch Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 20.2 OH

1927 Spielbusch Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 20.5 OH

1928 Spielbusch Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 20.8 OH

1949 Canton St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 21.2

1952 Franklin Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 21.5

20 South Michigan St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 21.8 OH

2029 N. 12th St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 22.4

2040 Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 22.8

206 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH

2076 Delence St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 23.4

211 Charles St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 23.7

323

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

218 Beacon St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 24.4

22 Twelfth St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 24.7

220 Illinois St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 25.0

220 Mitchell St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 25.3

222 Huron St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 25.6

2244 Detroit Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 26.0

227 Illinois St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 26.3

227 Morris St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 26.9

227 N. Erie St. 1 .3 .3 27.2

229 Morris St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 27.6

24 St. Clair St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 27.9

26 South St. Clair St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 28.2 OH

27 N. Huron St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 28.5

29 Vance St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 29.2

30 Ottawa St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 29.5

301 Crane St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 29.8

301 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 30.1 OH

3016 E. Franklin Ave. Toledo, 1 .3 .3 30.4 OH

302 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 30.8

306 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 31.1

308 Perry St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 31.4

311 Morris St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 31.7

3122 Jessie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 32.1 324

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

3122 Pomeroy St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 32.4

314 Belmont St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 32.7

315 Illinois St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 33.0

315 Morris St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 33.3

3157 Doyle St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 33.7

317 Lucas St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 34.0

320 Wabash Ave., 1 .3 .3 34.3

321 Vance St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 34.6

321 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 34.9 OH

322 Lucas St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 35.3

325 Vance St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 35.6

326 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 35.9

327 Vance St., Toledo, OH 3 1.0 1.0 36.9

331 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 37.2

336 Alpena St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 37.5

337 Lucas St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 37.8

340 Tecumseh St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 38.1

342 Illinois St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 38.8

342 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 39.1 OH

347 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 39.4

349 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 39.7

35 South. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 40.1

35 South Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 40.4 325

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

3514 N. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 40.7

3518 Mayo St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 41.0

3521 Chase St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 41.3

354 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 41.7

354 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 42.0 OH

356 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 2 .6 .6 42.9 OH

360 Tecumseh St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 43.6

356 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 42.3

361 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 44.2

37 Hill Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 44.6

37 Vance St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 44.9

370 Lucas St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 45.2

370 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 45.5

371 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 45.8 OH

372 Lucas St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 46.5

375 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 46.8 OH

380 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 47.1 OH

381 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 47.4

382 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 47.8

387 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 48.4

397 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 48.7 326

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

397 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 48.7

399 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 49.0

401 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 49.4

402 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 50.0

405 Hunt St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 50.3

411 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 50.6

412 Belmont Ave., Toledo, OH 3 1.0 1.0 51.6

415 Dorr St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 51.9

421 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 52.2

427 Avondale Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 52.6

428 2nd St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 52.9

437 Avondale Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 53.2

48 Vance St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 53.5

49 Vance St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 53.8

505 South St. Claire St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 54.2 OH

510 South St. Clair St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 54.5 OH

510 St. Clair St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 54.8

511 East 33rd St., Chicago, IL 1 .3 .3 55.1

512 Beacon St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 55.4

516 E. Woodruff St., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 55.8 OH

516 N. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 56.1

518 N. Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 56.4

522 North Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 56.7 327

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

527 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 57.1

528 State St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 57.4

529 South Erie St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 57.7

530 Avondale Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 58.0

530 East Woodruff, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 58.3

532 State St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 58.7

534 Woodland Ave., Toledo OH 2 .6 .6 59.3

540 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 59.6

540 State St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 59.9

542 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 60.3 OH

553 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 60.6 OH

554 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 60.9 OH

558 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 61.2

560 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 61.5

560 Norwood, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 61.9

564 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 62.2

581 Norwood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 62.5

601 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 62.8

605 Michigan St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 63.1

609 Huron St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 63.5

328

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

610 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 63.8

611 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 64.1

614 Avondale Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 64.4

616 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 64.7

617 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 65.4

618 Adams St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 65.7

619 Pinewood Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 66.0

619 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 3 1.0 1.0 67.0

620 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 67.3

627 Southard Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 67.6

634 Woodruff Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 67.9

642 State St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 68.3

644 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 68.6

666 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 3 1.0 1.0 69.6

666 Indiana, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 69.9

7 Seeley St., Adrian, MI 1 .3 .3 70.2

714 Washington St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 70.5

731 Oakwood Ave., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 71.2

733 Palmwood Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 71.5 OH

738 Woodland Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 71.8 OH

740 Yondota Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 72.1

800 Tunnel St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 72.4

815 S. 15th St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 72.8

820 City Park Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 73.1

820 Mill St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 73.4

329

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

821 Hildebrand, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 73.7

822 West Grove Place, Toledo, 1 .3 .3 74.0 OH

822 Yondota St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 74.4

830 Hildebrand Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 74.7 OH

830 Yondota St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 75.0

832 W. High St., Lima, OH 1 .3 .3 75.3

835 Chesbrough St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 75.6

835 West Grove Pl., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 76.3

835 West Grove Place, Toledo, 1 .3 .3 76.6 OH

836 Palmwood Ave., Toledo, 1 .3 .3 76.9 OH

838 Champlain St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 77.2

839 Chesbrough St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 77.6

840 Mills St., Toledo, OH 2 .6 .6 78.2

841 Chesbrough St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 78.5

937 Howard St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 78.8

953 Indiana Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 79.2

954 Oak St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 79.5

Canton Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 79.8

Chicago, IL 1 .3 .3 80.1

Cleveland, OH 1 .3 .3 80.4

Federal Creosote Plant 6 1.9 1.9 82.4

Hamilton St., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 82.7

Hill Ave. Rt. 3, OH 1 .3 .3 83.0

Hill Ave., OH 1 .3 .3 83.3

Hill Ave., Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 83.7 330

Table 2.6 (continued) Residences: Complete Street Addresses

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Indiana Ave, Toledo, OH 1 .3 .3 84.0

Lucas Co. Hospital 2 .6 .6 84.6

Lucas Co. Infirmary 2 .6 .6 85.3

N/A 33 10.6 10.6 95.8

Ottawa Hills 1 .3 .3 96.2

Pleasant Hotel 1 .3 .3 96.5

State Hospital 1 .3 .3 96.8

Lucas Co. Infirmary 2 .6 .6 85.3

N/A 33 10.6 10.6 95.8

Ottawa Hills 1 .3 .3 96.2

Pleasant Hotel 1 .3 .3 96.5

State Hospital 1 .3 .3 96.8

Toledo, OH 4 1.3 1.3 98.1

Unknown 5 1.6 1.6 99.7

Yondota St.—Eastside 1 .3 .3 100.0

Total 312 100.0 100.0

331

APPENDIX B

PERCENTAGE FIGURES NOT INCLUDED IN CHAPTER III

Figure 1. Cross-tabulation H ow Paid * F uneral Cost Funeral Cost How Paid $1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total Adams Township 2 1.9% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 0.7% Bank 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 1.3% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.3% Ca s h 27 26.2% 14 28.0% 14 17.9% 8 17.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 63 21.6% Check 1 1.0% 2 4.0% 0 0.0% 1 2.1% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 1.4% County 33 32.0% 2 4.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 34 11.7% Estate 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 3 3.8% 0 0.0% 1 14.3% 0 0.0% 4 1.4% Insurance 0 0.0% 16 32.0% 39 50.0% 30 63.8% 6 85.7% 6 100.0% 97 33.3% Insurance & Other 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 2.6% 1 2.1% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 3 1.0% N/A 13 12.6% 2 4.0% 3 3.8% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 18 6.2% Pa yments 25 24.3% 12 24.0% 16 20.5% 7 14.9% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 60 20.6% Savings & Cash 0 0.0% 1 2.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.3% Soldier's Relief 0 0.0% 1 2.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.3% Subscription 3 2.9% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 3 1.0% Total 103 100.0% 50 100.0% 78 100.0% 47 100.0% 7 100.0% 6 100.0% 291 100.0% 332

Figure 2. Cross-tabulation H ow Paid * Paid in F ull Paid in F ull Count N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total How Paid 12 100.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 12 3.8% Adams Twp 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 0.9% 2 0.6% Bank 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.4% 1 0.3% Ca s h 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 9 15.3% 1 10.0% 0 0.0% 55 24.4% 65 20.8% Check 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 1.7% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 3 1.3% 4 1.3% County 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 1.7% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 33 14.7% 34 10.9% Estate 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 1.8% 4 1.3% Insurance 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 18 30.5% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 79 35.1% 97 31.1% Insurance & Other 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 3 1.3% 3 1.0% N/A 0 0.0% 1 20.0% 2 3.4% 7 70.0% 1 100.0% 12 5.3% 23 7.4% Pa yments 0 0.0% 4 80.0% 27 45.8% 2 20.0% 0 0.0% 29 12.9% 62 19.9% Savings & Cash 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.4% 1 0.3% Soldier's Relief 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.4% 1 0.3% Subscription 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 1.7% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 0.9% 3 1.0% Total 12 100.0% 5 100.0% 59 100.0% 10 100.0% 1 100.0% 225 100.0% 312 100.0% 333

Figure 3. Cross-tabulation Paid in F ull * F uneral Cost Funeral Cost $1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total Paid in F ull 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.3% N/A 1 1.0% 1 2.0% 3 3.8% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 5 1.7% No 16 15.5% 12 24.0% 16 20.5% 14 29.8% 0 0.0% 1 16.7% 59 20.3% Other 5 4.9% 1 2.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 6 2.1% Yes 81 78.6% 36 72.0% 59 75.6% 33 70.2% 7 100.0% 5 83.3% 220 75.6% Total 103 100.0% 50 100.0% 78 100.0% 47 100.0% 7 100.0% 6 100.0% 291 100.0%

Figure 4. Cross-tabulation F uneral Cost * Age Range Age Range Funeral Cost 0-5 yrs 6-12 yrs 13-19 yrs 20-30 yrs 31-41 yrs 42-52 yrs 53-62 yrs 63-80 yrs 81-100 yrs Total $1-50 44 93.6% 0 0.0% 2 28.6% 15 31.9% 18 31.0% 13 25.0% 1 2.8% 6 23.1% 1 12.5% 100 35.1% $50.01-100 2 4.3% 2 50.0% 0 0.0% 8 17.0% 13 22.4% 12 23.1% 2 5.6% 6 23.1% 3 37.5% 48 16.8% $100.01-150 1 2.1% 2 50.0% 3 42.9% 12 25.5% 14 24.1% 16 30.8% 15 41.7% 11 42.3% 3 37.5% 77 27.0% $150.01-200 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 14.3% 11 23.4% 8 13.8% 9 17.3% 13 36.1% 3 11.5% 1 12.5% 46 16.1% $200.01-250 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 14.3% 1 2.1% 3 5.2% 1 1.9% 2 5.6% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 8 2.8% $250.01-300 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 3.4% 1 1.9% 3 8.3% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 6 2.1% Total 47 100.0% 4 100.0% 7 100.0% 47 100.0% 58 100.0% 52 100.0% 36 100.0% 26 100.0% 8 100.0% 285 100.0%

Figure 5. Cross-Tabulation Gender * Price of Casket Price of Casket Gender $1-30 $30.01-60 $60.01-90 $90.01-120 $120.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 Total Female 18 39% 15 30% 36 49% 14 54% 4 44% 0 0% 0 0% 87 42% Male 27 59% 35 70% 37 51% 12 46% 5 56% 3 100% 1 100% 120 58% N/A 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Total 46 100% 50 100% 73 100% 26 100% 9 100% 3 100% 1 100% 208 100%

334

Figure 6. Cross-tabulation Gender * F uneral Cost Funeral Cost Gender $1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total Female 29 28% 19 38% 31 40% 25 53% 5 71% 1 17% 110 38% Male 66 64% 31 62% 47 60% 22 47% 2 29% 5 83% 173 59% N/A 8 8% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 8 3%

Total 103 100% 50 100% 78 100% 47 100% 7 100% 6 100% 291 100%

Figure 7. Cross-tabulation Gender * Paid in F ull Paid in F ull Gender N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total Male 2 50% 28 49% 4 44% 1 100% 141 64% 177 61% Female 2 50% 29 51% 5 56% 0 0% 78 36% 114 39%

Total 4 100% 57 100% 9 100% 1 100% 219 100% 291 100%

Figure 8. Cross-tabulation Gender * H ow Paid How Paid Insurance & Savings & Soldier's Subscrip- Count Adams Twp Bank Ca s h Check County Estate Insurance N/A Pa yments Total Other Ca s h Relief tion Gender 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Female 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 25 38% 1 25% 9 26% 1 25% 45 46% 1 33% 6 26% 23 37% 0 0% 0 0% 1 33% 112 36% Male 0 0% 2 100% 1 100% 38 58% 3 75% 22 65% 3 75% 52 54% 2 67% 13 57% 38 61% 1 100% 1 100% 2 67% 178 57% N/A 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 3 9% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 4 17% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 10 3% Total 12 100% 2 100% 1 100% 65 100% 4 100% 34 100% 4 100% 97 100% 3 100% 23 100% 62 100% 1 100% 1 100% 3 100% 312 100%

335

Figure 9. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Price of Casket Price of Casket Marital Status $1-30 $30.01-60 $60.01-90 $90.01-120 $120.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 Total Di vorced 0 0% 1 2% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Married 12 26% 18 36% 35 48% 20 77% 3 33% 2 67% 1 100% 91 44% N/A 3 7% 9 18% 6 8% 0 0% 1 11% 0 0% 0 0% 19 9% Single 24 52% 18 36% 14 19% 5 19% 3 33% 1 33% 0 0% 65 31% Separated 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Unknown 2 4% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Widowed 5 11% 2 4% 17 23% 1 4% 2 22% 0 0% 0 0% 27 13% Total 46 100% 50 100% 73 100% 26 100% 9 100% 3 100% 1 100% 208 100%

Figure 10. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * How Paid How Paid Adams Insurance Savings Soldier's Subscrip- Count Bank Ca s h Check County Estate Insurance N/A Pa yments Total Township & Other & Ca s h Relief tion Marital Status 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Di vorced 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Married 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 16 25% 2 50% 8 24% 0 0% 58 60% 1 33% 4 17% 17 27% 0 0% 1 100% 2 67% 109 35% N/A 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 7 11% 1 25% 9 26% 0 0% 5 5% 0 0% 8 35% 7 11% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 37 12% Single 0 0% 2 100% 1 100% 33 51% 0 0% 12 35% 1 25% 20 21% 2 67% 10 43% 33 53% 1 100% 0 0% 1 33% 116 37% Separated 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Unknown 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 3 9% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 4% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 6 2% Widowed 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 5 8% 1 25% 2 6% 3 75% 14 14% 0 0% 0 0% 3 5% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 28 9% Total 12 100% 2 100% 1 100% 65 100% 4 100% 34 100% 4 100% 97 100% 3 100% 23 100% 62 100% 1 100% 1 100% 3 100% 312 100%

336

Figure 11. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Paid in F ull Paid in F ull Count N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total Marital Status 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Di vorced 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 2 1% Married 0 0% 3 60% 21 36% 1 10% 0 0% 84 38% 109 35% N/A 0 0% 2 40% 5 8% 3 30% 0 0% 26 12% 37 12% Single 0 0% 0 0% 26 44% 6 60% 1 100% 83 37% 116 37% Separated 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% 2 1% Unknown 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 6 3% 6 2% Widowed 0 0% 0 0% 6 10% 0 0% 0 0% 22 10% 28 9% Total 12 100% 5 100% 59 100% 10 100% 1 100% 224 100% 312 100%

Figure 12. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * F uneral Cost Funeral Cost Marital Status $1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total Di vorced 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Married 17 17% 18 36% 32 41% 33 70% 3 43% 5 83% 108 37% N/A 17 17% 8 16% 10 13% 2 4% 0 0% 0 0% 37 13% Single 60 58% 18 36% 20 26% 6 13% 3 43% 1 17% 108 37% Separated 0 0% 2 4% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Unknown 5 5% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 6 2% Widowed 4 4% 3 6% 14 18% 6 13% 1 14% 0 0% 28 10% Total 103 100% 50 100% 78 100% 47 100% 7 100% 6 100% 291 100%

337

Figure 13. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Age Range Age Range (years) Marital Status 0-5 yrs 6-12 yrs 13-19 yrs 20-30 yrs 31-41 yrs 42-52 yrs 53-62 yrs 63-80 yrs 81-100 yrs Total Di vorced 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Married 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 21 42% 33 56% 23 44% 19 53% 10 37% 3 38% 109 37% N/A 2 4% 0 0% 0 0% 4 8% 5 8% 10 19% 4 11% 6 22% 2 25% 33 11% Single 49 96% 4 100% 7 100% 24 48% 16 27% 11 21% 0 0% 3 11% 0 0% 114 39% Separated 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Unknown 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 4 7% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 6 2% Widowed 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 5 10% 12 33% 8 30% 3 38% 28 10% Total 51 100% 4 100% 7 100% 50 100% 59 100% 52 100% 36 100% 27 100% 8 100% 294 100%

Figure 14. Cross-tabulation Gender * Marital Status Marital Status Count Di vorced Married N/A Single Separated Unknown Widowed Total Gender 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Female 0 0% 0 0% 47 43% 12 32% 34 29% 1 50% 1 17% 17 61% 112 36% Male 0 0% 2 100% 62 57% 23 62% 74 64% 1 50% 5 83% 11 39% 178 57% N/A 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 5% 8 7% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 10 3% Total 12 100% 2 100% 109 100% 37 100% 116 100% 2 100% 6 100% 28 100% 312 100%

Figure 15. Cross-tabulation Gender * Age Range Age Range Gender 0-5 yrs 6-12 yrs 13-19 yrs 20-30 yrs 31-41 yrs 42-52 yrs 53-62 yrs 63-80 yrs 81-100 yrs Total Female 16 31% 1 25% 3 43% 25 50% 22 37% 14 27% 18 50% 7 26% 4 50% 110 37% Male 29 57% 3 75% 4 57% 25 50% 36 61% 38 73% 18 50% 19 70% 4 50% 176 60% N/A 6 12% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 4% 0 0% 8 3% Total 51 100% 4 100% 7 100% 50 100% 59 100% 52 100% 36 100% 27 100% 8 100% 294 100%

338

Figure 16. Cross-tabulation Gender * Religious Affiliation Religious Affiliation Baptist & Count Baptist Catholic Methodist N/A Total Methodist Gender 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Female 0 0% 28 30% 1 33% 1 100% 32 51% 50 36% 112 36% Male 0 0% 65 69% 2 67% 0 0% 31 49% 80 58% 178 57% N/A 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 9 6% 10 3% Total 12 100% 94 100% 3 100% 1 100% 63 100% 139 100% 312 100%

Figure 17. Cross-tabulation Marital Status * Cause of Death Cause of Death Brain Gastro- Heart Infectious Kidney Pregnancy Pulmonary Accident Ca ncer Dropsy Drowning N/A Other Senility Unknown Wound Total Related intestinal Related Disease Related Related Related Marital Status 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Di vorced 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Married 2 14% 9 56% 4 80% 1 14% 1 20% 3 27% 19 49% 3 25% 3 38% 10 37% 18 51% 0 0% 28 33% 3 60% 0 0% 5 38% 110 37% N/A 4 29% 1 6% 1 20% 1 14% 1 20% 1 9% 7 18% 2 17% 2 25% 4 15% 5 14% 0 0% 7 8% 0 0% 0 0% 1 8% 37 12% Single 6 43% 5 31% 0 0% 0 0% 1 20% 6 55% 5 13% 7 58% 1 13% 12 44% 9 26% 18 100% 38 45% 0 0% 1 100% 7 54% 115 38% Separated 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Unknown 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 40% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 6 2% Widowed 2 14% 0 0% 0 0% 5 71% 0 0% 1 9% 6 15% 0 0% 2 25% 1 4% 2 6% 0 0% 7 8% 2 40% 0 0% 0 0% 28 9% Total 14 100% 16 100% 5 100% 7 100% 5 100% 11 100% 39 100% 12 100% 8 100% 27 100% 35 100% 18 100% 84 100% 5 100% 1 100% 13 100% 300 100%

Figure 18. Cross-tabulation Gender * General Cause of D eath General Cause of Death Brain Gastro- Heart Infectious Kidney Other Pregnancy Pulmonary Accident Ca ncer Dropsy Drowning N/A Senility Unknown Wound Total Related intestinal Related Disease Related Ca us es Related Related Gender 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Female 3 21% 4 25% 4 80% 6 86% 0 0% 5 45% 14 36% 5 42% 2 25% 11 41% 20 57% 2 11% 33 39% 2 40% 0 0% 0 0% 111 37% Male 11 79% 12 75% 1 20% 1 14% 5 100% 6 55% 25 64% 7 58% 6 75% 14 52% 15 43% 10 56% 49 58% 3 60% 1 100% 13 100% 179 60% N/A 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 7% 0 0% 6 33% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 10 3% Total 14 100% 16 100% 5 100% 7 100% 5 100% 11 100% 39 100% 12 100% 8 100% 27 100% 35 100% 18 100% 84 100% 5 100% 1 100% 13 100% 300 100%

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Figure 19. Cross-tabulation Occupation of D eceased * General Cause of D eath General Cause of Death Gastro- Heart Infectious Kidney Pregnancy Pulmonary Occupation of D eceased Accident Brain Cancer Dropsy Drowning N/A Other Senility Unknown Wound Total intestinal Related Disease Related Related Related Auto Mechanic 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Barber 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 8% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 4 1% Brick Mason 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Butler 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Carpenter 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Chef 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 9% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Clerk 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 1 8% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Constable 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Cook 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 8% 4 1% Goods D ealer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 5% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Domestic 1 7% 2 13% 0 0% 3 43% 0 0% 1 9% 3 8% 1 8% 1 13% 2 7% 5 14% 0 0% 7 8% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 26 9% Engineer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 4% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 100% 0 0% 2 1% Expressman 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Hotel Manager 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 4% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Housewife 2 14% 0 0% 3 60% 1 14% 0 0% 2 18% 6 15% 2 17% 1 13% 4 15% 11 31% 0 0% 13 15% 2 40% 0 0% 0 0% 47 16% Laborer 8 57% 2 13% 0 0% 0 0% 1 20% 1 9% 12 31% 2 17% 4 50% 4 15% 6 17% 0 0% 17 20% 2 40% 0 0% 9 69% 68 23% Laundress 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Musician 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% N/A 2 14% 4 25% 2 40% 3 43% 2 40% 6 55% 6 15% 5 42% 2 25% 14 52% 4 11% 18 100% 23 27% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 91 30% Paper H anger 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Plasterer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Porter 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 5% 1 8% 0 0% 0 0% 2 6% 0 0% 6 7% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Preacher 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Proprietor 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 8% 1 0% Restaurant Keeper 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Retired 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 20% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Server 0 0% 2 13% 0 0% 0 0% 2 40% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 0 0% 1 4% 2 6% 0 0% 4 5% 0 0% 0 0% 2 15% 14 5% Student 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Taxi Driver 1 7% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Teamster 0 0% 1 6% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Total 14 100% 16 100% 5 100% 7 100% 5 100% 11 100% 39 100% 12 100% 8 100% 27 100% 35 100% 18 100% 84 100% 5 100% 1 100% 13 100% 300 100%

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Figure 20. Cross-tabulation Occupation of Deceased * Religious Affiliation Religious Affiliation Baptist & Count Baptist Catholic Methodist N/A Total Methodist Occupation of D eceased 12 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 12 4% Auto Mechanic 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Barber 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 2 1% 4 1% Brick Mason 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 2 1% Butler 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Carpenter 0 0% 0 0% 1 33% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Chef 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 2 1% Cl erk 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Constable 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 1 0% Cook 0 0% 3 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 4 1% Dealer of Goods 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 2 1% 3 1% Domestic 0 0% 3 3% 0 0% 0 0% 7 11% 16 12% 26 8% Engineer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 1 1% 2 1% Expressman 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Hotel Manager 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Housewife 0 0% 12 13% 0 0% 1 100% 17 27% 17 12% 47 15% Laborer 0 0% 25 27% 0 0% 0 0% 9 14% 34 24% 68 22% Laundress 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Musician 0 0% 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 3 1% N/A 0 0% 28 30% 1 33% 0 0% 17 27% 45 32% 91 29% Paper Hanger 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Plasterer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Porter 0 0% 5 5% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 5 4% 12 4% Preacher 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Proprietor 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Restaurant Keeper 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 1 0% Retired 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 2 1% Server 0 0% 5 5% 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 7 5% 14 4% Student 0 0% 1 1% 1 33% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Taxi Driver 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Teamster 0 0% 3 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Total 12 100% 94 100% 3 100% 1 100% 63 100% 139 100% 312 100% 341

Figure 21. Cross-tabulation Occcupation of D eceased * Gender Gender Occupation of D eceased Male Female Total Auto Mechanic 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Barber 4 2% 0 0% 4 1% Brick Mason 2 1% 0 0% 2 1% Butler 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Carpenter 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Chef 2 1% 0 0% 2 1% Cl erk 2 1% 0 0% 2 1% Constable 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Cook 3 2% 1 1% 4 1% Dealer of Goods 3 2% 0 0% 3 1% Domestic 0 0% 26 23% 26 9% Engineer 2 1% 0 0% 2 1% Expressman 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Hotel Manager 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Housewife 0 0% 47 41% 47 16% Laborer 65 37% 1 1% 66 23% Laundress 0 0% 1 1% 1 0% Musician 2 1% 1 1% 3 1% N/A 51 29% 32 28% 83 29% Paper Hanger 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Plasterer 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Porter 11 6% 1 1% 12 4% Preacher 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Proprietor 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Restaurant Keeper 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Retired 2 1% 0 0% 2 1% Server 12 7% 2 2% 14 5% Student 1 1% 1 1% 2 1% Taxi Driver 1 1% 0 0% 1 0% Teamster 3 2% 0 0% 3 1% Total 177 100% 114 100% 291 100% 342

Figure 22. Cross-tabulation Occupation of D eceased * Paid in F ull Paid in F ull Count N/A No Other Unknown Yes Total Occupation of D eceased 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Auto Mechanic 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Barber 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 4 2% 4 1% Brick Mason 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 2 1% Butler 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Carpenter 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Chef 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 2 1% Cl erk 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% 2 1% Constable 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Cook 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% 4 1% Dealer of Goods 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% 3 1% Domestic 0 0% 1 20% 4 7% 2 20% 0 0% 19 8% 26 9% Engineer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 100% 1 0% 2 1% Expressman 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Hotel Manager 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Housewife 0 0% 0 0% 15 25% 0 0% 0 0% 32 14% 47 16% Laborer 1 100% 1 20% 6 10% 2 20% 0 0% 58 26% 68 23% Laundress 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 10% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Musician 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% 3 1% N/A 0 0% 1 20% 20 34% 5 50% 0 0% 65 29% 91 30% Paper Hanger 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Plasterer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Porter 0 0% 2 40% 2 3% 0 0% 0 0% 8 4% 12 4% Preacher 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Proprietor 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Restaurant Keeper 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Retired 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% 2 1% Server 0 0% 0 0% 4 7% 0 0% 0 0% 10 4% 14 5% Student 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 2 1% Taxi Driver 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Teamster 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% 3 1% Total 1 100% 5 100% 59 100% 10 100% 1 100% 224 100% 300 100% 343

Figure 23. Cross-tabulation Occupation of D eceased * F uneral Cost Funeral Cost Occupation of D eceased $1-50 $50.01-100 $100.01-150 $150.01-200 $200.01-250 $250.01-300 Total Auto Mechanic 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Barber 3 3% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 4 1% Brick Mason 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Butler 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Carpenter 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Chef 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Cl erk 0 0% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Constable 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Cook 0 0% 3 6% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 4 1% Dealer of Goods 2 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Domestic 7 7% 4 8% 9 12% 4 9% 1 14% 0 0% 25 9% Engineer 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 14% 0 0% 1 0% Expressman 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Hotel Manager 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Housewife 3 3% 7 14% 15 19% 19 40% 2 29% 1 17% 47 16% Laborer 21 20% 16 32% 19 24% 8 17% 1 14% 1 17% 66 23% Laundress 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Musician 1 1% 0 0% 1 1% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% N/A 57 55% 8 16% 15 19% 5 11% 1 14% 0 0% 86 30% Paper Hanger 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Plasterer 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Porter 1 1% 5 10% 4 5% 1 2% 0 0% 1 17% 12 4% Preacher 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Proprietor 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Restaurant Keeper 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 17% 1 0% Retired 0 0% 1 2% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 2 1% Server 4 4% 4 8% 1 1% 3 6% 0 0% 2 33% 14 5% Student 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 1 14% 0 0% 2 1% Taxi Driver 0 0% 0 0% 1 1% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 0% Teamster 1 1% 0 0% 2 3% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 3 1% Total 103 100% 50 100% 78 100% 47 100% 7 100% 6 100% 291 100%

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APPENDIX C

PICTURES & DEATH CERTIFICATE

Figure 2.1

Figure 2.2

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Figure 2.3

Figure 2.4

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Figure 2.5

Figure 2.6

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Figure 2.7 Figure 2.8

Figure 2.9

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Figure 2.10

Figure 2.11 349

Figure 2.12