Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry: A Genealogy and Media Content Analysis of Gaming Restrictions in Contemporary Pavel V. Vasiliev Bo J. Bernhard

Abstract In an era of widespread gaming expansion, Russia's recent decision to contract its gaming industry stands out as a global anomaly. This article explores factors informing the 2009 restriction of venues in Russia to four remote zones. After a brief discussion of gambling prohibition history across cultures, a genealogical analysis of the origins and development of gaming laws in Russia follows. The authors then use a qualitative content analysis technique to examine the rationales for this contraction that were expressed in Russian news outlets between 2003 and 2010 - the period when the new restrictions were debated, voted on, and enacted. This analysis revealed four major rationales cited by the media: 1) alleged ties between gambling and organized crime, 2) social cost themes associated with addiction and related problems with youth in Russia, 3) gambling's enforcement of class boundaries, and 4) the protection of a Russian national identity. The results help us better understand anti-gambling arguments generally, and the unique dynamics of Russia's crackdown in particular.

Keywords: Russia, gaming policy, gaming industry, community relations, ethnographic content analyses, anti-gambling movements

Introduction Although gambling is not as widespread a phenomenon as researchers once believed, it is fair to say that during the last twenty years we have witnessed a tremendous quantitative and qualitative expansion of the global gaming industry (Binde, 2005; Earlington, 2009; Bernhard, et al., 2009). Over the years, gambling formats have evolved dramatically, from the talus bones of hoofed animals discovered at the oldest human settlements, to the highly complex cathedrals of consumption that house modem Pavel V. Vasiliev, MA Department of Sociology in Las Vegas, Macau, and Singapore (Schwartz, 2006; Ritzer, 2009). Some scholars University of Nevada, Las Vegas argue that the success of the gaming industry is explained by the constitutive and perhaps Las Vegas, NV 89154 E-mail: [email protected] atemporal significance of play in many human cultures, while other contemporary theorists focus on these types of ludic (or "playful") activities as a major theme during Bo J. Bernhard Associate Professor our current transition period away from the previous "serious" chapter of modernity Departments of Sociology and (Huizinga, 1938; Baudrillard, 1988). Theoretical differences aside, the triumphant growth Hotel Management University of Nevada, Las Vegas of gambling and a globalizing gaming industry is undeniable. Las Vegas, NV 89154 At the same time, the normalization of gambling associated with mass participation Phone: 702-895-2935 E-mail: [email protected] has not magically erased all of the old anti-gambling anxieties, nor has it prevented

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popular popular of of form form acceptable acceptable an an as as gaming gaming of of view view the the challenging challenging from from discourses discourses new new Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry and Entrepreneurs. We first sought every single article in Gazeta.ru between 2003 and 2010 using the more restrictive search term "igorni biznes" (gambling business) and discovered 50 articles. Of course, using solely one on-line business-oriented I source might lead to a systematic bias, so in the second stage Methodologically, ethnographic we searched on-line newspapers which also had an off-line content analysis (ECA) is a (traditional) circulation. These sources included "Rossiiskaya qualitative technique that seeks Gazeta," "Nezavisimaya Gazeta," "Komsomolskaya Pravda," "Trud," and other major newspaper sources - some of which to uncover themes rather than targeted a business audience, but most of which focused upon a count occurrences. mass readership. After reviewing 378 gambling-related articles from this second group of sources, we determined that they did not appear to have any recurrent bias - quite the contrary; they revealed a strikingly broad range of citations and opinions. We narrowed this sample down to the 154 articles which focused solely upon the gambling business, using the same terms we employed in the first search ("igorni biznes," i.e. gambling business).1 Hence, our final sample contains exactly 204 articles: 50 from the on-line business­ oriented newspaper Gazeta.ru, and 154 articles from on-line newspapers with an off-line circulation. Out of these 204 articles, 89 came from business-oriented sources and 115 came from mass audience sources. We do not claim that our sampling strategy and choice of sources result in absolutely objective snapshot of all Russian media, but we believe that our attempt to focus on these two broad sub-types of mass media introduces enough diversity to disrupt the systematic bias that is potentially present in any particular media niche. The use of this type of sampling technique in conjunction with content analysis is not uncommon (see, e.g., Besel et al., 2009; Gormly, 2004; Stock, 2007) and the size of this sample should allow for both empirical saturation and validity. After we identified the articles that serve as units of analysis for this study, we printed them out and started coding them, looking for themes that attempted to explain the recent restrictions of gambling in Russia. It quickly became apparent that no empirical justification for the new Russian gaming policy existed, as we found no reference to economic impact studies and even the experts agreed that no systematic analyses were available (Agarkov, 2008; Griffiths, 2009). Since no objective justification of the policy reversal existed, we adopted a more flexible search for emerging themes, common ideas, patterns and experiences, and prevalent sentiments as well as exceptions to popularly held beliefs, as recommended in the methodological literature (Blumer, 1969; Altheide, 1987). We then began developing inductively defined key words that were written on the margins of these articles, and started organizing this data by identifying major recurring ideas and patterns, assigning codes to these ideas and patterns, and grouping the selected portions of text in computer files (Lofland & Potter, 2003). As the number of codes grew, we sought to organize within categories. This research stage is called "selective coding" and implies a reassessment of codes, an elimination of non-productive codes, and the development of more effective codes that are relevant to larger chunks of data (Lofland & Potter, 2003). During this stage, we wrote interpretive memos and proceeded towards analysis of the interplay between the codes in terms of logical relations such as cause and effect, inclusion, function, and sequence (Lofland & Potter, 2003). For example, we found that several media accounts included the theme of "gambling as corruptor of youth," focusing on how gambling could become addictive for young people in Russia, and at the very least distracted them from productive pursuits such as education or formation of families. This theme became more understandable given the current demographic crises involving the depopulation of Russia, and especially the shrinking size of Russia's younger populations (Brainerd, 2010; Pridemore, 2006).

I For a more detailed discussion of these newspaper sources, please see Appendix A.

UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume I 5 Issue 1 73 It is our hope that the combination of these two methodological approaches (genealogy and content analysis) contributes to an enhanced intelligibility of anti­ gambling discourses and practices generally, and in this unique location particularly (Bernhard, et al., 2010). In the next sections, we will first provide a general historical account of gambling prohibitions and restrictions, and then shift our genealogical focus to the recent case in Russia. We then introduce the ethnographic content analysis to illuminate possible justifications, rationales, and explanations behind this strict ban on all gambling outside of the four remote zones. In our concluding section, we synthesize the historical accounts and the media accounts to provide new insights on gambling prohibitions in general, and this recent restriction in Russia in particular.

Gambling Prohibitions and Restrictions: A Brief General History Prohibiting or restricting gambling formats is neither a novel nor a culturally-specific phenomenon, and in any case many societies have passed laws to prohibit gambling only to amend or reverse them later. The first known anti-gambling law, Lex Alearia, was passed in Rome around 204 BC to ban a game analogous to contemporary dice. Later Roman laws focused more specifically on forbidding dice games except during Saturnalia or feast times (though wagering on horse or human athletic competitions remained legal) (Toner, 1995, p. 98). Revealingly, those directly involved in the gambling act were less protected by these laws; for example, assaults on gamblers and theft from gambling premises were not punishable under Roman law (Toner, 1995; Kovtun & Zharkovskaya, 2008). These prohibitions revealed much about the social status of gamblers and gambling operators, who were deemed less deserving of legal (and presumably social) sympathy. China followed an early punitive path that sounds startlingly familiar to those who study the China/Macao gaming industry nexus today, and one that was no less sympathetic to those who gambled. As early as the second century BC, Chinese cultures disciplined imperial officials who overindulged in gambling, reflecting a lack of tolerance for those who dared mix business and gambling (Lam, 2005). More than two thousand years later, Beijing remains concerned with Chinese business leaders who overindulge in Macao and then respond by dipping into company funds to support their gambling habits -labeling these individuals "corrupt" rather than as mentally ill pathological gamblers (Bernhard, et al., 2009). These are no minor distinctions, of course, as business corruption is a potentially capital offense in modem China. Meanwhile, the mainland still bans all forms of casinos today, thereby necessitating gamblers' collective flight to Macao in the first place. In Europe as in China, the historical popularity of games of chance went hand in hand with anxiety about the activity's appropriateness (Ashton, 1968; Kavanagh, 2005). In France, Louis IX (also known as Saint Louis) often expressed worry about the piousness of his subjects, and in 1254 prohibited the taft (a board game played with dice), calling it "inhonesti ludi" (Flanagan, 2009, p. 71). However, gambling was not unequivocally seen as malign, as the 12th century French fabliau "Saint Peter et le Jougleour" provides an account of St. Peter winning sinners' souls from hell while playing dice with a jongleur temporarily left in charge by Satan (DuVal, 1992 ). This fabliau could be interpreted as a conversion narrative, in which divine forces triumphantly recover human souls from the captivity of evil -- paradoxically using a tool that is itself considered morally ambiguous. In England, a wide variety of restrictions on games of chance were implemented, and in 1541 Henry VIII issued a comprehensive statute forbidding all "public gaming houses as well as tennis, dice, cards, bowls, dash, and loggats" ("Gambling" in Chambers Encyclopaedia, vol. 5, p. 73, 1901). This statute replaced earlier gambling restrictions based upon rank, prohibited non-knights from gambling any money whatsoever, and mandated that all service men abstain from "hand and foot ball, coits, dice, throwing of stone keyless, and other such importune games"- ostensibly to focus instead upon archery practice (Rychlak, 1992, p. 16).

74 UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume 15 Issue 1 Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry Meanwhile, a variety of gambling formats have been repeatedly outlawed in the United States, where policymakers and players have engaged in a delicate discursive dance involving both sin and redemption (as gambling houses often supported houses of worship), as well as a Protestant work ethic and a gambling ethic that appeared to subvert it (Dunstan, 1997; Bernhard & Frey, 2006; Bernhard, Futrell & Harper, 2010). While it may appear that gambling has followed a linear trajectory in U.S. history- peaking today, in 2011, with more gambling available to more people in the country than ever before­ in fact, the history of the gaming industry in this country reflects a roller-coaster ride of peaks of popularity followed by anti-gambling backlashes and prohibitions (Bernhard, et al., 2010). This brings us to the nation and culture that serves as our primary focus in this paper. In Russia, games of chance have long been viewed with suspicion, often on religious grounds. This attitude was reflected in the Code of 1649, which criminalized playing cards alongside offenses against property such as robbery and stealing (Tsytsarev & Gilinsky, 2008). The Code also established severe sanctions for the activity, including whipping and amputation of fingers or hands (Tsytsarev & Gilinsky, 2008). Later, leaders would adjust the penalties for transgressions: in 1717, Peter I specifically prohibited playing cards or dice with monetary stakes, but established only a monetary fine as a penalty for transgressors (Kovtun & Zharkovskaya, 2008). Then, in 1733, the Empress Anna introduced imprisonment as punishment for the same offense. Ekaterina II, the famously enlightened empress who corresponded with Voltaire, made a more subtle distinction between games of chance and risky games of commerce, deciding to outlaw the former in 1765 (Tsytsarev & Gilinsky, 2008). By 1782, tolerance of even these exceptions waned, and all public gaming houses in Russia were prohibited. Despite this prohibition, gambling was firmly entrenched in the lifestyles of the nobility, and numerous accounts of gambling can be found in classic in the nineteenth century. Most memorably, Pushkin's "Queen of Spades" articulates a search for the perfect card combination, and Dostoyevsky's "The Gambler" depicts an overwhelming passion for the game that might today be characterized as pathological (Helfant, 2002). Consistent with Veblen's (1899) contentions about gambling, status, and luck, it seems that the cultural gambling practices were essential in the construction and presentation of masculine upper-class Russian identity during the nineteenth century. For their part, however, letters and diaries of gamblers' wives in this era depict the loss of estates, horses, and hound dogs, all of which predictably led to familial discord (Helfant, 2003). In sum, there seem to be a variety of reasons underlying prohibitions and restrictions on gambling in different historical periods and in different locations. In what has to be seen as a major driver of the Western anti-gambling movements, it seems that all three Abraharnic religions (Christianity, Judaism, and Islam) viewed gambling with suspicion -- as a diversion from pious activities or even a precursor or a correlate of other vices. For example, the Talmud interpreted gambling as a form of thievery, and did not allow gamblers to be judges or witnesses, reasoning that "people who are unproductive and do not further the welfare of society by holding down a job are willing to lie and cheat" (Wein, 2004; Friedman, 2001). Meanwhile, Christianity, especially in its Protestant strands, saw gambling as a transgression of spiritual asceticism, a distraction from the good works glorifying God, and an incubator for numerous vices (Bernhard et al., 2010). Islam, of course, imposes a strict ban on gambling among its adherents. Certainly, these religious dictates provided the foundations for the gambling discourses that emerged from these periods in Russia and in the rest of the Western world, as countries and cultures attempted to rein in this morally objectionable activity.

Gambling in Contemporary Russia: A Brief Cultural, Political, and Economic History Interestingly, the USSR, which banned most forms of gambling between 1928 and 1987, relied upon similar rhetoric, constructing gambling as a bourgeois relic

UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume 15 Issue 1 75 and an element of a parasitic lifestyle. During this period, the and horse racing were the only legal gambling formats, even though a fairly narrow circle of quasi­ criminal underground card players existed in southern tourist locations (Barbakaru, 2001). However, in efforts to boost hard-currency revenues, a 1987 decree of the Council of Ministers effectively legalized the creation of joint commercial ventures for the promotion of tourism, and entrepreneurial hospitality sector businesses took full advantage, installing 226 slot machines in hotels frequented by foreigners. The effect was immediate and the profits were sizeable: up to 350 rubles per day were earned per machine, an amount that equaled 2 months of salary for the average citizen (Vestnik Igornogo Biznesa, 2006). In 1989, the first legal with table games was opened in the Savoy hotel in Moscow. Also during this tumultuous political period, the USSR formed a major joint venture with Spain, importing about 2,500 slot machines which were then installed in hotels across the country and accessible by a general public increasingly eager to consume. With the liberalization of the economy and the USSR's ultimate collapse, the gambling space opened up to numerous gambling operators who purchased used slot machines -- or even produced their own (see Vestnik Igornogo Biznesa, 2006 for an excellent overview of this particular period). Eventually, the country played host to a massive industry. To illustrate, by 1994 there were 496 registered gaming industry companies that operated in 87 of the 89 territories in the Russian Federation (a ratio that exceeds the "48 out of 50 states" ratio popularly referenced today in the United States). The industry employed up to 80,000 workers, but according to the Taxation Service, 315 out of 454 audited gambling businesses did not pay taxes or even possess a license (Tsytsarev & Gilinsky, 2008). In response, the 1998 Law #142-FZ "On Taxation of Gambling Business" introduced more clarity to the situation; the number of registered gambling locations grew by 40%, reaching 1 ,400 gambling operations by late 1998. This quantitative growth continued through 2000, when there were 2,700 gambling establishments with 2,581 gambling tables and 34,292 slot machines employing 120,000 workers throughout Russia (Kovtun, 2006). Though impressive on its face, this growth period was only in its infant stages. In 2002, the Federal Sports Agency (FSA) was authorized to grant gambling licenses, and regional governments were stripped of that functionality. The FSA liberally gave away at least 4,000 licenses in the next three years (some cite a figure of 6,300) for a nominal fee of 3,000 rubles (roughly USD$1 00), allowing virtually anyone to open a gambling establishment anywhere in the country (Finn, 2005). To illustrate the effect that the FSA's action had on Moscow, by 2005 the number of casinos nearly doubled from 30 to 58, while the number of slot machines tripled to in excess of 60,000 machines-- one machine per 170 city residents (Bodrunov, 2005). In sum, the post-USSR period was characterized by wildfire growth, which in turn set the stage for a backlash that was played out in the media as well The federal lawN 244-FZ as in the halls of Vladimir Putin's emerging government. was passed on December 29,

The Restriction of Gambling in Current-Day Russia: An 2006, prohibiting gambling Ethnographic Content Analysis venues with slot machines and Following a period of significant negative media attention table games everywhere in on the industry, the federal law N 244-FZ was passed on December 29,2006, prohibiting gambling venues with slot Russia except for four special machines and table games everywhere in Russia except for gambling zones - all remote four special gambling zones - all remote from the capital from the capital and well­ and well-established tourist destinations. This restriction was to take effect as of July 1, 2009 (Haworth, 2008). Further, established tourist destinations. companies planning to operate casinos or halls I in the gambling zones were required to be Russian "juridical persons" (i.e. registered in Russia), to apply for a permit, to demonstrate net assets of no less than 600 million rubles

76 UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume 151ssue 1 Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry (roughly USD$21 million), and to maintain that minimum over the lifespan of the gaming operation. The law also forbade all Russian gambling companies from operating on the internet, yet did not criminalize gambling on internet casinos based on servers outside of Russian territory (Budylin, 2008). Punishments for subverting the law were also outlined: managing a company that operated outside of the specialized gambling zones would lead to criminal charges of "illicit entrepreneurial activity" under article 171 of Criminal Code (Budylin, 2008). However intentionally, the law does contain loopholes, as "electronic lottery" and "internet draws" are not prohibited and seem to be vaguely regulated in the bill, which actually allows the operation of some slot machines with minor technical alterations (i.e. closing the cash-intake slot of the machine and selling the player a card to allow play). For their part, gambling establishments cannot be closed coercively, and there seems to be no clear mechanism of legal sanctions for violating the order to close (Dobryakov, 2009). Hence, if a gaming establishment does not voluntarily close, it has to be sued in court and its slot machines have to be legally determined to be "gaming machines" rather than "lottery machines" by experts (Dobryakov, 2009). The federal law was reportedly initiated by Vladimir Putin and passed very quickly, without much input from the gaming industry (Falyahov, 2009). However, the mass­ scale relocation of casinos to the gambling zones has yet to occur. Meanwhile, numerous reports of underground gambling establishments have surfaced, and there are reports of ad hoc social movements picketing the illicit gambling venues in different locations of the country (Vestnik Ignornogo Biznesa, 2010a, 2010b). So far, only two casinos have opened in the new Azov gambling zone, and the lack of infrastructure there (including the absence of hotels) discourages many patrons from attending (Pukemov, 2010). Ever the entrepreneurs, Russian businessmen have aggressively acquired gambling companies outside of the country, in locations as diverse as Bolivia, Africa, and Belorussia- the latter located an hour flight away from Moscow -- or gambling boats that cruise between St. Petersburg and Helsinki (Pukemov, 2010).

Gambling Perceptions in Current-Day Russia Several major themes emerged Outside of one study published in 1998 (Kassinove et al.), there when seeking justifications appear to be no current academic publications on perceptions for of the gaming industry in Russia. And even this study (which the new gaming industry revealed fairly positive attitudes toward gambling) is limited: it restrictions: 1) the theme of relied upon a sample size of 171 citizens, and more importantly, deviance and organized crime the Russian gaming industry has evolved dramatically since this time. Given these limitations, a content analysis of Russian media complicity in the gambling accounts helps enhance our understanding of the prevalent public industry; 2) the theme of discourses on gambling, and of the social construction of the social costs associated with gambling as a public and political issue. In our analysis of 204 media accounts, several major themes addiction, as well as gambling emerged when seeking justifications for the new gaming among youth in Russia, 3) industry restrictions: 1) the theme of deviance and organized socioeconomic themes that crime complicity in the gambling industry; 2) the theme of social costs associated with addiction, as well as gambling implied a tolerance for casino among youth in Russia, 3) socioeconomic themes that implied a locations and gambling among tolerance for casino locations and gambling among the affluent the affluent strata, and 4) the strata, yet intolerance for the more readily available forms of gambling (e.g., slot machines) ostensibly targeting less wealthy protection of a progressive groups, and 4) the protection of a progressive national Russian national Russian identity. identity. Interestingly, many of these themes (especially those dealing with the family, corruption of youth, and enforcement of class boundaries) are well-documented in the literature on I the contemporary moral panics, as well as the literature on the moral crusades during the UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume I 5 Issue I 77

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media. media. popular popular the the in in prominent prominent most most be be to to seemed seemed activity activity objectionable objectionable morally morally a a as as

gambling gambling of of themes themes the the while while examined, examined, we we sources sources business-oriented business-oriented the the in in prominent prominent

more more be be to to seemed seemed complicity complicity crime crime organized organized of of themes themes the the Interestingly, Interestingly,

2006). 2006). Solyanskaya, Solyanskaya, & & (Vinogradov (Vinogradov

zones zones special special the the of of outside outside available available machines machines slot slot and and casinos keep keep to to sought sought who who

groups groups lobbying lobbying various various the the of of temptations temptations the the avoid avoid to to parliament parliament of of members members warned warned

He He 2006). 2006). Solyanskaya, Solyanskaya, & & (Vinogradov (Vinogradov industry industry gaming gaming the the of of decriminalization" decriminalization"

"radical "radical achieve achieve to to was was laws laws new new the the of of purpose purpose the the that claimed claimed restrictions, restrictions,

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Themes Themes Crime Crime Organized Organized

themes. themes. these these express express

to to media media Russian Russian the the in in used was was that that rhetoric rhetoric the the capture capture that that examples examples illustrative illustrative

provide provide we we and and emerged, emerged, that that themes themes primary primary the the outline outline we we sections, sections, next next the the In In

2005). 2005). Moehring, Moehring, Green Green e.g., e.g., & & (see, (see, locales locales gambling gambling other other and and Vegas Vegas Las Las of of history history

the the throughout throughout documented documented well well been been has has gambling gambling with with relationship relationship objectionable objectionable

crime's crime's organized organized Finally, Finally, (2010). (2010). States States United United the the in in prevalent prevalent are are that that movements movements

social social anti-gambling anti-gambling the the of of examination examination (2010) (2010) al.'s al.'s et et Bernhard, Bernhard, with with consistent consistent

finding finding a a costs), costs), social social and and elderly, and and youth, youth, family, family, on on impacts impacts negative negative of of allegations allegations

sickness, sickness, as as gambling gambling (e.g., (e.g., impacts impacts associated associated and and gambling gambling excessive/pathological excessive/pathological

for for concerns concerns around around center center to to appear appear meanwhile, meanwhile, themes, themes, Other Other 2008). 2008). Krinsky, Krinsky, 1994; 1994;

Gordon, Gordon, 1998; 1998; (Beisel, (Beisel, York York New New and and Boston Boston in in century century nineteenth nineteenth ofthe ofthe half half second second Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry Social Cost Themes: Pathological Gambling, Family and Youth Impacts Medical discourses were also well-represented in media accounts that attempted to explain the rationales behind the restrictions. Not infrequently, habitual gambling was referred to as ludomania, or "pathological gambling" in the modern literature. In these reports, gambling is constructed within the framework of addiction, to be dealt with by psychiatrists and medical doctors specializing in the health impacts of alcoholism and drug abuse. One of these alcohol specialists, offering no systematic data, pointed out similarities in treatment and relapse between gambling patients and alcohol patients (Agarkov, 2008). This specialist also emphasized that the addictive destruction was different with these two afflictions, as it is practically impossible to spend as much money on alcohol or drugs compared to gambling (further explaining that gamblers "go into colossal debt ... which leads to a state of hopelessness. That is why there are many more suicides among pathological gamblers" (Agarkov, 2008). Local addiction specialists also voiced their support for the Kaliningrad social movement "People Against the Gambling Zone," saying that the region would have to establish an anti-suicide center for broke "ludomaniacs" (Smirnov, 2007). These themes are familiar to those who study anti-gambling social movements; whereas historic rhetoric focused on gambling's immoral nature or its mafia ties, current protests tend to revolve more often around the observation that some patrons engage in pathological and destructive gambling behaviors (Bernhard et al., 2010). Related themes emerged that dealt with social costs of gambling associated with family and younger populations. Once again, we did not record any hard empirical claims (or even educated guesses) about the measured socioeconomic impact of gambling here, but the themes of corruption of youth and negative impacts on families were persistent even if backed by impressionistic or anecdotal evidence -- or no evidence at all. For example, Russian parliament member Vladimir Medinsky put it this way: "It would be better for our youth to spend their best years solving the demographic problem- raise kids, establish families, educate themselves" (Pichugina, 2005). Meanwhile, a woman residing close to a casino says: "We are afraid for our children- what if they get hooked on the game?"(Usupova, 2008). The Deputy of Moscow Mayor Sergei Baidakov reiterates these claims, saying that "teenagers have no business" hanging out in the slot-machine saloons (Pyatiletova, 2009). He went on to say that "the most insecure populations- children, retired citizens, unhealthy people-- continue to lose their last rubles" at gambling (Pyatiletova, 2009). In expressing his own concerns about the growing gaming industry, the president of the Russian Federation was critical about the availability of gambling in public places: "We certainly have to consider protecting our vulnerable citizens from the things which are happening in the sphere of gambling" (Lirchikova, 2007). Amazingly, these sentiments were even expressed by those who stood to benefit from the new gaming industry restrictions. Vladimir Nikitin, a member of Russian parliament who represents constituents from Kaliningradskaya Oblast, one of the designated gambling zones, made this biting comment: "The population of (our) region ... will not receive any money, not even a dead donkey's ears, but a lot of problems ... " referring to a variety of social issues that he felt would plague his constituency after legal gambling arrived (Smirnov, 2007). These claims' focus on the corruption of youth and negative impacts on families become more intelligible if we examine the relevant demographic data. The population of Russia has been declining since the early 1990s, due primarily to fertility rates falling below the replacement threshold (Brainerd, 2009.) Many Russian social commentators have argued that various social ills (from gambling to alcohol abuse to depression and suicide) plague this small but vital youth generation, in a manner that indeed poses threats to the entire Russian economy, due to excessive financial burdens placed upon an increasingly small segment of Russian society (Pridemore, 2006). As such, we might say that these media accounts fear that what happens to Russia's children stays in Russia- or

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the the of of constructions constructions different different very very around around centered centered years years for for course course of of which which identity, identity,

national national Russian Russian the the tainting tainting are are business business and and capital capital with with relationships relationships international international

that that concern concern specific specific the the instance, instance, this this in in capitalism- and and business business of of themes themes

previously-discussed previously-discussed with with occasion occasion on on linked linked are are themes themes these these that that then, then, seems, seems, It It

2007). 2007). (Smirnov, (Smirnov, Casinos" Casinos"

to to No No (Russian) (Russian) "Motherly "Motherly and and Nests" Nests" Satanic Satanic are are "Casinos "Casinos like like slogans slogans identity-based identity-based

Russian Russian and and religiously- invoking invoking Russians, Russians, of of sovereignty sovereignty the the upon upon encroach encroach to to capital" capital"

"international "international of of attempts attempts to to referred referred Zone" Zone" Gambling Gambling the the Against Against "People "People instance, instance, For For

Russia. Russia. in in movements social social anti-gambling anti-gambling by by echoed echoed was was that that theme theme a a identity, identity, national national

of of notion notion the the invoked invoked often often leaders leaders religious religious ideas, ideas, moral moral these these expressing expressing In In

2007). 2007). (Ryabushev, (Ryabushev, spirit" spirit"

that that building building to to contribute contribute will will casinos casinos that that think think not not do do I I consciousness. consciousness. national national strong strong

(and) (and) belief, belief, strong strong spirit, spirit, strong strong is is need need we we "what "what that that argument argument the the making making by by continued continued

He He money?" money?" the the worth worth lives lives human human lost lost Are Are ...... shortsighted shortsighted ...... is is sin sin on on money money "Making "Making

that that argued argued and and station station TV TV Kaliningrad Kaliningrad local local a a on on went went leader leader church church one one instance, instance, For For

Russia. Russia. new new a a of of consciousness consciousness national national the the about about debates debates with with intertwined intertwined seem seem often often

debates debates moral moral These These culture. culture. and and country country this this in in gambling gambling of of religious interpretations interpretations religious for

affinities affinities historical previously-discussed previously-discussed the the given given development, development, unsurprising unsurprising perhaps perhaps -a -a

Russia Russia in in debates debates gambling gambling current-day current-day in in echo echo to to continue continue discourses discourses religious religious However, However,

2010). 2010). al., al., et et Bernhard Bernhard (see (see accounts accounts media media American American in in been been has has it it as as accounts accounts media media

anti-gambling anti-gambling Russian Russian current current in in prevalent prevalent as as not not was was rhetoric rhetoric religious religious Overall, Overall,

Consciousness Consciousness National National Russian Russian a a and and Morality Morality of of Themes Themes

flavor. flavor. Russian Russian distinctly distinctly a a on on take take to to appear appear themes themes gambling gambling

anti­ class-based class-based these these cultures, cultures, across across consistent consistent seem seem impacts) impacts) social social and and gambling gambling

pathological pathological of of fears fears (e.g., (e.g., here here presented presented themes themes the the of of some some though though Hence, Hence, 2001). 2001).

(Suhrke, (Suhrke, countries countries capitalist capitalist to to compared compared well well as as countries countries post-socialist post-socialist other other in in stronger stronger

be be to to seem seem beliefs beliefs these these and and Russia, Russia, in in high" high" too too is is inequality inequality "income "income that that statement statement

the the with with agreed agreed or or agreed agreed strongly strongly Russians Russians of of 95.8% 95.8% paper, paper, working working UNICEF UNICEF recent recent

a a to to according according instance, instance, For For today. today. of of Russia Russia capitalistic more more the the in in even even resonance resonance

significant significant maintain maintain but but era, era, Soviet Soviet the the during during rigidified rigidified that that -beliefs -beliefs distribution distribution

wealth wealth about about beliefs beliefs Russian Russian held held deeply deeply with with resonate resonate arguments arguments these these Further, Further,

1998). 1998). al., al., et et (Zohoori (Zohoori economy economy market market a a to to transition transition sharp sharp

Russia's Russia's by by created created insecurities insecurities socioeconomic socioeconomic with with connection connection in in understood understood be be best best

might might theme theme this this Ultimately, Ultimately, 2007). 2007). (Borisov, (Borisov, machines" machines" slot slot from from most most the the suffer suffer (who) (who)

people people "common "common is is it it that that charged charged explicitly explicitly ban) ban) federal federal the the before before even even prohibited prohibited

was was gambling gambling where where region region Muslim Muslim (a (a Chechnya Chechnya in in gambling gambling describing describing article article

One One 2005). 2005). (Pichugina, (Pichugina, casinos" casinos" the the in in wander wander them them let let it, it, allow allow resources resources financial financial

(individual) (individual) "Once "Once gamble: gamble: to to allowed allowed be be properly properly should should who who of of characterization characterization

permissive permissive this this contributed contributed Medinsky Medinsky Vladimir Vladimir member member parliament parliament Russian Russian

2005). 2005). (Gurkina, (Gurkina,

rich" rich" the the on on tax tax of of sort sort a a become become will will money money lost lost the the way way that that industry; industry; gambling gambling the the

of of customers customers the the become become will will incomes incomes high high with with people people that that important important highly highly is is "it "it that that

stated stated he he when when redistribution redistribution wealth wealth equitable ostensibly ostensibly an an for for pitch pitch direct direct a made made

Science Science of of Academy Academy Russian Russian the the of of Institute Institute Economy Economy of of director director deputy deputy The The casinos. casinos.

the the in in playing playing individuals individuals class class upper upper against against advocated advocated that that statement statement single single a a find find not not

did did we we sample, sample, entire entire our our in in illustrate, illustrate, To To zones. zones. remote remote new new these these to to travel travel to to enough enough

wealthy wealthy those those to to offered offered was was it it when when benign benign but but classes, classes, and and neighborhoods neighborhoods poorer poorer the the

penetrated penetrated it when when objectionable objectionable as as seen seen was was gambling gambling accounts, accounts, media media these these In In ways. ways.

revealing revealing in in itself itself manifested manifested also also boundaries boundaries class class of of enforcement enforcement of of theme theme The The

Poor Poor the the for for Problematic Problematic Rich, Rich, the the for for Acceptable Acceptable Themes: Themes: Class Class Socioeconomic Socioeconomic

whole. whole. a a as as economy economy and and society society future future

Russia's Russia's threatens threatens potentially potentially Russia Russia in in youth youth the the threatens threatens which which that that way, way, another another put put Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry proper role of capital and business. Of course, moral spheres are shifting rapidly in Russia: the persecution of faith during the Soviet epoch destabilized the influence of organized religion as a social institution and undermined the popularity and efficiency of these belief-based appeals. However, the continuing resonance of moral- and religious-inspired anti-gambling arguments, as well as the linkages of these beliefs with perspectives on capital and the new Russia, suggests that the Soviet period did not extinguish these sentiments entirely. It seems that these "new Russia" perspectives might well inform the construction of a new Russian identity - or at least a new Russian gambling identity- in the 21st century.

Conclusions and Discussion The authors of this piece faced the formidable task of understanding the rationales for gambling restrictions in Russia without substantial public perception surveys or other empirical literature on the subject. The current study adds to the intelligibility of these events by first providing a historical outline of gambling prohibitions in general and gambling law in Russia in particular. Next, this study used an ethnographic content analysis to identify salient rationales expressed in the Russian news media. These four rationales dominated the discourse surrounding the country's decision to remove gambling from major population centers by limiting gambling to four remote zones. The Russian media did not offer systematic empirical evidence justifying the exile of gambling venues into the four remote specifically designated zones. Rather, the anti­ gambling rhetoric we discovered revolved around classic themes such as deviant status of gambling and its alleged ties with organized crime, addiction and the protection of youth and other vulnerable social groups, the enforcement of class boundaries that protect the poor from gambling's temptations while allowing the rich to play if they are willing to pay and travel, and the protection of a morally sound Russian national identity. In hindsight, we might surmise that the Russian gaming market was not given enough time to regulate itself and mature into a legitimate one, and that the intervention of the governmental "iron fist," ineffective as it may be, is not entirely unintelligible under these circumstances. More generally, newer research on the international "gambling world" seems to suggest that instead of a singular gambling world that is somehow universal or monolithic, each gaming jurisdiction enjoys (or laments) its own unique relationship with the gambling act (Bernhard et al., 2009). In exploring a 21 ''century gambling landscape that is rapidly globalizing, it makes sense to take into account, as the best globalization research does, forces of both homogenization and resistance- that is, the ways in which the gambling world finds itself homogenizing and growing worldwide, but also the ways in which local jurisdictions have been observed to resist these similarities and universalizing tendencies. Specifically, the sociologist Jan McMillen contends that nowhere are the "homogenizing forces of globalization [clearer] than in the transformation of gambling into one of the world's most rapidly expanding consumer activities. [This is apparent in] the economic dominance of transnational corporations, often American; the acceptance of certain governing rules and economic tendencies; and standardization of products and consumer behavior... " (2003, p. 51). Others, however, have pointed out that local gaming jurisdictions do not always succumb to standardization, and can resist politically (often through legislation that is narrower than gaming interests desire), economically (in the form of comparatively high tax rates), and/or socially (in the form of anti-gambling social movements) (Bernhard, et al., 2009). Viewed against this backdrop, Russia's recent restrictions reflect both resistance to the international tendencies toward embracing gambling legalization, as well as resistance to the consequent homogenization of gambling spaces. The gaming industry would be wise to study exceptions to the 21 ''-century trend of wildfire expansion and legalization, as this is an industry that has had an often-

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Sources Sources News News of of Discussion Discussion A: A: Appendix Appendix

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gaming gaming a a of of illustration illustration an informative informative an as as stands stands Russia Russia such, such, As As operate. operate. to to them them allow allow

to to decisions decisions community) community) therefore therefore (and (and political political upon upon dependent dependent entirely entirely almost almost are are

operators operators businesses businesses gaming gaming industries, industries, most most to to contrast contrast In In 2009). 2009). al., al., et et (Bernhard (Bernhard well well

particularly particularly industries industries gaming gaming local local their their handled handled not not have have that that jurisdictions jurisdictions of of abound abound

examples examples games), games), wagering wagering neighborhood neighborhood of of types types certain certain banned banned government government the the after after

erupted erupted scandal scandal Story" Story" "Sea "Sea a a (where (where Korea Korea South South to to ban) ban) a a in in resulting resulting ultimately ultimately

aggressive, aggressive, overly overly and and insidious insidious as as protested protested was was expansion expansion poker video video (where (where Carolina Carolina

South South From From 2009). 2009). (Eadington, (Eadington, it it host host that that communities communities the the with with relationship relationship tenuous tenuous Prohibitions and Policy in the Global Gaming Industry References Agarkov, M. (2008, January 12). Pazientov nashli v kazino. Trud. Retrieved from http:// www.trud.ru/article/12-0 1-2008/124741_patsientov_nashli_ v _kazino.html Altheide, D. L. (1996). Qualitative media analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Altheide, D. L. (1987). Ethnographic content analysis. Qualitative Sociology, 10(1), 65- 77. Ashton, J. (1968). The history of gambling in England. New York, NY: Burt Franklin. Barbakaru,A. (2001). Ya- shuler. Retrieved from http://lib.ru/BRIDGE/barbakaru.txt Baudrillard, J. (1988). Selected writings. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Beisel, N. (1997). Imperiled innocents: Anthony Comstock and family reproduction in Victorian America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Belkovskiy, I. (2009,August 1). Pokushenie naves kriminalni mir. Gazeta.ru. Retrieved from http://www.gazeta.ru/social/2009/08/01/3230154.shtml Bernhard, B. J., & Frey, J. H. (2007). The sociology of gambling. In C. Bryant & D. Peck (Eds.), 21st century sociology: A reference handbook, (pp.399-404). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Bernhard, B. J. (2007). The voices of vices: Sociological perspectives on the pathological gambling entry in the DSM. American Behavioral Scientist 51(1), 8-32. Bernhard, B. J., Futrell, R., & Harper, A. (2009). Gambling and globalization: Sociological perspectives on the house and the players. Sociological Compass 3, 616-619. Bernhard, B. J., Futrell, R., & Harper, A. (2010). Shots from the pulpit: an ethnographic content analysis of United States anti-gambling social movement documents from 1816-2010. UNLV Gaming Research and Review Journal14(2), 15-32. Besel,A., Zimmerman, T. S., Fruhauf, C. A., Pepin, J., & Banning, J. H. (2009). Here comes the bride: An ethnographic content analysis of bridal books. Journal of Feminist Family Therapy 21, 98-124. Binde, P. (2005). Gambling across cultures: Mapping worldwide occurrence and learning from ethnographic comparison. International Gambling Studies 5 (1), 1-27. Bistrih, M. (2004, December 15). Voina Kavkaza i Urala. Gazeta.ru. Retrieved from http://www.gazeta.ru/2004/12/15/oa_142606.shtml Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Brainerd, E. (2010). The demographic transformation ofpost-socialist countries. United Nations University -World Institute for Development Economics Research Working Paper No. 2010115. Retrieved from UNU-WIDER website: http://www.wider.unu.edu/ publications/working-papers/20 10/en_ G B/wp20 10-15/ Bodrunov,A. (2005, June 20). Fetisov bolshe ne igraet v kazino. Gazeta.ru. Retrieved from http://www.gazeta.ru/sport/2005/06/a_302953.shtml Budylin, S. (2008). Russian law: A review of 2007. Russian Law: Theory and Practice 1, 71-82. Conrad, P. & Schneider, J. W. (1992). Deviance and medicalization:from badness to sickness. Philadelphia, PA: Temple. Dobryakov, D. (2009, March 30). Igra prodolzhaetsja. ltogi.ru. Retrieved from http:// www.itogi.ru/delo/2009/14/138839.html Dunstan, R. (1997). History of gambling in the United States. (CRB-97-003). Retrieved from California State Library website: http://www.library.ca.gov/crb/97/03/Chapt2.html DuVal, J. (1992). Fabliaux,fair and foul. Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies. Eadington, W. R. (2009). Capital, rent-seeking and risk taking in the casino industry and the economy at large. International Gambling Studies 9(3), 181-187. Federalniy Zakon ot 29.12.2006 N 244-FZ "0 gosudarstvennom regulirovanii dejatelnosti po organizacii i provedeniju azartnih igr i o vnsesenii izmenenii v nekotorie zakonodatelnie akti Rossiiskoi Federazii." Retrieved from http://base.garant. ru/1215129111/

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UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume 15 Issue 1 85 Article submitted: 3/9/11 Sent to peer review: 3/10111 Reviewer comments sent to author: 3/25111 Author's revised comments received: 3/28/11 Article accepted for publication: 3/29/11

86 UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal+ Volume 15 Issue 1