Zionism and the Arab Revolution
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, • I . .. -. - . TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 The Myth 01 Progressive Israel by Peter Buch 5 Israel i Social ist Appeal 12 Politics in Israel 17 Publishttd by the Young Sociali.t Allionce: P. O. Bc:.471 Cooper Sta';on New York. N. Y., 10003 PrInted In th e United Stote, of America August 1967 INTRODUCTION At this writing the conquering armies of Israel are encamped on the banks of the Suez Canal and the Jordan River. Is tael's surprise ~blltzkreig" attack on the Arab countries has been a cause for rejoicing from the palace of General Ky in Saigon to the White House and the Pentagon In Wash· (ngton. What attitude should American radicals take toward the Zionist government of Israel? And how is it possible to secure a lasting peace in the Middle East? These are the questions the articles collected here try to answer. The current struggles in the Middle East can only be un derstood in the broader context of the worldwide struggle between the underdeveloped countries and the advanced Imperialist powers, particularly the United States. The at tempt to achieve real national Independence from foreign Intervention, Investment and control sharply divides the Middle East. On the one hand is the progressive aspirations of the Arab masses for complete economic and political indepen dence and for an end to the miserable conditions under which they are forced to live. On the other side is imperialism's desire to maintain, by savage force if necessary, this oil-rich area under its domi nance. The numerous popular revolts that continually nare up and the nationalization of property in Syria and Egypt, especially the nationalization of the Seuz Canal, are a direct threat to this domination. 4 How does Israel fit Into this picture? In ftTl.e Myth of Progressive Israel," Peter Buch lays bare the central fact that Israel is not really an underdeveloped country at all. but has an economy which is an artifically transplanted, heavily financed, European-type capitalism. It acts as a guardian of imperialist interests in the Middle East Peter Such was an active member of Hashomer Hatzalr, a socialist-Zionist youth organization. He spent six months in Israel in 1951 where he worked on a Kibbutz and at tended a leadership training school. He later broke with Zionism, becoming a Marxist and a founder of the Young Socialist Alliance. He is a spokesman for the Socialist Work ers Party. The "Israeli Socialist Appeal," issued on the eve of the outbreak of the war outlines the only workable solution to the bitter conflict in the Middle East- a socialist union of all the countries of the Middle East. The Israeli Socialist Or ganization, which issued the appeal, is an organization of Israeli Marxists composed of both Arabs and Jews; this lends special significance to their proposals. They point out, after a rigorous examination of the con crete situation, that the socialist Middle Eastern union they propose could only be achieved by a rejection of the specifi· cally Zionist character of Israel, and a break on the part of Israel of its ties with the United States. The last article, entitled "Politics in Israel," is also by the Israeli Socialist Organization, drafted in January, 1967. It traces the historical development of the ruling parties in Is rael, and of the other parties on the left. It pays particular attention to the role of the Kibbutzim in the Israeli economy, the origins and significance of the massive "labor federa tion," the Histadrut; and the policies of the Communis! party in Israel. These articles, first published in the weekly socialist news paper The Militant, give the first consistent explanation of the politics of Zionism, and point to a realistic solution of the Middle East crisis for the Jewish and Arab masses. JULY, 1967 LES EVANS PETER BUCH The Myth of Progr es sive Israel A few days before the June 5 Israeli attack on the Arab countries, Senator Robert Kennedy called for the ftdefensc" of Israel as an "outpost of democracy and civilization" in the Middle East. Kennedy's remark reflects the liberal version of a myth that grips many radicals in the U. S., the myth of "progres sive"-even "socialist"- Israel. This myth pictures Israel uS a land of Kibbutzim or communal farms, with workers' parties dominating the government and steering Israel in a socialist direction. Partisans of this view must first of all answer the ques tion: If Israel really is moving in a progressive direction, why is its foreign policy so reactionary. and why does its policy in the Middle East meet with such approval from Washington, Chiang Kai-shek, Nguyen Cao Ky, etc.? That U. S. imperialism is pleased with the recent Israeli victory was indicated by the following gleeful remarks in the June 19 Newsweek: "To Washington, the combination of Israeli muscle and U. S. sweet talk had produced emin ently satisfactory results ... As an indirect beneficiary of the Israeli blitz, the U. S. should at least be in a position to neutralize the Middle East, so that its oil can be profitably marketed and its waterways used for the benefit of world commerce ...M The June blitzkrieg is not an isolated instance where the interests of the Israeli regime happened to coincide with those of the imperialists. 6 In 1956 Israel launched un attack upon Egypt in con· junction with Britain and France. Israel supported the U. S. in the Korean war; supported the fascis t Secret Army Organi zation in Algeria against the Algerian revolution; opposed the independence movements in Morocco, Tunisia and Indo nesia; trained counterrevolutionary paratroopers for the Con go's General Mobutu; opposes the admission of China into the UN; endorsed the Eisenhower doctrine and suppo rted the landing of U. S. and British troops in Lebanon and Jordan du ring: the Iraqi revolution of 1958. Is rael has supported King Hussein of Jordan against ef forts of the Palestinian refugee movement to overthrow him. The Israeli regime has refused to condemn the U. S. war in Viet nam, as the Egyptian, Algerian and Syrian regimes have donc. Israel has found ways of indicating its support to Johnson's war; for example. Moshe Dayan visited South Vietnam earlier this year, financed by the U. S. Info rmation Agency. The truth of the matter is that these policies fl ow from the character of Israel as a capitalist and colonizing society. Is rael is plagued with the typical problems of such a society, including class struggles, economic criSis, unemployment, racism and mil itarism. The Zionist policy of Jewish colonization a t the expense of the native Arab population, has led Israel into an alli ance with the imperialist powers, especiall y the U. S. Instead of seeking integration with a n a nti-imperialist and socialist Middle East, Israel is an opponcnt o f the Arab revolution. As a small and economicall y unviable country, cut off from its neighbors, it is dependent upon aid from the imperialist countries in order to survive. Is rael's vaunted p rosperity has been an artificial one, propped up by outside aid. Since 1949, it has received $6 billion in such aid, two-thirds in grants and contributions. Most of this money has come from Jewish fund-raising (main ly in the U. S.), German reparations payments, and U. S. government grants. The German reparation payments recently came to an end. Jewish immig ratio n has dried up, leading to a slump in the housing industry. Production in Is rael is concentrated in light industry and agriculture, requiring importation o f 7 machinery, fuel and raw materials. These factors have led to a foreign deficit this year of half a billion dollars, and a huge national debt of over a billion dollars. Israel is in an economic crisis, ma rked by infla tion, unemployment, wage freezes and wage cuts, and a strike wave. The response of the "workers" government has been to place the burden of th e crisis upon the working class. The situation wus described early this year by Ya'akov Chazan, member of the Knesset (Israeli parliament) a nd a leadin g spokesman for Mapum, a left-Zionist party: "The great peril confronting us now is unemployment. The threat of its growth is being used by the employers to strength en their own position through the threat of further discharges and layoffs, a nd in this way they seck to break down work ers' solidarity and force the workers to acquiesce to lowered standards of living and increased exploitation. This situa tion is more critical than it seems, since unemployment is not uniformly distributed throughout the country, but has hit certain sectors more than others, in p articular the devel opment towns and certain Arab communities.~ ("Develop ment towns" are mainly occupied by Oriental Jews from Ye men, Iraq, Algeria, etc.). Mapam, the United Workers Party, fon:nally adheres to Marxism and "undogmatic" Leninism. It is opposed to so cialist revolution in Israel, however, and fully supports Zion ism. It is presently in the government coalition, lending its support to the campaign against the Arab countries. The Mapai party is social democratic. II is the strongest party, and controls the powerful HistndruL The Histadrut is the central labor union, but is also the country's largest employer and runs the main health insurance program. The fact that Mapai is the leading government party helps fosler the illusion of "socialist" Israel. But the Mapai govern ment no more makes Israel socialist than the Labor party government makes England socialist.