Foreword economy in an individualistic society. Moreover, there was an unpredictable psychological Are ye not as the chtldren of the Ethiopians unto element: the status of the Ethiopian Jewish Me, O children of lsrael? saith the Lord. community was inverted-from that of a pariah (Amos lX,7) group and religious minority (albeit part of the majority in terms of colour and language) in Africa, The manner in which the old-new nation of lsrael to that of part of the dominant Jewish majority practises the biblical Jewish value of tzedakkah- (albeit, in terms of language and colour, a readily social justice-in the contemporary world is the identifiable group) in lsrael. subject of this important and timely report by Steven Kaplan and Hagar Salamon. lt introduces a ln analyzing the problems of resettling the new human rights 'track'within JPR's lsrael Ethiopian Jews in lsrael, we enter the famrliar Programme that signifies a commitment to widen territory of current political debate in free societies our policy research agenda to include issues on the contentious area of public policy-welfare, concerning the treatment of minority communities. jobs, housing, education-and the limits of interventionist strategies and social engineering The dramatic rescue of thousands of Ethiopian by even well-meaning governments. Ouestions of Jews from war, famine and oppression and their race, disadvantage and social exclusion bedevil transportation 'on eagles' wings' (Exodus XlX, 4) most contemporary Western societies. lntegrating by the lsrael airforce to a sanctuary in the large numbers of poor, black immigrants into an 'Promised Land' appears to fulfil in our days the affluent society is not a problem unique to lsrael. promises of the Hebrew prophets, repeated in However, because of lsrael's Law of Return, the Jewish prayers over two millennia, about kibbutz lsraeli situation stands in marked contrast to that galuyot-the ingathering of the exiles' to Zion. in West European countries or North America. As '' in 1984 and 'Operation Jews, the Ethiopians entered not as refugees or Solomon' in '1991 were unique events: for the first asylum-seekers but with the automatic right to time in history, black people were taken from settle in the country and to participate fully in Af rica not in order to enslave them but to national life as citizens from the day of their arrival. welcome them as full and equal citizens of a democracy. The altruism of the lsraeli public was As this report demonstrates, while legal matched by an unusual consensus among lsrael's citizenship confers the rights of membership of normally bitterly divided political factions: it was the body politic and the duties of participation on agreed that there was a sacred duty to rescue, those who would seek to become insiders in the without reservation or regard to the costs nation-state, it does not automatically translate involved, all the Ethiopian Jews, including the into integration and social equality. Therefore, this sick, the elderly, 'the widow and the orphan'. This case study is of wider interest to those concerned principled stand made Jews worldwide feel with social policy and race relations. lsrael has proud. Many saw in lsrael's generosity of spirit a unparalleled experience in coping with the sudden moral indictment of other nations' inaction and influx of newcomers and a fine record in the hypocrisy when confronted by refugee crises both absorption of traumatized refugees and their during and since the Nazi era. The dramatic transformation into productive and patriotic events in the Horn of Afrrca also provided Jews citizens. The state provides an impressive array of with clear evidence to rebut the Soviet-inspired special benefits for immigrants including antisemitic canard that Zionism equalled racism. lt language classes, health coverage, counselling, was a tangible demonstration, in lsaiah's phrase, job training, housing and mortgage loan facilities of lsrael's fulfilling the role of or la'goyirn-'a light and a commitment to affirmative action in the unto the nations'-and of Judaism's impulse to military and higher education. Yet, notwithstanding practise charity rather than preach it. these assets, and the positive start and widespread goodwill displayed towards the But these are not messianic days and the saga of Ethiopian Jews, the findings are chastening. the Ethiopian Jews did not end with the drama of successf ul rescue. lt had to be followed up by the Despite the lsraeli determination to deny the less glamorous task of rehabilitation and significance of race and to emphasize the resettlement. The challenge of settling commonality of religion and Zionist ideology, newcomers from a ruralThird World background many of the facts reported here are problems in an urban environment in an advanced Western common to the globalAfrican diaspora-e.g. economy now faced the lsraeli authorities. There above-average rates of single parents, male were the practical problems of the social unemployment and low-wage jobs, and adaptation by penniless, tradition-minded, tribal dependence on welfare. Particularly noteworthy is people to a free-market, consumer-oriented the transmission of this disadvantage to the

pagel Ethiopan mm grantsln lsrael:experienceandprospects jprlreportno.l OJPR 1998 youth, who are prone to under-achievement in will have to develop quantitative and qualitative education and over-representation in special indicators for comparative analysis of social education classes. development among the various edof-ethnic communities. As the report suggests, in order to These social problems, as well as official indecision accomplish this result, the lsraeli authorities will on issues such as dispersal and concentration in have to provide for the collection and availability of housing, the unforeseen results of exposure to relevant demographic and socio-economic data on HIV/AIDS and the unhelpful attitude of the minorities and for ethnic monitoring and make Orthodox rabbinate, have served to increase them available for public scrutiny. : stereotyping by the general public as well as disaffection and charges of racism on the part of Perplexing dilemmas and fundamental policy the Ethiopians. ln defence of the authorities, it questions which remain unanswered by lsrael's must be said that more pressing political elites are relevant to, but beyond the scope of, problems, such as the peace process, have this report and the Ethiopian experience. Does the claimed lsrael's attention. lt can also be argued concept of citizenship confer social as well as that the 1990s and the swiftly changing, complex political rights and are these rights conferred on society of lsrael were not a propitious time and individuals or the group? Does common place for this immigration. The egalitarian and citizenship imply an acculturation process? Are austere atmosphere of 1950s lsrael, which was there limits to differences that cannot be contained dominated by agricultural pioneering, would no within the boundaries of a liberal democracy? doubt have provided a more compatible How far should, and could, a new nation like lsrael environment for the Ethiopians, in particular adults go in meeting the demands for cultural recognition with experience of dry-land farming. and accommodation by the various edot? These questions go to the heart of the contemporary The story of the Ethiopian Jews in lsrael is debate on social justice and the treatment of unfinished but the current realities have to be minorities in today's world. Clearly, lsrael is not faced. This report shows that the health of lsraeli the only country which confronts these challenges. society and the pursuit of social justice require the authorities to pay far more attention to social Professor Barry Kosmin policy and minority questions in the future. They Director of Research, JPR

Glossary of Hebrew and Amharic words immigration to lsrael bagrut matriculation exams Halakha Jewish rabbinic law Knesset lsraeli parliament karavanim mobile homes ma'abarot tent camps mechina college preparatory course qessim/qessotch Ethiopian Jews' religious leaders Sigd a pilgrimage holiday which commemorates the Biblical return from exile te'ef traditional iron-rich grain zar spirit possession

page2 Ethiopianimmigrants nlsrael:experenceandprospects jpr/reportno.l OJPR1998 Summary lsrael. Age, illness and childcare responsibilities mean that Ethiopians are less likely to be in the ln 1977 all but approximately 100 Beta lsrael labour force than other lsraelis. Their demographic (Falasha) lived in . Today, as a result of profile produces serious economic distress when immigration and natural growth, close to 65,000 combined with high unemployment and low Ethiopians live in lsrael and only a handful remain wages. A lack of skills means those seeking work in Africa. are often unsuccessful. Local surveys reveal that more than 50 per cent of Ethiopian households Demographically, the Ethiopian community is have no breadwinner. comparatively young: over 50 per cent are aged eighteen or under. The community also contains a The arrival of Ethiopian immigrants has confronted high percentage of both one-parent families (27 the lsraeli medical authoritres with a variety of per cent) and large households with six or more challenges. Many of the Ethiopians had been members. exposed to HIV in the Ethiopian capital. When it was discovered that blood donations of almost all Attempts have been made to avoid settling too Ethiopian Jews were being secretly destroyed, many Ethiopians in deprived areas. Yet a protests and riots resulted. This policy is currently comparatively large number of Ethiopians live in being revised and an extensive health education communities with social and economic problems programme has been developed. The trauma of and this affects their educational opportunities. their migration experiences and the shock of Providing educational f rameworks for the adapting to life in lsrael have produced problems immigrants has proven to be one of the most such as post-traumatic shock syndrome, complex challenges facing successive lsraeli depression and psychosomatic diseases. governments. The decision to send most Ethiopians to religious state schools has further ln Ethiopia the Beta lsrael were not familiar with complicated this situation by reducing the options Halakha (rabbinic law) and were unable to perform available to municipal authorities. Ethiopians are conversions or divorces in accordance with it. This less likely to attend non-compulsory pre-school has led to doubts as to the personal status of and more likely to be directed to special education community members. Ethiopian religious leaders than other lsraelis. Many Ethiopians in elementary are not recognized in lsrael as equivalent to school achieve results worse than those of their rabbis. Some, however, have received training and native-born peers. Although the percentage of serve on local religious councils. Recently, some Ethiopian teenagers sent to Youth Aliyah boarding Ethiopian rabbis have been trained. schools has decreased, secondary education also remains a problem. Ethiopians have the lowest The marginalization of the elders and clergy is percentage (12lr oI students who matriculate of significant. In their place a generation of young any lsraeli ethnic group. Nevertheless, special male leaders has emerged. Regional differences, programmes and financial incentives in higher political conflicts and varying lengths of residence education have resulted in a steady rise in in lsrael have led to a multiplicity of organizations. Ethiopian university enrolment. An increasing problem is the large number of youths who have The Ethiopians' social system and cultural either dropped out of school or whose attendance heritage is threatened. Their patterns of family life or other aspects of their behaviour have caused have been transformed and there have been them to be defined as 'at risk'. changes in the social status of both women and children. Simultaneously, their distinctive religious The proportion of Ethiopians serving in the lsraeli practice, use of Ethiopian languages and oral army is rising: 95 per cent of Ethiopian boys communal heritage have been seriously weakened (compared to B0 per cent of native lsraelis) eligible in the encounter with lsraeli Jewish life. Although for service were inducted in both 1995 and 1996. instances of institutionalized racism are comparatively few, preludice and ignorance have The Ethiopians themselves usually cite their poor had a serious impact on the Ethiopians' full economic situation as their greatest problem in integration.

page3 Ethoplanimmigrantsin srae:experienceandprospects lpr/reportno.l OJPR'1998 1 lntroduction the number of Ethiopian immigrants who arrived in lsrael each year, have been the subject of The Beta (Falasha) of Ethiopia-or, as they disagreement. ln most cases, such discrepancies are more commonly called today-Ethiopian are minor and do not result in serious differences Jews, may be per capita the most talked about of opinion regarding overall trends. ln such and written about group in the world. Each time instances, we have made every effort to publish they have been 'discovered'and 'rediscovered' a the most reliable figures from the most reputable flood of articles and books has ensued. The past sources. Minor variants have not been noted. decade alone has seen more than a dozen books, However, in cases in which the differing numbers hundreds of articles and several international result in markedly different interpretations of the scientific conferences.r Yet, despite all this Ethiopians' situation, we have noted such attention many features of Ethiopian Jewish life differences and their implications. remain little understood. Nowhere is this truer than with regard to their immigration and ln 1994 the American Jewish Committee adaptation to lsraeli society. published a comprehensive artrcle on Ethiopian Jews in lsrael.3 This article remains the single Two decades ago, at the beginnin g of 1977 , f ewer most complete source of data and information in than 100 Beta lsrael lived in lsrael. By the middle English on Ethiopian immigrants in lsrael. Yet, of 1997 more than 50,000 Ethiopian immigrants even though it continued to be updated until the had settled in the country (Table 1). When the last minute, this document is, inevitably, in need more than 16,000 children born in lsrael are of major revision. ln the intervening years the included (and those who have died subtracted), Ethiopian population in lsrael has grown through the Ethiopian community of lsrael can be said to aliyah (immigration) and internal growth from number close to 65,000. Seldom has any about 50,000 individuals to over 64,000. At the community undergone so dramatic, complete and time of its completion, moreover, most Ethiopian irreversible a change in so short a period. immigrants had been in lsrael for less than three years. Many of the major challenges they faced Owing to the speed and ongoing dynamics of were directly connected to their initial settlement these changes any attempt to document and in the country and this report was, accordingly, analyze them is a daunting task. While rich in background data on their arrival and initial immigration to lsrael brought with it one set of transition to life in Israel. To cite the most striking immediate and highly visible changes, the ongoing example, when the American Jewish Yearbook transformation of Ethiopian Jewry continues to article was written, almost half the Ethiopians in take place on a daily basis in a less visible but no the country were still in temporary housing- less significant way. mobile homes, absorption centres and hotels. Their move to permanent housing and hence their One factor that makes an evaluation of the encounter with host communities, schools and Ethiopian immigrants particularly difficult is the jobs were all to take place in the future. Today, lack of reliable authoritative quantitative data. The only a comparatively small number of those who longer Ethiopian immigrants and their children are have been in lsrael since 1994 remain in in the country the less likely they are to be treated temporary housing. as a separate category or to be the concern of a single government ministry or authority. The As we document below, ongoing long-term issues Ministry of lmmigrant Absorption, for example, including education, employment, health and has responsibility for all immigrants during their social integration have taken centre stage in f irst years in the country, but thereafter their recent years. This report will offer only such follow-up is sporadic and depends largely on voluntary reporting of births, deaths, marriages, report in English, The Absorption of Ethiopian lmmigrants in lsrael: divorces and moves from one city or another. Not The Present Situation and Future Objectives, which stated (p.1) only do government ministries and private groups '[S]ome 60% of the population are under the age of 18.' ln the differ among themselves regarding many figures, same month it pub ished a report in Hebrew-Uzi Gdor, 'The they often publish data which contain internal Absorptlon of Ethiopian lmmigrants 1992-1995' (Jerusalem: Ministry (p. per or refute claims they have made of lmmigrant Absorption 1996), which stated 28) that 53 cent contradictions of all Ethiopians were under the age of eighteen. An unpublished previously.2 Even the most basic facts, such as workrng paper entitled 'Educationa Integration of Ethiopian lmmigrants in lsrae' prepared in February 1997 states (p. 2) that a total of 9,000 Ethiopians were born in lsrael, but that there are 1 The most comprehensive bibliography on Ethlopian Jews published 8,000 children aged 0-4. As we indicate in this report, the total to date is Steven Kaplan and Shoshana Ben-Dor, Ethtoptan Jewry: number of Ethiopian children born in lsrael is probably over 16,000. An Annotated Bibltography IJerusaiem: Ben-Zvl lnstltute 1988). lt ls 3 Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen, 'Ethiopian Jews in lsrael', in David current y being updated by the authors of the present report. Singer and Futh R. Seldln leds.), American Jewish Yearbook 1994 2 ln January 1996 the Mlnistry of lmmigrant Absorption prepared a {New York: American Jewish Committee 1 994), 59-109.

page 4 Ethiop an lmm grants in srael: experience and prospects lpr/report no.T O JPR 1 998 background information as is necessary for an 2 Immigrations of Ethiopian Jews understanding of the immediate concerns which dominate the lives of Ethiopians in lsrael today. Despite the speed with which it took place, the Ethiopian immigration was not a single event but Acknowledgements a series of waves each with its own special The following people assisted us in the characteristics. Prior to 1980, for example, only preparation of this report by sharing their about 250 Ethiopian immigrants had come to thoughts, experiences and sources of information. lsrael. Starting in 1980, Jews from the relatively We wish to express our sincere gratitude to all of isolated regions of Tigre and Walqayit began to them. They bear no responsibility for the contents migrate to refugee camps in the Sudan. Although

of the report itself . some were to wait there for as long as two or three years, by the end of 1 983 the entire Professor Menachem Amir, Department of population of these regions (over 4,000 people) Criminology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem had been taken to lsrael. Mr YehielAran, Joint Distribution Committee, lsrael Mr ShmuelAzulin, lsraeli Ministry of Education As word spread of this Sudanese route, Jews Ms Shoshana Ben-Dor, North American from the Gondar region driven by a desire to reach Conference on Ethiopian Jewry lsrael began to migrate as well. As conditions in Mr Danny Budovsky, lnstitute for Ethiopian the Sudan deteriorated, the lsraeli government Jewish Culture abandoned its policy of gradual immigraion. Professor Naomi Chazan, Member of Knesset Between mid-November 1984 and early January Ms Jennifer Phillips David, doctoral student, 1985, 6,700 Ethiopians were taken to lsrael in Anthropology and Public Health, Emory University what came to be known as 'Operation Moses'.a Ms Nivi Dayan, Joint Distribution Committee, lsrael Ms Michal De Jung, Student Authority Following an lsraeli press conference confirming Ms Rachel Gindin, lsraeli Ministry of lmmigrant the airlift, the Sudanese suspended the operation, Absorption stranding hundreds of people. A few months later, Dr Henry Gold, lsraelAssociation for Ethiopian Jews the CIA-sponsored'/Sheba' Ms Ellen Goldberg, Joint Distribution Committee, brought a further 648 Jews to lsrael. lsrael Mr David Holt, doctoral student, Political Science, From August 1985 until the end of 1989 only University of Chicago about 2,500 immigrants reached lsrael. The Mr Rachamim ltzhak, Department of Adult restoration of diplomatic relations between Ethiopia Education, Ministry of Education and lsrael in the autumn of 1989, however, Ms Yalacov Katz, Director General, Kupat Holim cleared the way for a renewal of emigration in a Leiumit manner agreeable to both countries. lt also raised Mr Yossi Katz-Halevi, Jerusalem Report expectations among Beta lsrael and, by the Mr Jack Lapidot, Prime Minister's Office (retired) summer of 1990, over 20,000 Ethiopian Jews had Ms Rachel Masale, Bat Shalom migrated to Addis Ababa, where they faced Mr Addisu Messele, Member of Knesset, disease, malnutrition and inadequate housing. Chairman of the Board, United Ethiopian Jewish When Ethiopian leader Organization fled the country in mid-May as rebel forces Ms Shula Mula, lsraelAssociation for Ethiopian Jews advanced on the caprtal, a dramatic rescue effort Ms Gila Noam, JDC-Brookdale lnstitute was executed. During a period of thirty-six hours, Mr Micha Oddenheimer, lsrael Association for between 24 and 25 May, over 14,000 Beta lsrael Ethiopian Jews were taken to lsrael in ''.5 Dr Marian Reiff, Medical Anth ropology, Columbia University Even after the completion of 'Operation Solomon', Dr Chaim Rosen, lsraeli Ministry of lmmigrant small groups of Jews remained in remote Absorption provinces in Ethiopia. Over the course of time Dr Don Seeman, Anthropology, Harvard University Ms Graciela Spectot School of Education, 4 For greater detail see Tudor (London: Hebrew University Parfitt, Operatton Moses Weidenfe d and Nicholson 1985) and Louis Rapoport, Redemption Mr Uri Tamiat, lsrael Association for Ethiopian Jews Song; The Stary of Operation Moses (New York: Harcourt Brace Mr Anbessa Teferra, instructor, Amharic, Hebrew Jovanovich 1 9B6). For a more critica perspective see Ahmed University Karadawi, 'The smugg ing of the Ethlop an Fa asha to lsrael through Mr David Yasu, lsraeli Ministry of lmmigrant Sudan', Journal of Modern African Studles, vol. 29, no.4,1991, 557€1. 5 No English account of Operation Solomon has been published to date, Absorption although one is being prepared by Steven Spector of SUNY Stony Dr Rafael Youngmann, psychologist, Falk lnstitute, Brook. See also Ya'acov Frledmann, 'Operation Solomon: One Year and Jerusalem Thlrty One Hours' (Jerusa em: Amitai Publishers 1992) (in Hebrew).

page 5 Fthiop an lnrm grants ln srael: experlence and prospects jpr/report no.1 O JPR 1 998 most of these were contacted and efforts made 3 Demographic data to bring them to lsrael. More problematic, however, is the issue of Christian Ethiopians of Nowhere is the difficulty of acquiring reliable data Jewish (Falasha) descent. Although it had concerning Ethiopian immigrants clearer than in generally been believed that the Beta lsrael the collection of demographic information. Since community had clearly defined borders which immigrants had no written documentation separated it from its Christian neighbours, in regarding their age or marital status, lsraeli recent years this picture has been greatly revised. officials have had to rely on the immigrants' own It is now recognized that a Iarge community of personal testimony. However, few Ethiopians Falasha converts also existed. Several thousand oJ knew their exact date of birth. The Ethiopian

these had migrated to Addis Ababa in 199'l . calendar differs from that used in the West both Others had remained in their villages. with regard to the months and years. Thus, for example, the year 1997 is divided between the At the time of 'Operation Solomon' it was decided years 1989/90 of the Ethiopian calendar. The to leave these converts-known as Falas/Faras migration process disrupted many family units, Mura-in Ethiopia. ln recent years the right of making accurate descriptions of kinship ties these converts to come to lsrael has been the difficult to obtain. In addition, immigrants quickly subject of fierce controversy. Many have close learned to 'work the system' by providing relatives in lsrael and those who have resided in information most to their advantage. Thus, those Addis since 1991 have little possibility of returning in their f ifties might add years in order to qualify to their previous villages or lives. Those residing in for pensions rather than being sent to the Ethiopian capital (about 2,900 in January 1997) occupational training; those in their twenties have, moreover, been exposed to lsraelis and might subtract years to qualify for boarding school rabbinic Judaism for several years and some have rather than being inducted into the army or even formally converted (or in the view of some prepared for employment. Requests to 'correct' 'returned') to Judaism. ln November '1996 the information are common. lsraeli chief rabbinate, which had hitherto been supportive of efforts to cultivate ties with the No nationwide data exist concerning the size or Falas Mura, withdrew this support, citing doubts composition of Ethiopian families in lsrael. The about the genuineness of the converts and their Ministry of Absorptton, however, has partial connections to Judaism. Several members of the information on 15,558 households, which include Ethiopian community also questioned the wisdom about B0 per cent of the Ethiopians in the of bringing former Christians to lsrael. Others, country.T A comparison of data on age distribution noting the high rate of HIV- positive cases provided by the Ministry with figures on births (between 5 and 10 per cent) among those in available through the Central Bureau of Statistics Addis Ababa, have questioned the public health makes it clear that many of the 'missing' 20 per risk of this immigration. The Ethiopian government cent are children born in lsrael. (Only one in nine for its part has objected to what it views as a children born in the past f ive years have been provocative intervention in its internal affairs and reported.) ln addition, patterns found in the has claimed that the number of potential Ministry's data can be checked against surveys immigrants willing to identify themselves as conducted by the JDC-Brookdale Institute in six converts from Judaism could be in the tens or communities. Although not comprehensrve, the even hundreds of thousands.6 combination of these sources offers a reliable overview of the demographics of the Ethiopian Table 1 : lmmigration to lsrael from Ethiopia community in lsrael.B

1948-1 1 161 1972 79 306 Experience for Ethioplan lsraelis', PhD dlssertation, Harvard 1 980-89 1 6,965 University 1997; Hagar Salamon, 'Between ethnicity and 1 990-92 21,803 re iglosity-internal group aspects of converslon among the Beta 1 993 863 lsrael in Ethropra' , Pe'amim, no. 58, 1994, 1 04 99. 1 994 1,192 7 This lnformation is avaiab Ministry a 'r995 1,312 e through the of Absorption as 'r computerlzed database. 1 996 ,361 8 Esther Benita, 'Absorpt on of Ethiop an lmmigrants ln Permanent i 997 1,660 Housing Sites: Yavneh' {Jerusalem: JDC-Brookda e, June 1 996); 'Absorption of Ethiopian lmmigrants ln Permanent Housing Sites: Tota Ramle' (Jerusalem: JDC-Brookdale, November 1996); 'Absorptlon o'f Ethiopian lmmigrants in Permanent Housing Sites: Kiryat Malachi' Source: Jerusa em, Centra Bureau of Statistics (Jerusalem: JDC-Brookda e, November 1996); Esther Benita, Gila Noam and Ruth Levy, 'Local Surveys of Ethiopian lmmigrants: 6 Steven KapLan, 'Falasha Chrstians: a brief history', Mtdstream, Find ngs from Afu a, Netanya and Kiryat Gat' (Jerusa em: JDC January '1993, 20-21 Dor Seeman, 'One People, One Biood: Brookdale, December 1994). All these publications are in Hebrew Religious Conversion, Public Health and lmm gration as Social with Eng ish abstracts.

paqe6 Ethiopanlmmlgrantsin srae :experienceandprospects lpr/reportno.T OJPR 199B Births Table 3: Household size of Ethiopian Jews in lsrael By 1994, 1 1,690 children had been born in lsrael to parents of Ethiopian origin, with almost half of N these (5,781) born between 1992 and 1994. Thus 1 person 4,179 30.1 the total number of Ethiopian children born by 2 persons 2,613 172 mid-1997 is probably over 16,000. ln other words, 3 persons 1,854 1 1.8 over a quarter of today's Ethiopian community 4 persons 1,640 10.5 were born in lsrael.eThe birth rate of around 30 5 persons 1,318 8.5 persons per per 6 1 ,117 7.6 thousand is about 50 cent higher than that 7 persons 856 55 found among the general lsraeli population. Since 8 persons 610 '1992 births and immigration have meant a rise of 9 or more 651 4.3 almost 3,000 per year in the Ethiopian population Total 1 in lsrael. households 5.558 r00.0

Source: Ministry of lmmigant Absorption, N4arch 1997 Household structure and size Several features of the household composition are noteworthy and have serious implications for the 4 Housing dilemmas community's social, and particularly economic, wellbeing. According to the national data (see Temporary housing Table 2), the number of one-parent families is Not surprisingly, housing the successive waves of about2T per cent. This figure (about 50 per cent Ethiopian immigrants proved one of the most of all households if singles are counted) is complex challenges facing the lsraeli immigration consistent with the 24-30 per cent found in all the authorities. While comparatively small numbers of communities surveyed. Second, the national data immigrants arriving as part of an orderly process (Table 3) reveal a high percentage (21.3) of could usually be accommodated in existing households with six or more members. lndeed, absorption centres or even directly settled in even the Ministry of Absorption's partial data apartments, large 'surprise' influxes-as in the identify almost half of the Ethiopians as living in case of both 'Operation Moses' and 'Operation households with six members or more. Among Solomon'-exceeded the capacity of these these large families, moreover, almost 1,000 are resources. ln these cases, ad hoc solutions such headed by individuals aged 60 or older. This as housing immigrants in hotels, empty apartment accords well with a JDC-Brookdale survey which blocks, and mobile homes (karavaniml were found that 37 per cent of Ethiopians aged 55 and employed. Each of these 'housing solutions' over lived in households with 8 or more members.lo brought with it a variety of problems. (Both one-parent families and families with more than six members are more common among Standard absorption centres appeared to be by far those who arrived from May 1991 onwards.) The the best of these options. By concentrating large number of one-parent families and the high immigrants in separate housing, authorities were average household size have important economic able to provide services such as Hebrew implications (see page 12) which in turn are of instruction, job information and health care more major consequence for housing. efficiently. On the negative side, such facilities tended to isolate immigrants from society as a Table 2: Household structure of Ethiopian Jews in lsrael whole and foster dependence upon absorption officials and the services they offered.ll

Single person 4,119 30.7 Hotels were not only extraordinarily expensive One parent family 3,1 33 20.1 ($13,500 per year per immigrant), but also offered Couples 1,350 8.7 families virtually no opportunity for normal family Couples with 1-3 children 3,1 09 20.0 Couples wrth 4 or more ch ldren 3,023 19.4 life.12 lVost hotel residents failed to develop even Other 164 0.1 the most basic skills needed for independent Irving and thus, after a period of several years, Total households I 5,558 100.0

Source: Ministry of lmmigrant Absorption, March 1997 1'1 Michael Ashkenazi and Alex Wetngrod, Ethiopian lmmigrants tn Beersheba \High and Park, ll .: American Association for Ethiopian Jews 1 984); Esther Hertzog, 'The bureaucratlc absorption of 9 We would llke to express our gratitude to Ms Jennifer Phi llps David Ethloplan immigrants in lsrael' n Steven Kaplan, Tudor Parfitt, for allowing us to use figures from her research on fertility patterns Emanuela Trevisan Semi (eds.J, Between Afnca and Zion among Ethiopian immigrants in the preparatlon of this section. (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi lnstitute 1995), 1Bg 202. '12 10 We are grateful to Ms Gia Noam of JDC Brookdalefor giving us Uzi Gdor, Rachel Astman, Hagar Sa amon, 'Masterplan for the access to the unpublished report f rom which this f igure s Absorption of Eth opian Jewry' (Ministry of lmmigrant Absorpt on excerpted. 1985) {ln Hebrew).

pageT Ethioplanimmgrantsinlsrael:experlenceandprospects jpr/reportno.l OJPR1998 were moved not to permanent housing but to resources necessary to accommodate the new another temporary site. ln the 1980s this meant a population. Special outreach and informational move to absorption centres only recently vacated programmes were designed to encourage by other immigrants; in the 1990s it usually meant immigrants to apply for mortgages. By May 1996 a move to mobile homes. only '1 1 per cent of the 3,620 families in caravan sites in May 1993 remained.la All told, 403 At the time of 'Operation Moses' several hundred families remained in caravan sites and 200 in families were placed in previously abandoned absorption centres and 1 ,420 (mainly young) mobile homes on the outskirts of small towns and singles (900 in caravan sites and 320 in absorption cities. Not only were these sites even more centres) also remained in temporary housing. ln a rsolated than standard absorption facilitres, but television interview on B August 1997 a their physical condition was often substandard. spokesperson for the Ministry of lmmigrant Despite these difficulties, the expense and Absorption claimed in response to a demonstration disadvantages of hotel accommodations led the by Ethiopian singles not yet settled in permanent absorption authorities to make massive use of housing that their number had dropped to 567. mobile homes for'Operation Solomon' immigrants. This figure does not, however, include singles Huge mobile-home settlements for both Ethiopian who have grown up in lsrael and have not and Russian immigrants were erected in isolated succeeded in purchasing apartments. ln February open areas far f rom major concentrations of 1997 only 200 families f rom the period of veteran lsraelis. ln December 1993 almost one- 'Operation Solomon' remained in temporary third of all Ethiopians in the country were living in housing. Although the mortgage programme was twenty-one caravan sites, u ncanni ly remin iscent designed to limit the number of Ethiopian families of the tent camps (ma'abarot) used to house who settled in sites with weak economies and immigrants from Arab lands in the 1950s.13 educational systems, it was not always successful. Not only did many Ethiopians find The move to permanent housing their way to poorer municipalities including Kiryat From the outset, absorption officials had a multi- Malachi, Netivot and Ofaqim, but even within facted agenda in housing Ethiopian immigrants. stronger communrties they were often settled in They sought to limit the immrgrants' stay in undesirable neighbourhoods. Educational temporary housing and, at the same time, to avoid difficulties and high unemployment among their concentration in large numbers in particular Ethiopians are thus, in part, a consequence of buildings, neighbourhoods and, especially, in their settlement in these problem-ridden areas. economically disadvantaged peripheral towns and lsraeli towns or cities with over 1,000 Ethiopians cities. Often these differrng priorities conflicted are: Haifa, Hadera, Netanya, Ashqelon, Rehovot, with each other. For their part, the immigrants Ashdod, Ramle, Beer Sheva, Kiryat Malachi, often wished to be housed near (extended) family Yavne, Afula, Kiryat Gat and Kiryat Yam. members. Although some attempts were made to house Ethiopian immigrants in areas beyond At the same time, those residing in two caravan lsrael's '1967 borders, these were not successf ul: sites continued to present a major problem. These most immigrants rejected such locations as too included 2,883 at Neve Carmel, which no longer rsolated. As the list on this page indicates, all the receives new arrivals but is emptying out at a rate large concentrations of Ethiopians in lsrael are in of only 40-70 a month. Hatzrot Yasaf, with 850 pre-1967 locations. Since they arrived in waves residents, continues to grow at a rate of 120 over periods of years this frequently meant that arrivals a month. recent arrivals asked to be housed near relatives in areas that were already 'f ull' of Ethiopians. 5 Education ln May 1993 the Ministry of Absorption initiated a special mortgage programme for Ethiopian Providing appropriate educational frameworks for immigrants designed to encourage them to leave Ethiopian immigrants has always been one of the temporary housing and purchase apartments in major challenges facing successive lsraeli established areas in the centre of the country. lt governments. Not only is this necessary when included a grant equivalent to 90 per cent of the dealing with a population in which over 50 per price of the apartment (up to a maximum of cent are of school age, it also reflects the general $120,000), which could be used to acquire tone of absorption policies which emphasize the housing in fifty-two authorized locations believed have social, economic and educational to the 14 Minlstry of Building and Housing, 'Patterns of Absorption in Housing of Ethiopian lmmigrants' (Jerusalem: Tazpit, May 1993) {ln Hebrew); Ministry of lmmigrant Absorption, 'The Absorption of Ethiopian 13 Kaplan and Rosen, 'Ethlopian Jews rn lsrael', 84. lmmmiqrants in lsrael', Mav 1996, 3-5 (in Hebrew).

page 8 Eth oo an nrmigrants n lsr ae : exper ence and prospects jpr/report no.1 O JPR 1 998 transformation of immigrant youth. Yet despite Schools with Ethiopian pupils who arrived after this commitment, educational policies often 1991 receive funding for extra teaching hours (1.7 lagged far behind the sweep of events.15 ln the hours per student per week for each qualifying 1980s special programmes and even teacher- student). Although designed to improve the training schemes were generally not developed situation of Ethiopian students, this programme until after the thousands of Ethiopian students also serves to encourage some schools to hold on were in the educational system. More recently, a to a large number of immigrant students comprehensive plan for improving the educational regardless of the overall ratio produced. There is, conditions of Ethiopian children, presented in of course, supposed to be official monitoring to '1995 August by Dr Gadi Ben Ezer, then the head guarantee that these funds are applied to the of the Ministry of Education's Centre for Ethiopian benefit of Ethiopian children, but questions have lmmigrants within the Educational System, been posed as to their usage and the quality of remained largely unimplemented. teaching provided during these hours.

lnitially, it was decided that all Ethiopians would During the first year of schooling most Ethiopian attend state religious schools during their f irst youngsters were put in special 'absorption year in lsrael. This policy, based both on political classes'. ln practice, many remained in such considerations and a desire to avoid the rapid frameworks well behind the first year and thus secularization which confronted immigrants in the were effectively isolated from other lsraeli 1950s, severely limited the options available to students. As late as 1993, 30 per cent were still educational authorities. At a single stroke, studying in separate classes, but by the 1995-6 hundreds of schools were excluded from the school year this figure had dropped to 5 per cent.l7 absorptron effort, while others were required to take on f ull responsibility. Even under the best of Yet another factor furthering the isolation of circumstances it would have been difficult to find Ethiopian students was a tendency to direct them sufficient schools close to immigrant housing towards special education classes. According to which served the appropriate age groups. While the Ministry of Education, in the 1996-7 school calling for a total of no more than 25 per cent year 375 Ethiopian students were in special immigrant students in any one class, the education with a further 900 Ethiopians defined as Education ministry often found itself with entire being 'at risk'. Critics argue that cultural schools which were 60-70 per cent Ethiopian. misunderstandings, parents' lack of familiarity with the school system, and the school interest in While parents were allowed to transfer their the additional funds available to those in special children after the f irst year, few Ethiopian adults education have combined to result in a were suffrciently familiar with the schools to take disproportionate number of Ethiopians berng sent such an initiative. Even though this requirement to special education. More sophisticated and was eventually dropped, the bulk of Ethiopian culturally appropriate diagnostic tools are clearly students remain in the state religious schools. ln needed.rs 19BB 92 per cent of Ethiopian students were in the state religious school system and in 1995 this Although no national figures are available, figure had declined only slightly to BO per cent. community studies indicate that the number of Overall, they make up about 10 per cent of pupils Ethiopian children in pre-school frameworks is in the state religious system and only about 1 per well below the national average. At age 2, 25 per cent of those in secular schools. As late as the cent of Ethiopians are in pre-schools vs 70 per 1996-7 school year (September 1996-June 1997), cent of other lsraelis; at age 3, 50 per cent of there were still twenty-five elementary schools Ethiopians as compared to 95 per cent of other with more than 25 per cent Ethiopian enrolment lsraelis; and at age 4,90 per cent of Ethiopians as and many exceeded this proportion. Ethiopian compared to 99 per cent of all lsraelis.le teenagers comprised over 70 per cent of the students residing in several religious boarding While informed policies effectively implemented schools.l6 by the Ministry of Education are clearly the cornerstone for the integration and advancement 15 Teshome Wagaw, For Our Soul: Ethiopian Jews in lsrael lDetroit: of Ethiopian students, many programmes which Wayne State University Press 1993); lsraeli Assocration for target specific groups have developed. Some are Ethiopian Jews, Step-Children of the Educattonal System {Jerusalem: IAEJ 1995); 'Educational lntegration of Ethlopian lmmigrants n lsrael', unpublished, JDC, February 1997; Shalva Weil, 17 'lmmigrant Absorption: Situation, Challenges and Goals' (Jerusalem: 'Religious Belrefs and Practices of Ethiopian Jews in lsrael' Ministry of lmmigrant Absorption, April 1996), 53 (in Hebrew). {Jerusalem: lnstitute for lnnovation in Education 1988), 13-19 lin 18 'They're not mentally handicapped; they're Ethiopian', Htla News 2, Hebrew). Summer 1996,5-6; CI. Ma'ariv,29 December 1995. 1 6'Educational lntegration . . .', Gdor,'The Absorption . . .', 28-31. 19 'Educational lntegration'. . . ,4.

pageg Ethioplanlrr]mgrantsin srael:experienceandprospects jpr/reportno.l OJPR199B primarily f unded by government on the local or the full matriculation certificate requirements. national level, while others are largely f unded by non-governmental organ izations.20 While the percentage of Ethiopians studying in boarding schools has declined, the resources High schools and Youth Aliyah previously invested in their education have not Youth Aliyah was founded in 1932 by the generally been transferred to their local community American philanthropist Henrietta Szold and junior and senior high schools. Many parents have accepted its first parentless children from thus found themselves confronted with new Germany in '1933. During the 1950s numerous expenses to be paid out of their usually limited immigrant children from the Middle East and resou rces. North Africa were separated from their parents and educated in Youth Aliyah institutions in the Youth at risk hope of speeding their acculturation. Despite the Perhaps the most troubling phenomenon regarding grave misgivings which developed regarding such Ethiopian children is the large number of youths policies in the 1980s, over 96 per cent of who have either dropped out of school, or whose Ethiopian teenagers were placed in youth villages. attendance or other aspects of their behaviour have What began as a method to care for those who caused them to be defined as 'at risk'. No exact had arrived without parents became a standard f igures regarding their number exist but 900 track for Ethiopian youths. ln 1993 Ethiopian youngsters have been identified and are receivrng students represented 37 per cent of those some sort of attention or treatment. This figure is learning in Youth Aliyah schools, but were 65 per based on only a portion of the community and cent of those in religious youth villages. ln some officials claim that the total number is closer February 1996, 4,535 of the approximately 12,000 to 1,800.23 Further support for these figures is Ethiopian students in grades 7-12werein-/5 found in statistics from the Ministry of Education schools of Youth Aliyah.2l according to which 1,044 Ethiopians were in 12th grade in the 1996-7 school year; approximately 55 Criticisms of Youth Aliyah can be divided into two per cent of the Ethiopians were in that age group. categories. On the most general level, serious According to the lsrael State Comptroller, local questions exist concerning the long-term effects authorities reach only about half of such youths in of removing teenagers from their families and the general population.2a Confirmation of this weakening their links to local communities. troubling trend, if not of the precise numbers, is Educationally, Ethiopian youth often found found in the dramatic rise in police files opened themselves in classes with other weak students against Ethiopian youths. ln '1994 this number was placed in boarding schools or sent to Youth Aliyah 53, in 1995 it was 59, but in 1996 it rose classrooms because of family and personal dramatically to 150. Most cases involved either difficulties. Within the boarding schools Ethiopian property offences or public disturbances and all but high school students were overwhelmingly placed tn a handful of cases (9 during a period of three years) vocational tracks that offered virtually no opportunity concern young men.25 for matriculation (admission to post-secondary education). lndeed, many often trained in vocational Higher education courses with only limited practical relevance. Only a small percentage of Ethiopian immigrants arrived in lsrael after having completed secondary Only about 12 per cent of Ethiopians (239 education. Absorption authorities including the students) successfully passed matriculation Jewish Agency, the Student Authority and the exams (bagrutl at the end of the 1996-7 school Ministry of Absorption set up special preparatory year-an improvement over the previous year's courses to give those who seemed qualified for '10 per cent (and the 7 per cent in 1994-5), but still higher education an opportunity to acclimatize and a lower f igure than that of any other group in qualify for admission to universities. Although not lsrael. ln 1996-7 ,45 per cent of Jewish students always immediately successful, these and 23 per cent of Arab students passed programmes were often expanded to include a matriculation exams.22 Recently, Youth Aliyah has second year of preparation. At the same time, revised its policies so that 80 per cent of those in standardized tests, such as the nationally boarding schools are now in non-vocational tracks. administered psychometric exams, were found to Few, however, are expected to be able to meet

23 The Pub ic Counci for the Preventlon of Crime in lsrael (Matsila), 20 lttid.,12-15. unpublished papet, 12 February 1997 (in Hebrew). 21 Kapan and Rosen, 90; Youth 41iya, unpublished paper, 2 February 24 State Comptrollel Annual Report, no. 4l , 1997 , 51 1 -23. 1996 (in Hebrew). 25 lbld.; Ministry of Internal Security, 'Suspects Accordrng to Country 22 Ha'Aretz.28 June 1997. of Origin, 1994-96', unpublished (in Hebrew).

paqe10 Ethiopianimmigrantsln srael:experienceandprospects jpr/reportno.l OJPR199B be relatively weak predictors of Ethiopian out of, or been excluded from, the mainstream of students' performance and hence given less lsraeli life. ln June 1993, 850 Ethiopians were on weight than usual in admission decisions. Such active duty, including 17 officers. By 1996 these programmes and decisions offered access to numbers had doubled with about 1,750 serving university training to students who might not including 150 women (a rise of over 300 per cent normally have qualified. over the number three years earlier). There are currently 40 officers on active duty (including 6 ln recent years, as the number of Ethiopian women) and an additional 28 officers were educated immigrants has declined, their place has serving in the reserves. Of those Ethiopian men been taken by Ethiopian Jews who have grown serving, 23 per cent are in combat units, compared up, and been educated, in lsrael. As was noted to 20 per cent among the native lsraeli population.rs above, relatively few of these students qualif ied for university admission. However, many others This sharp rise in the number of Ethiopians have been directed to the pre-academic serving in the army results from the fact that 95 program mes avai lable at diff erent u n iversities. per cent of boys (compared to 80 per cent of These include a special programme for Ethiopians native lsraelis) eligible for service were inducted in at Haifa University and regular preparatory studies both 1995 and 1996. lndeed, the army routinely at the country's other campuses. waives some of its requrrements for Ethiopian inductees. Although generally a successful policy, The encouragement offered Ethiopian students some feel this generous admissions' policy is one has not been limited to special programmes and of the factors behind a number of suicides among sensitive admissions conditions. Ethiopian Ethiopian recruits-ten in the past four years, students-both those who came to the country as according to the army.2e Also cited in connection immigrants and those born in lsrael-receive with the suicides are 'hazing' (a common enhanced financial assistance enabling them to experience of recruits) and at times outright pursue higher education. These include grants for racism (on the part of individual soldiers) tuition, student housing, auxiliary tutoring and encountered by Ethiopian soldiers. lndeed, while living stipends. The Student Authority, a joint it is generally denied by military sources, some agency of the Ministry of Absorption and Jewish observers claim that the Ethiopian community's Agency, sponsors all Ethiopian students who general difficulties and particularly the 'blood study in accredited BA programmes (up to the age scandal' (see page 13) have resulted in a lessening of thirty and up to six years of study). ln the of motivation among Ethiopian inductees. 1995-6 school year the funding f or mechina (college preparatory course) students alone amounted to almost $1 million-about $2,000 per 7 Employment student.26 All the above have resulted in a continuous rise in the number of Ethiopian Although issues of religious status and medical students studying in colleges and universities. treatment have produced the most dramatic According to the Student Authority there were eruptions of Ethiopian protest since the 787 (385 male and 402 females) Ethiopian students Ethiopians' arrival in lsrael, most surveys indicate registered in January 1997-500 in regular that economic concerns are the most common university studies and 287 in pre-academic chronic problem for most Ethiopian households.30 studies. These include 281 at Haifa University, 80 at Bar-llan and 79 at Ben Gurion University.2T Ethiopians' problems in finding employment can be divided into two parts. Having lived primarily in Ethiopia as subsistence farmers and rural 6 Army craftsmen, most Ethiopians arrived in lsrael with few skills which were marketable in lsrael's Military service has long been one of the most important symbols of membership of lsraeli society. Those who are routinely excluded from 28 Kaplan and Rosen, 94; Army Educaton Corps, quoted n the Pubic such service-most notably lsraeli Arabs and the Council for the Prevent;on of Crime in srael, unpub ished papel 12 1 'The ultra-orthodox-have to a significant extent opted Febtuaty 997. Malka Shabtay, experience of Ethlopian Jewish soldiers in the lsraeli army: the process of ldentrty formulation within the milltary context', lsrael Social Science Research, vol.1 0, no. 2, 1995, 69-80. 26 Society for the Advancement of Education: Office of Pre-Academic 29 ln private discussions several members of the Ethiopian commun ty Studies, 3 November 1996, unpublished (in Hebrew). cited a much higher f igure. 27 These f lgures were obtained f rom the Student Authority in May 30 Unless otherwise noted, statlstics gven on p. 12 on empoyment 1997. The Ministry of lmmlgrant Absorption, citing the same are derived from JDC-Brookdale community surveys clted above. All source, clalmed that 1,207 Ethiopians were enrolled in higher these figures were gathered during the sharp rise in general education. We were unable to identify the source of this discrepancy unemp oyment n 1996 and the first half of 1997.

page 1 1 Ethiopian immigrants in srae : experience and prospects lpr/report no.1 O JPR 1998 modern and modernizing economy. In addition, an Ethiopian couple have no breadwinner and long periods of enforced inactivity, whether in the among single parents (usually mothers) this Sudan or Addis Ababa, fostered dependence on number is often 85 per cent or higher. (Variants others. This pattern continued in lsrael during the usually reflect general employment figures in the stay in hotels, absorption centres and caravan different cities.) These families are usually sites. Although programmes were developed to dependent on welfare payments, unemployment occupy immigrants in Addis Ababa and upon their insurance or other social assistance. arrival, the move to permanent housing frequently meant leaving one job and beginning the job ln general, unemployment is higher among those search yet again.31 aged 40 and above. lndeed, men aged 25-45 are about the only group among Ethiopians whose Although in April 1996 the Ministry of Absorption employment rates are consistently similar to the published figures which indicated that over 80 per rest of the lsraeli population. Among women of all cent of Ethiopians in selected towns are ages, in contrast, both the percentage of those in employed, these figures must be read with the labour force and of those employed is extreme caution.32 The f igures are drawn f rom ten generally much lower than that of their lsraeli localities in which families took advantage of counterparts. Again it must be remembered that special mortgages to purchase homes. As will be there are women who work in the informal sector seen below, they are completely different from cleaning and doing other menialjobs who do not the JDC-Brookdale community surveys. First, all appear in official statistics. Overall, however, employment figures relate to those between ages lsraeli policies intended to encourage women to 15-65 counted as being in the labour force, i.e. work outside the household and to find employed or looking for work. Those who do not employment in other than menial tasks have not work because of illness, age (more than 50 per been successful. ln part, at least, this represents a cent of Ethiopians are under age 15 or over age continuation of the traditional pattern in which the 65), studies (the vast majority of those aged 15- household was viewed as the woman's sphere 18) or childcare responsiblities are, for example, and care for the usually large number of children not counted in the labour force. According to the primarily her responsibility. Women in lsrael who Central Bureau of Statistics, in the general lsraeli deviate from this model are often met with public 16 per cent of allJewish men and 34 per disapproval on the part of their family. Nevertheless, cent of women were not part of the labour force social security and other government programmes in 1995. Among Ethiopian immigrants local give women a far wider range of options than was surveys conducted in 1 995 and 1 996 reveal a the case in Ethiopia and some do take advantage much higher percentage of men (19-31 per cent) of these, either within the framework of marriage and women (58-86 per cent) who are not part of or outside it. the labour force. In the former case, this is usually due to illness, while in the latter case either illness Even when Ethiopian immigrants are employed or household and childcare responsibilities keep many find themselves at the bottom of the women out of the workforce. Thus, it is probable economic ladder pursuing unskilled low paying that close to 50 per cent of Ethiopian adults who jobs. Their households, are, moreover, usually are not working do not figure in unemployment large with six or more members. When these are figures. On the other hand, it should be noted that complex households in which there are more than signif icant n umbers of i m m igrants, particularly two adults, this may make possible a degree of women, work in the informal sector doing economic security. More frequently, even when household work which is not reported to the they work extra shifts or long hours, Ethiopian authorities in order to avoid paying taxes and householders have difficulty making ends meet. jeopardizing their welfare benef its.33 The growing number of Ethiopian teenagers living in their communities and not at Youth Aliyah Overall employment figures therefore tend to boarding schools (see page 10), has, for example, mask the economic situation of Ethiopian increased their families' economic burdens, immigrants. Local surveys f rom 1995 and 1996 because the sums spent on them by the schools indicate, for example, that in some municipalities is not transferred to the famiiies, who must now more than 30 per cent of households headed by meet all their expenses.

During the decade 1985-95 large sums were spent on vocational training programmes. Some 31 Kaplan and Rosen, 94-6. of these-most notably those which not only 32 Ministry of lmmigrant Absorption, 'lmmigrant Absorption . . .', 52. 33 This phenomenon is, of course, not Iimited to Ethiopian lmmigrants, provided certification but also assistance in job as witnessed by the latest State Comptroller's Report, no. 41, 1997, placement-have proven moderately successf ul. 534-48. Comparatively little is being done in this area

page12 Ethlopian immigrants n lsrae : exper ence and prospects lpr/report no.1 O JPR 1998 today.3a Most programmes that do exist appear to 199'l were found to be carriers. Health officials lack a clear picture of either the Ethiopians' tried to find a balance between taking necessary strengths or weaknesses as employees or the precautions, educating the Ethiopian community, niches they might f ill in the lsraeli economy. They and avoiding stigmatizing the entire community. have a 'hit-and-miss' quality. Given this situation While medical personnel were warned to treat and the mixed record of vocational training to Ethiopians as a 'high-risk group' and sporadic date, the top priority in this area is probably the educational programmes were begun in the formation of a consortium of all the groups, community, public discussion of the problem and govern mental and non-governmenta l, worki ng in related policy decisions were suppressed. While the area of employment. Such a group would pool stories occasionally appeared both in lsrael and information, promote research where necessary abroad warning of the problem, government and co-ordinate activities. officials publicly played down the significance of the issue.

.l 8 Health issues On 24 January 996 the Hebrew daiy Ma'ariv ran a story revealing that offtcials of the Magen David The arrival of Ethiopian immigrants has confronted blood bank had for years been routinely (and the lsraeli medical authorittes with a variety of without notifying the donors) disposing of blood challenges.3s Not only did many arrive with donated by Ethiopians. A few days later several unfamiliar problems, but most had only a limited thousand Ethiopians and supporters understanding of the Western bio-medical demonstrated outside the prime minister's office system. Moreover, each wave of immigrants against what they viewed as a racist policy. presented a slightly different health profile. Those Unprecedented violence flared as the 'blood who survived the journey to, and life-threatening scandal' proved to be the catalyst for the conditions in, the Sudan usually arrived in lsrael in expression of f rustrations over a wide range of poor physical shape. Most suffered from topics. In response, a commission chaired by the malnutrition and parasites and many had former lsraeli president, ltzhak Navon, was set up. contracted malaria. The medical care offered in ln July 1996 it released its report, whrch noted the 1990s to those who passed through Addis that Ethiopians were carriers in 550 of Ababa saved countless lives. Parasitic infections, approximately 1,386 HIV-positive cases already Hepatitis B and tuberculosis remained common. identified in lsrael.37 ln considering these figures it ln contrast to Russian immigrants, many of whom must be remembered that Ethiopian immigrants were older and came to lsrael with chronic and have been tested in far greater numbers than any even terminal diseases, the Ethiopians were a other group in lsrael. However, their rate remains comparatively young population and generally noticably higher than that of the general presented a positive health profile. population even if one assumes that there are several thousand undiagnosed cases among other One particularly troubling phenomenon among lsraelis: Ethiopian males 2.8 per cent, women 1.6 Operation Solomon immigrants, however, was the per cent, general public, men 0.003 per cent, high rate of exposure to HIV/AIDS.36 Although HIV women 0.0005 per cent; drug users 4 per cent, was not found among either'Operation Moses' homosexuals 1.1 per cent, hemophiliacs 20 per immigrants or those who arrived until 1990, 226 cent. Because of the high rate of H|V-positive of approximately 10,000 immigrants tested in immigrants among recent arrivals Ethiopians comprised B0 per cent of new H|V-positive cases 34 Chen Lifshitz and Michal Wolfson, 'Follow-up Study of Ethiopian in lsrael in 1996. lronically and tragically, Kupat lmmigrants Who Graduated from Vocational Training Courses: Holim Leumit (The National Health Fund), which Summary Report' (Jerusalem: JDC-Brookdale, January 1996) {in treats most Ethiopians immediately upon their Hebrew). The most recent report of the lsrael State Comptroller arrival in the country, is only fund was critical of vocational training programmes for the publrc at arge, the which does Ha'Aretz,8 May 1997. not offer treatment with the newest drugs for 35 Two issues-vol. 27, no. 5, May 1991, and vol. 29, no. 6-7, June- HlV.The Navon Commission also reported that the July 1993-of the lsrael Journal of Medical Sciences, comprising a percentage of H|V-positive cases among total of over forty articles, are devoted to health issues concerning immigrants from Ethiopia had risen from 3 per Ethiopian immigrants. 36 Unless otherwise noted, all statrstics on HIV/AIDS among cent in 1992 to 8 per cent among those who Ethiopians are derived from the Navon Commission's report, 'State arrived during the f irst three months of 1996. ln of lsrael, The Commission to lnvestigate the Blood Donation Episode 1996 14 out of 15 children born with HIV in lsrael of Ethiopian lmmigrants' (Jerusalem, Ju y 1996) (in Hebrew). For an were Ethiopians.sB The Navon Commission important analysis of the underlying issues behind thls report see Don Seeman, 'One people, one blood'and Hagar Salamon, 'Blood between the Beta lsrael and their Christian neighbours in Ethiopia- 37 Ha'Arerz,'19 Februa y 1997. key symbols in inter-group contexts', Jerusalem Studies in Jewish 38 Yerushalim, B August 1997, 18. According to this article, the number Folklore, no. 1 5, 1 993, 117-43 (in Hebrew). of Ethiopians testing positive for HIV was 638 as of Auqust 1997.

page 13 Eth oplaf lmmlgrants in srae :experience and prospects lprlrepon no.T OJPR 1998 advocated a policy which identified blood donors education.a0 Prior to their migration most not on the basis of ethnic origin but on the basis Ethiopians had little or no experience with of a series of questions regarding residence in Western bio-medicine They continued to rely countries where HIV was widespread or sexual heavily on methods of healing and healers from contact with residents of such countries. ln their traditional medical system. This system has practice, such questions would identify most survived and even flourished in lsrael. Ethiopian immigrants and all those who arrived in lsrael after 1991 as being 'high risk'. The This is particularly the case in the area of mental committee also advocated extensive efforts to health care.al The trauma of their migration educate the Ethiopian community concerning the experiences, coupled with the shock of adapting dangers of the disease. to life in lsrael, has taken a heavy toll on many Ethiopians. Behaviours which are interpreted by While generally welcoming the call for educational lsrael mental health practitioners as post-traumatic programmes, most Ethiopians continued to be shock syndrome, depression and psychosomatic bitter over the secrecy which lay behind the initial diseases are seen by many Ethiopians as decision and resented policies which continued to manifestations oI zar (spirit possession), evil eye treat most Ethiopian adults as a high risk group. and witchcraft. Psychologists and psychiatrists Ethiopians are also the only group of immigants in must abandon their familiar cultural categories to which all adults are subjected to testing for HIV on provide effective treatment. arrival in lsrael. ln keeping with the Navon Commission's recommendations the Ministry of By far the most troubling feature of some Health prepared a 6 million shekel proposal for an Ethiopians' problems in adjusting to life in lsrael educational programme, the implementation of has been a relatively high rate of suicides.a2 which began in April 1997. The Ministry sought to Although exact statistics are not available, most sidestep the issue of donation policy by consulting authorities believe that suicides are proportionately with the Ethiopians' religious leaders rather than much higher among Ethiopian immigrants than their young activists. among the rest of the lsraeli population. lt seems that the causes of Ethiopian suicides appear as Although far less dramatic than AIDS, a number of diverse as the problems they face on the way to other conditions and diseases, including diabetes, and in lsrael: these include domestic difficulties, tuberculosis and hepatrtis, have posed challenges extended unemployment, concerns for relatives to the Ethiopian community and lsraeli health still in Ethiopia, illness including AIDS and authorities. Moreover, the growrng public difficulties adjusting to life in the army. perception of Ethiopian immigrants (regardless of their date of arrival) as carriers of infectious diseases threatens their integration into lsraeli society. 9 Religious status Perhaps the most surprising health issue has The conversion controversy been nutrition.3e while malnutrition does not Prior to the 'blood scandal' of 1996, the most plague the lsraeli population, special difficulties sensitive issues around which Ethiopian immigrants face Ethiopian immigrants. The transttion to a mobilized were generally related to their religious modern diet rich in processed foods and heavy status.43 Although the lsraeli chief rabbis had sugar (particularly with regard to children) has had recognized the 'Jewishness' of the Ethiopians as deleterious effects on the Ethiopian public. While a community, they continued to raise doubts some attempts have been made to import and regarding the personal status of individuals. Since even grow their traditional iron-rich grain te'ef in the Ethiopians had not been familiar wilh Halakha lsrael, many Ethiopians have replaced it with their religious leaders (qessotch) could not have bleached flour and other cheaper, but far less performed valid divorces and conversions. Thus, nutritious, substitutes. Within only a year or two the Ethiopians' excellent dental health had declined to the point where the rate of cavities equalled that of their lsraeli counterparts. 40 For examples of the health education programmes designed for Ethiopian immigrants see the articles in lsrael Journal of Medical Sciences, vol. 29, no. 6-1,1993,422-42. The challenges inherent in educating the 41 See, for example, the articles n Miriam Barash and Dina Lipsky Ethiopians on the intricacies of proper nutrition are (eds.), Cross Cultural lssues tn Mental Health: Ethiopian Populations repeated in almost every area of health (Jerusalem: JDC 1995). 42 Ariel Arieii and Seffefe Ayche, 'Psycopathological aspects of the Ethiopian immigration to lsrael', lsrael Journal of Medtcal Sctences,

vol. 29, no. 6 7, 1 993, 41 1 1 B. 39 Dina Llpsky and Dorit Reisfeld, 'Nutr tional Practices of Ethiopian 43 Steven Kaplan, 'The Beta lsrael and the rabbinate: IaW politics and

lmmigrants' (Jerusalem: JDC 1994) (in Hebrew). ritua' , Social Science lnformation, vol. 27 . no.3. 1 9BB. 357-70.

page14 Ethiopian mmigrants nlsraei:experlenceandprospects jprlreportno.l @JpR199B virtually the entire community was suspect of familiarity with rabbinic traditions, they were being either (in the former case) illegitimate or (in denied the authority to perform marriages, the latter case) not f ully Jewish. divorces, funerals and other rituals for their fellow immigrants. Yet, paradoxically, the lsraeli The first Ethiopians who arrived in lsrael were authorities frequently cited their desire to preserve required to undergo a modified conversion community traditions and often appeared at public ceremony which included ritual immersion, the ceremonies flanked by large numbers of qessim. acceptance of rabbinic law and (in the case of men) symbolic recircumcision. The last of these demands ln early 1992 a group of young activists organized was dropped in late 1984. Initially, most immigrants a series of demonstrations demanding that the accepted these ceremonies either because they lsraeli authorities recognize the qessim as did not understand them or because they wished spiritual-ritual leaders of the Ethiopian community. to be fully accepted as Jews in lsrael. Fromrlate The chief rabbis refused, noting that to do so 1985, however, opposition to the ritual demands would mean granting the Ethiopians status as a grew. This resistance eventually culminated in a separate community like the Karaites and month-long strike opposite the headquarters of prejudice their status among other Jews. ln the chief rabbis in the autumn of 1985. November 1992 an inter-ministerial committee recommended that all qessim be given paid Although an agreement was reached which put an positions on their local religious councils. Not all end to this strike, many issues under dispute local councils have been willing to incorporate were not resolved for several years. The Ethiopians' Ethiopian officials and in some cases local 'Jewishness' remains one of the most sensitive Ethiopians have objected to the specific qes issues facing the Ethiopian community. ln June appointed in their community. Nevertheless, 1989 Rabbi David Chelouche, Sephardi Chief bridges are being built and tensions have been Rabbi of Netanya, was appointed marriage reduced in this manner. registrar for all Ethiopians in the country. Since he did not believe that Ethiopians needed to undergo Some qessim and a number of young Ethiopians any form of conversion, those who married under have sought to avoid confrontation with the his auspices were exempted from any pre- rabbinic authorities by immersing themselves in conditions not imposed on other lsraelis. rabbinic traditions and attempting to close the gap Eventually, other rabbis under his auspices also between their community and other Jews. About agreed to follow suit. While the chief rabbis a dozen have even been ordained as rabbis. Here viewed this as a compromise which both too training programmes, even if completed protected their authority and the dignity of the successfully, have not always resulted in immigrants, many Ethiopians viewed it as a form appropriate job placements. of discrimination. Some chose to marry through ceremonies conducted by their own priests. Ethiopian Jews and lsraeli Judaisms Although such marriages were not themselves The status of the Ethiopians as Jews and the recognized by the state, when accompanied by position of their qessim have been the most registration through a notary public they provided visible issues in the encounter between the Beta couples with all the rights of a married couple. lsrael and lsrael orthodoxy. More privately, almost all Ethiopians have had to find some compromise The role of the qessim between maintaining their own traditions as The dispute with the rabbinate over marriages practised in Ethiopia and completely accepting the reflected one aspect of the anomalous situation dictates of the lsraeli religious establishment. faced by the Ethiopian communities' qessotch Since, as we have noted, most of their children (priests) or, as they are called in Hebrew, attend state religious schools, their daily lives qessim.44 ln Ethiopia these religious officials led deeply immerse them in a form of Judaism religious services, and performed weddings, foreign to their parents. While Hebrew prayers, funerals, divorces, ritual slaughter and sacrifices. post-exilic holidays and symbols such as the Star They were usually influential community leaders, of David had made their way into some villages in with strong ties to their local society and individual Ethiopia, many immigrants had little or no members. When they arrived in lsrael, this familiarity with 'normative' Judaism. Many community-based pattern of leadership was women found the expectation that they would shattered. Lacking even the most minimal abandon or radically change their traditional practice of isolation during their menstrual periods and after childbirth particularly stressful. Other 44 CI.Ior example, Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen, 'Ethiopian immigrants had trouble adjusting to eating the immigrants to lsraeL: between preservation of culture and invention meat of animals which had not been slaughtered of tradition', Jewish Journal of Sociology, voL. 35, no. 1 , 1993. in their presence.

page 15 Ethiopian mmigrants in lsrael: experlence and prospects jpr/report no.1 OJPF 1998 ln the past, immigrants to lsrael have tended to mantle of leadership. Already in the early 1980s establish their own , which preserve Trgrean Jews clashed with Gondaris, who arrived their distinctive ethnic practices and forms. later but quickly became numerically dominant.4T Although there are numerous Ethiopian For many years family reunification and support communities rn the country, only two have for further immigration from Ethiopia were the founded their own synagogues. Efforts have also issues which united virtually all Ethiopians and been made to adapt some traditional Beta lsrael even here disagreements existed over tactics. practices. Sigd, a pilgrimage holiday which commemorates the return from the exile as The willingness of immigration authorities to co- described in the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, is opt their most vocal critics by offering them annually celebrated in Jerusalem.a5 f unding for their organizations or employment as advisors encouraged the formation of dozens of pro-Ethiopian groups in the 1980s. Talented 10 Communal organization and political individuals often rose to prominence by leadership demonstrating their ability to organize demonstrations, embarrass the government and Although the Ethiopian reaction to the 'blood present their case to the media. ln 1990 the scandal'was unusual because of its extent and its leaders of seven prominent Ethiopian unprecedented violence, it was only the latest in a organizations united to form an umbrella group, the series of political initiatives taken by Ethiopian United Ethiopian Jewish Organization. This move immigrants. Concerns over immigration, religious was strongly encouraged by the Jewish Agency status, housing and medical care had all sparked and other absorption authorities, which provided strikes, protests and marches. lndeed, it is the organization with 1 million shekels in 1996. difficult to think of any community in lsrael that Using these resources, the umbrella organization has demonstrated as great a readiness as the has vigorously sought to consolidate its position Ethiopians to form organizations and stage as the official representative of Ethiopian Jewry. lt protests. organizes the largest annual celebration of Sigd, a unique Beta lsrael festival celebrated in At least in part, the multiplicity of Ethiopian November, and the Memorial ceremony for those organizations can be traced directly to either who died on the way to lsrael. lt publishes the patterns in Ethiopia or circumstances related to country's only monthly magazine in Amharic and their arrival in lsrael.a6 The Beta lsrael community Trgrinnya, Fana The Torch), and supports various in Ethiopia was actually a loosely defined web of programmes for Ethiopian immigrants both villages and local groupings sharing religious, financially and organizationally.4s cultural and kinship ties. No community-wide institutions existed on the political or social level. Despite the UEJO's attempt to portray itself as Traditional community divisions often followed the sole legitimate representative of the Ethiopian regional identities found among the general community, it has never held community-wide Ethiopian population. ln the twentieth century elections to test this claim and has been widely contacts with world Jewry and differing rates of criticized within the Ethiopian community. Critics modernization further exacerbated tensions claim it is unrepresentative and dominated by a between different regions. small group of immigrants, most of whom reached lsrael prior to 1988. Other independent The move to lsrael not only accelerated changes organizations continue to exist, particularly on the which were already taking place in Ethiopia, but local level or focused on specif ic causes such as also introduced new sources of divisiveness. the Falas Mura (see page 6). Relationships While lsraeli absorption officials had expected to between the UEJO and other organizations be able to deal with a single united Ethiopian remain strained. community, they found themselves confronted by a divided group with numerous claimants to the Political parties and electoral politics The chairman of the UEJO is Addisu Messele, a prominent Ethiopian activist who came to lsrael in the early 1980s. ln 1996 Messele was elected to 45 Shoshana Ben-Dor, 'The slgd of Beta lsrael: testimony to a community in transition' in Michael Ashkenazi and Alex Weingrod (eds.), Ethiopian Jews and lsrael lNew Brunswick: Transaction Press 1987),'140-59. 47 G. Jan Abbink,'The Falashas in Ethiopia and lsrael: the problem of 46 For a historical overview see Steven Kaplan, 'Leadership and ethnic assimilation', Ntjmegen Sociaal Anthropologische Cahiers, no. communal organization among the Beta lsrael: an historica study', 1 5, 1 984, 174-88, 293-314. Encyclopaedia Judatca Year Book 1986/1987 \Jerusa em: Keter 48 United Ethiopian Jewish Organization, 'lnformation Sheet', May 1987),154-63 1991.

page16 Ethtopdn mmgrants n srael:experienceandprospects ipr/reportno.l OJpRlggg fill the slot reserved for immigrants on the Labour saw them not as a resource but as a problematic Party list of Knesset candidates and in May he group that would never fit in in lsrael. The became the first Ethiopian MK. Although Messele marginalization of the elders and clergy was was chosen as the first Ethiopian MK, questions signif icant, not only for its impact on them but remain about the community's electoral clout. also for its effect on the community at large. At Since close to 60 per cent of all Ethiopians are precisely the time when the Ethiopian communrty aged under eighteen, their political power rests was experiencing extreme difficulties, one of its more on their skills at extra-parliamentary action important institutions for dealing with crises was than on the votes they can muster. lsrael's 120 itself in crisis. While some organizations have members of parliament are elected by attempted in recent years to consult and mobilize proportional representation on the nationallevel. A community elders, most are isolated and ignored. minimum of 1.5 per cent of the vote (45,700 votes in the 1996 election) is required to win a ln their place a generation of young leaders has seat. The number of eligible Ethiopian voters is emerged as the most vocal spokespersons of the under 35,000. ln the past the prime minister was Ethiopian community. Valued by lsraeli policy- elected by the parliament; in 1996, for the first makers because of their ability to speak Hebrew, time, there were direct elections for the prime understand lsraeli society and move from ministership. Here again, the 'Ethiopian vote' is confrontation to co-operation, they quickly not a major factor. While no scientific studies have replaced older immigrants as representatives both been conducted, most observers believe that the of and to the Ethiopian immigrants. Although Ethiopians voted overwhelmingly not for Labour frequently allied with prominent elders and candidate but for Likud leader religious leaders, these young, predominately Benjamin Netanyahu and parties on the right of male activists have largely dominated the the political spectrum. This voting pattern is based Ethiopian community's dealings with the lsraeli both on their perception that it was only when the authorities.50 Likud came to power that Ethiopians were brought to lsrael, and on their sympathy for nationalist and religious programmes. 11 Family organization

Elders and experience The emergence of a young leadership replacrng ln Ethiopia there were no community-wide the traditional patriarchs is a reflection in the institutions and local leaders such as the elders public arena of one of the major changes and the qessotch played a major role in daily life.ae occurring in Ethiopian family life. ln brief, the They had, however, only limited power and changes being experienced by Ethiopian families depended on experience and their skills in in lsrael can be divided into two types. On the one achieving a consensus rather than coercion to hand, many of the functions traditionally dealt enforce their dictates. Although it was a strongly with by household or family groups are now the patriarchal society, senior women also possessed responsiblity of outside official bodies. These considerable influence and were widely consulted include education, employment, care for the aged on issues such as childbirth, illness and disputes and housing. At the same time, roles within the between younger women. However, already in family have been drastically redefined in relation Ethiopia their authority had begun to decline. to the positions of children and women.51 Modern education, and in later years the Marxist revolution of 1974, were only two of the factors The first of the changes has been dealt with which weakened traditional patterns of communal extensrvely if obliquely in much of our discussion organization and leadership. above. The second needs to be considered more explicitly at this point. lsrael is, in contrast to As we have discussed in our consideration of Ethiopia, a highly child- and youth-oriented religious organization, the status of the elders and country. Many of the policies implemented and priests deteriorated rapidly when they reached programmes initiated can be attributed both lsrael. Faced with unfamiliar challenges in a consciously and unconsciously to this preference. strange new land, their years of accumulated Although officials were adamant that they did not experience were largely irrelevant. Settled intend to repeat past mistakes and that adults haphazardly around the country, their reputation for shrewdness accumulated on a village level evaporated. The immigration authorities generally 50 Shalva Weil, 'Representations of leadership among Ethiopian Jews in lsrael', Between Afica and Zion,230-9. 51 Ruth Westheimer and Steven Kaplan, Survivrng Salvation: The Ethiopian Jewish Family in kansition (New York: New York Unlversity 'Leadership 49 Kaplan, . . .'; Kaplan and Rosen, 'lnvention . . .'. Press 1 992).

page 17 Ethlopian lmmlgrants in lsrae: experlence and prospects jpr/report no.1 o.lPR 1998 would not be treated as 'a generation of the lsraelr absorption depict the 1950s as a period wilderness', only in rare circumstances were when lsraeli absorption agencies tended to treat programmes designed to strengthen family units immigrants f rom North Af rica as a tabula rasa and or work through (rather than around) them. Even aggressively sought to transform them as quickly today, it is striking that while non-governmental as possible into (modern, westernized) lsraelis as organizations (NGOs) decry the poor economic part of a 'melting pot' philosophy of absorption. condition of the Ethiopian community, the NGOs Accordingly, critics today blame many of the have invested most of their own energies and problems faced by such communities on the finances in school-age and even pre-school children. dislocation and culture shock of the prevailing paternalistic policies and practices. ln an attempt Given children's intensive exposure to outside to avoid repeating what are perceived as the influences in school and after-school programmes mistakes of that period, lsraeli officials charged and, in particular, their greater facility in learning with assisting Ethiopian immigrants spoke Hebrew, it is little wonder that children have frequently about the need to preserve Ethiopian adapted faster than their parents. Often this results traditional culture. ln practice, such policies of in a reversal of roles in which children acting as cultural preservation proved to be mainly rhetoric. 'heads of households' represent the family in Most authorities adopted a utilttarian attitude dealings with outsiders. Parents, many of whom which sought to understand Ethiopian culture only have also lost their economic functions as providers, in so far as this was necessary in order to are left isolated, frustrated and dependent.s2 formulate more successful absorption policies and programmes in lsrael.sa ln Israel Ethiopian women have been encouraged to take a greater role in family decision-making Since their arrival in lsrael sporadic attempts have and to have more responsibility and autonomy in been made to record for posterity the oral their dealings with the society around them. traditions, literature and customs of the Ethiopian Traditional assumptions regarding menstrual purity, Jewish community of lsrael. Since Ethiopian pre-marital behaviour and employment have been culture was preserved in Ethiopia primarily challenged. Nevertheless, as we noted in our through ritual and word of mouth the death of discussion of employment, they still remain each elder is similar to the destruction of an entire unrepresented in the work force, while government library. Yet despite the necessity that interviews assistance to them and their children has and other forms of documentation be carried out increased their options. Girls and young women, as soon as possible, only scattered attempts have rn particular, have been presented with been made to record this material and these have unprecedented choices regarding education, age often been unsystematic and unscientific in nature. of marriage and the number and timing of children. lnevitably these new choices have produced One product of such unscientific attempts at benefits, confusion and tensions. Few role models documentation has been the popularization of exist within the Ethiopian community for women highly idealized and nostalgia-tinged images in seeking to follow new paths and many Ethiopian which life in Ethiopia is depicted in a static and males resent their loss of status and control. Both ahistorical fashion. ln these portrayals an idealized pre-marital pregnancies and family violence have trouble-free pre-emigration existence in which been reported as problems among Ethiopian there were no generational conflicts, no immigrants. The Ethiopians' struggle to redefine psychological problems, no crime and no inner their family with regard to both its internal division communal tensions is contrasted to the trouble- of labour and relationship to the outside world will plagued life in lsrael. By positing a Utopian past probably continue well into the next generation.53 such portrayals not only distort the historical record, but also increase the difficulties inherent in understanding the impact of resettlement on 12 Ethiopian Jewish culture in lsrael: can Ethiopian life.55lt is not our intention to discount it survive? the phenomenon of nostalgia as such. Rathet we wish to emphasize that it is an important topic for The challenges posed to Ethiopian religious analysis, insofar it is the nostalgia of the practice and family life by the encounter with immigrants, and not a projection of the researchers. lsraeli religious authorities are part of a larger encounter between lsraeli cultural traditions and Yet another attitude towards traditional culture is those brought from Ethiopia. Many accounts of its 'folklorization'. This term refers to attempts to

52 lbid., 59-78. 54 Kaplan and Rosen, 'lnvention . . .'. 53 lbid., 59-102; Eva Leltman, 'l\,4igration and transition:three 55 Dan Budowski and Yosef David, 'Ethlopian Jews'{Tel Aviv: generations of Ethiopian women', Between Africa and Zion, 166-18 Behalchin 1996) {in Hebrew).

page 18 Fthiopian mmigrants n lsrae:experenceandprospects jprlreportno.l OJPR 1998 present elements of Ethiopian culture including Ethiopians in lsrael, like other immigrants, have dance, folk songs, traditional foods and crafts been exposed on a massive scale to Hebrew, not such as pottery and weaving outside the context only as a spoken language but also as a language of their conventional social structure. Through the to be written and read. Given the relatively high organization of dance troupes and arts co- illiteracy of Ethiopian immigrants and their lack of operatives, small groups of Ethiopians are able to familiarity with classroom situations, teaching participate in the re-enactment of traditional arts them Hebrew presented special difficulties.5B In and crafts. ln most cases, however, the products fact, few adults mastered Hebrew and most of of such groups, whether they be music, sculptures, them remained dependent on their children or dances or woven materials, differ markedly from other young relatives in encounters with lsraeli what was produced in Ethiopia and often reflect officials. At the same time, many young people, the wider non-Jewish Ethiopian environment or including those born in lsrael or who arrived in the the impact of lsraeli life as much as they reproduce country at a young age, neither read nor write works done by Ethiopian Jews in Ethiopia.56ln the Amharic or Tigrinnya, although most understand final analysis, it is probably impossible to preserve the spoken languages from their homes and speak a traditional culture in the face of rapid social them to some extent. Only a few programmes change including migration, family reorganization, attempt to teach Amharic to Ethiopian youngsters. urbanization and entry into the modern economy. The combination of high illiteracy among Thus, the transformation and even extinction of immigrant adults and the intense exposure of Beta lsrael culture as practised in Ethiopia may be children in lsrael to Hebrew rather than Amharic an inevitable price of emigration to lsrael. lf this is, means that already today more Ethiopians read indeed, the case then the physical survival of and write Hebrew than Amharic. While goverment Ethiopian Jewry will have been paid for at the agencies and pro-Ethiopian organizations price of their cultural survival. assiduously print informational material in Amharic they have little audience. Although Ethiopian Jewish culture cannot be preserved in lsrael, it can be documented. Unless ln contrast, surveys indicate that up to.90 per cent immediate action is taken in this area, when the of the Ethiopian communty llsten to broadcasts on first generation of lsraeli-born Ethiopian Jews begin lsraeli radio in Amharic or llgrinnya. These include to search for their roots, they will find only daily news broadcasts and a variety of publrc scattered books and unclear memories of their oral service and informational programmes which make traditions, prayers, rituals and historical records. the nationwide broadcasts a major vehicle for communication throughout the Ethiopian Nowhere is the demise of Beta lsrael culture community. ln May 1997 a half-hour weekly clearer than in the area of spoken language. In television show, primarily in Amharic, was Ethiopia most Ethiopian Jews spoke the most inaugurated. lndeed, one of the striking aspects of important'national' language, Amharic; those the survival of some aspects of Ethiopian culture from the northern provinces spoke Tigrinnya. ln in lsrael is the manner in which new media-radio, addition to both these Semitic languages, the video, tapes and compact disks-have become a community recited prayers, which were primarily major vehicle for traditional song, dance and stories.se in Ge'ez, an ancient Semitic language which has not been a spoken tongue for several centuries, or in Agawinnya, a Cushitic language known to only 13 Race and racism a few community members.5T Prior to the encounter with world Jewry, the Ethiopian Jews It is impossible to discuss the situation of Ethiopian had no working knowledge of Hebrew. Even their Jews in lsrael without considering whether they Bible and other holy books were in Ge'ez. Most are the subject of racism or racial discrimination. lay community members were illiterate, although The issue is far more complex than might be religious leaders often could read and some expected. one of the most unusual aspects of the younger members, especially those who moved to cities, had attended school. 58 Shoshana Ben-Dor (ed.), Saga of Aliyah: The Jews of Ethtopta: Aspects of their Lingurstrc and Educattonal Absorption (Jerusalem: Ministry of Education and Culture 1990); this English volume conta ns 56 Cf., for example, Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen, 'Created in their a selection of artic es f rom a longer Hebrew volume. See also Lisa own lmage: a comment on Beta lsrael f gurines', Cahiers d'etudes Anteby, 'Silence des anciens, 6nigmes de l'ecrit: es p6rip6ties de africaines, nos. 141 2, 1996, 171-82: Ora Shwartz Beeri, 'The l'alphab6tisation des immigrants 6thiopiens en lsrael', ,qeyue embroidered pictures of Yazazo Aklum of Tigre-their source and Europdennes des Migrattons lnternationales, vol. 12, no. 3, 1996. signf icance', Between Afica and Zion,211-29. 59 Lisa Anteby, 'Print, magic and videotapes: new patterns of orality 57 ltzhak Grlnfeld, 'The Falashas and their languages in the present and and iteracy among the Ethiopian Jews in lsrael' ln Harold Marcus in the past-an hrstorica -ph lological view', Pe'amim, no. 33, 1987, ied.), New Trends in Ethiopian Studles (Lawrencevi le, N.J.: Red Sea

50-73 Press 1 994), 98-1 1 3.

page19 Ethiopianimmlgrants nlsrae:experienceandprospects jprlreportno.l OJpR1998 Ethiopian immigration is that it brought immigrants authorities to discuss the situation of the from sub-Saharan Africa to a country with no Ethiopians. lt is our contention that these terms resident Black African community. Moreover, they are extremely problematic when applied in an were brought not as refugees or migrant workers, attempt to understand the specif ics of Ethiopian but to be integrated as citizens. Expectations both Jews in lsrael. The limits of this report make it among immigrants and hosts were high and in impossible to discuss this issue in detail. many cases unrealistically optimistic. Nevertheless, racism became a common Prior to the arrival of the Ethiopians, 'race' in the explanation for policies or programmes that did sense of skin colour and other physical traits was not meet expectations. Thus, in the 1980s and not a major issue in Jewish-lsraeli culture. Indeed, 1990s delays in bringing Ethiopians to lsrael were the terms 'race' and 'racism' were usually used condemned as motivated by racism, as were the only with regard to 'antisemitism' in discussing rabbinate's demands for special conversions (see Jewish-Christian relations and particularly the page 15). Specialabsorption classes for Ethiopian Holocaust. Relations between Jews and Arabs students were condemned by some as and between Ashkenazi and SephardiJews were segregation and attempts to exclude Ethiopians discussed in terms of 'discrimination' rather than from towns with existing economic and social racism. Moreover, the categories Jew/Arab, Jew/ problems were challenged in the lsraeli Supreme Christian and East European/Middle Eastern were Court as discriminatory. lndeed, accusations of all far more signifrcant distinctions than blaclVwhite. racism became the standard reaction to any unpopular policy or statement. Thus, an For their part, Ethiopian immigrants were absorption bureaucracy which sought to advance conf ronted for the first time with a situation in Ethiopians' interests was often saddled with which their physical appearance-most notably blanket accusations which depicted it as their skin colour-identified them as both a inherently anti-Ethiopian. minority and as members of a particular ethnic group. ln Ethiopia neither their physical appearance While it is difficult to make a case for nor skin colour distinguished them from most of institutionalized racism as a major factor in the their neighbours. Most had had only limited Ethiopian encounter with lsraeli society, racial contact with non-Ethiopians and few had ever pr,ejudice clearly exists on a variety of levels. The lived as a racial minority. lndeed, in their indigenous lslaeli tendency to ascribe to different groups colour terminology they did not view themselves unchanging predetermined'mentalities' has led as 'black' but as 'reddish-brown'. 'Black' was a the Ethiopians to be characterized as a group with designation reserved for darker, kinky-haired ingrained immutable attributes. While in the case residents of the southern regions of Ethiopia who of the Ethiopians such generalizations are often were generally considered by northerners, 'positrve', i.e. quiet, polite, gentle (not so with all including the Beta lsrael, to be racially inferior.60 immigrant groups), they are inherently dangerous since they encourage stereotyping, neglect the lsraeli absorption authorities, painfully aware of individual and replace the complex dynamics of the situation of most African diaspora cross-cultural communication with an image of an communities in other Western countries, sought inherently alien 'other'. A widespread willingness to avoid setting in motion patterns of to associate a low level of technology with discrimination and segregation. Housing 'primitiveness' has also resulted in the Ethiopians programmes were designed to prevent being labelled by many as 'backward' and naive. ghettoization, job programmes to avoid Ethiopians Although it is difficult to substantiate claims that being channeled into domestic work, and there is a clear pattern of racial discrimination university requirements adjusted to produce an against Ethiopians and officials usually act quickly educated elite as soon as possible. lndeed, to punish those guilty of such behaviour, many affirmative action programmes in housing, Ethiopians have little confidence in the Israeli education and army recruitment-the subject of authorities they encounter.6l Thus, individual much debate elsewhere-were implemented in incidents become widely known throughout the lsrael with only limited discussion.'Affirmative community and, whatever their significance or action','reverse discrimination','ghettoization' are motivation, are easily interpreted as evidence of just a few of the terms borrowed by lsraeli widespread racism.

'Reflections 60 Hagar Sa amon, of Ethiopian cu tural patterns on the 61 An Ethiopian soldier who was denied access to an army inf irmary "Barya" Beta lsrael absorption in lsrael: the case', Between Africa was invited to meet the prime minister and the soldiers responsib e 'Working '1997, and Zton, 126-30; Halm Rosen, as a government were punished, Ha'Aretz, 1 April Bet-7. For recent examples anthropologist among Ethiopian Jews in lsrael', lsrael Social Sctence of Ethiopians' scepticism regarding official exp anations of their Besearch, vo . 1 0, no. 2, 1 995, 59 61. problems see, forexample, Ha'Aretz,21 August 1997, Bet-2. page20 Ethlopian mmigrants n lsrae :experenceandprospects lprlreoortno.l OJpR l99g Although few officials will publicly discuss the against the broader background of similar topic, special problems exist between Ethiopian phenomena. To this end, it is useful to place the and Russian immigrants.62 These can be attributed, Ethiopian immigration in context by briefly at least in part, to the tensions which resulted from comparing it to both other waves of immigration placing immigrants from vastly different cultures to lsrael and the resettlement of recent migrants side by side during the 1990s. Hotels and caravan and particularly refugees in Europe. Perhaps of sites were often the place for the f irst face-to-face greatest interest, however, are the questions encounters between Ethiopians and Russians. The which arise concerning the phenomenon of decision of officials to devote far greater resources migration of a group from Sub-Saharan Africa to a per immigrant to the Ethiopians inevitably country with no previous experience of residents produced resentment among the Russians. from that part of the continent.

ln the final analysis, situations and policies not The absorption of the Ethiopians into lsraeli perceived by most lsraelis as racist may be society marks a unique attempt to incorporate a genuinely understood as such by Ethiopians. non-white group as equal citizens with full rights Some Ethropians' hypersensitivity to racial as part of the dominant population in a western, prejudice is no more justified or realistic than predominantly white country. As such it some lsraelis' blanket denials. Such differing represents an ambitious attempt to deny the interpretations are almost inevitable in a situation significance of race (in the sense of colour) and in which neither side has much previous assert the primacy of national identity-religion experience with the specific situation and both (specifically Judaism). Ethiopian immigrants have sides are repeatedly called upon to walk the for the most part accepted this promise of borderline between cultural sensitivity and colour- equality in pressing therr cause before the lsraeli blindness. Clearly, the publicly stated goal of both authorities. Their claims for equal treatment with Ethiopian spokespersons and lsraeli officials is the regard to issues such as religious status or health successful integration of Ethiopian immigrants into policy are not, for example, voiced in the the dominant Jewish population of the country. universalist language of civil or human rights, but What exactly this means, how this is to be achieved, in their right to be treated equally as Jews in the at what speed and at what price (both economically Jewish state. Their commitment to this goal has, and culturally) is the subject of much debate. moreover, defined the nature of their political groupings and activities in lsrael (see page 16) ln While some would condemn all policies which a manner probably unparalleled among first- treat Ethiopians as a group with special needs, in generation migrants, Ethiopian Jews in lsrael have the short term such programmes are probably organized not on the basis of past political necessary and helpful. Separate absorption allegiances in Ethiopia or with respect to the classes for new immigrant youth can, however, controversial political issues that divide that country. easily become segregrated classes. A colour-blind Rathet all their political groupings in lsrael are policy in army entrance or in the admission of devoted in one way or another to issues concerned Ethiopians to higher education would doubtless with their lives in the new homeland such as lower their numbers in both frameworks. housing, religious status, education and immigration. However, special treatment for all those of Ethiopian descent regardless of their needs, Although in one form or another the absorption of length of time in the country, or even country of immigrants into the country's dominant Jewish birth, risks creating the perception of a 'right' population has been the goal of successive lsraeli based on national origin and fomenting the forms governments with regard to allwaves of of backlash engendered by such programmes immigrants, in no recent case has this demanded elsewhere in the world. the investment of resources and energy required with the Ethiopians. lmmigrants from the former Soviet Union, for example, are clearly 14 Conclusion distinguished by education, occupational position and cultural background not only from the lsraeli Although the primary purpose of this report has Arabs and Palestinians, but also from much of been to present an up-to-date summary of the lsrael's veteran Jewish population. Thus, despite situation of Ethiopian immigrants in lsrael, the the fact that many have had only a limited implications of their experience in lsrael can be commitment to Jewish identity and culture, their fully appreciated only if they are considered size and resources make it more probable that they will form a separate community (as opposed to ethnic group) within lsrael, than that they will 62 Danielle Conhaim, 'Two Cultures in Conflict: Ethiopian and Soviet blur the boundaries between Jewish lsraelis and Jews Living Together in lsrae', August 1992, unpublished. the rest of the country's residents.

page2l Ethiopian immigrants n srae :erperience and prospects jprlreport no.1 OJpR 1999 ln the case of the Ethiopians their appearance, Even here, however, the Ethiopians' cultural heritage, educational attainments and understanding of their migration to lsrael as their occupational skills sharply distinguish them from return from exile to the promised land is not an most of lsrael's other Jewish residents. While the element found in other refugees' experience. first of these is obviously immutable, strenuous Governmental policy towards the Ethiopians in 'close efforts have been made to the gap' (in the lsrael, moreover, significantly distinguishes them words of absorption officials) in the other three from most migrants or refugees. ln Europe, for areas and thus position the Ethiopians firmly within example, refugees are generally unwelcome the boundaries of Jewish lsraeli society. Housing arrivals for governments. Although often programmes (see page 8), special education beneficiaries of significant government largesse, opportunities (see page 1 1), army service (see page those who are granted asylum are also frequently 1 1), and even economic opportunrties, all serve to abused, ignored or patronized.66 lmmigrants are separate Ethiopian immigrants from comparable usually limited to those with special skills lacking non-Jewish residents of lsrael. Indeed, when in the host country and even then they are often closures of the occupied territories have created allowed to enter as temporary workers, rather labour shortages, the authorities have responded than permanent residents. not by hiring replacements from the large numbers of unemployed Ethiopians but by allowing the entry Unlike refugees, Ethiopian immigrants entered of foreign workers. (On the high unemployment lsrael not because they were granted asylum but rates among Ethiopians see page 12.) There are as part of their rights under lsrael's Law of Return. over 75,000 legalforeign workers in lsrael. The The Law of Return guarantees lsraeli citizenship number of illegal workers is generally estimated to any Jew, includrng converts and non-Jews with to bring the total number of foreign workers to one Jewish grandparent, who requests it. This 150,000.6s meant that they were immediately granted citizenship and f ull equality under the law. They This concerted policy of inclusron distinguishes are granted housing, education, language courses, the Ethiopians from most refugee and migrant job training, etc. Indeed, one is struck by the groups in Europe and the rest of the world. extent to whrch the Ethiopians are granted rights Refugees are, for example, a minority in their recommended in the Minority Rights Report: countries of asylum.6a While this is obviously true with regard to the Ethiopians' ethnic identity, it is Recognized refugees should be entitled to the same not reflected in their national-religious status. rights as nationals regarding economic, social and cultural rights such as: subsistence, housing, There are, to be sure, many elements of the education, training and employment, language, and Ethiopians' experience on the way to and in lsrael religious practice. This should include the same which are reminiscent of those of other refugees. rights as any national to undertake political activities . . . Refugees have Having lived as a weak minority group in Ethiopia, special needs concerning their long-term development. Practical their decision to migrate was motivated both by a needs include language training, educational desire to flee conditions there and to better their programmes and employment retraining. Their lives by reaching another country. Certainly, the deeper cultural, and personal needs should be trauma they experienced both in the Sudan and respected through support for their own languages, Addis Ababa and the psychological difficulties culture and way of life and for social, medical and inherent in their resettlement in lsrael recall the psychological programmes geared to their needs.67 experiences of similar migrants.65 Moreover, as immigrants in a country founded on the principle of Jewish immigration, they were given rights not even accorded to many of the country's veteran citizens. Similarly, their entry was contingent neither on any job skills they 63 See, for example, Zeev Rosenhek and Er 'Foreign c Cohen, workers possessed in lsraei'in'The lnternational Conference on Multiculturalism and nor on other conditions that made Minority Groups: From Theory to Practice' (Jerusaiem: Hebrew them 'desirable'. Rather it was understood that Un versity of Jerusalem 1997), 102. their integration would demand a vast expenditure 64 ln discussing the situation of refugees 1n general we have drawn of resources. heavily on Daniele Jo y with Lynette Kelly and C ive Nettleton, Refugees in Europe: The Hostile New Agenda (London: Minorrty Rights Group 1997); E. F. Kunz, 'Exile and resettlement: refugee theory' There is a popular perception that, regardless of lnternational Migration Review, vo. 15, no. 12,4251; and'Refuqees the policies implemented, the process of refugee are always a minority in their countries of asy um', Joly et a|,4. 65 For more general discussion of these issues see Judith T. Shuval, 'lvllgration and stress' in L. Go dberger and S. Brenitz (eds.), Handbook af Stress-Theoretical and Clrntcal Aspects (New York: 66 Joly et al, 4. Free Press 1982). 67 tbid., 38.

page22 Ethioplanimmgrantsin srael:experienceandprospects lpr/reportno.l OJPR199B or immigrant resettlement takes at least two or dilemmas. Even before the establishment of the even three generations. lf there is even a state of lsrael, Jews from many lands (e.g. Spain, modicum of truth in this proposition then it is Portugal, Poland, Russia, Yemen) who differed clearly too early to expect the Ethiopian Jewish widely from each other in stature and skin colour community to be fully assimilated into lsraeli had lived side by side in Palestine. Intergroup society. Yet lsrael is a comparatively young tensions through the years in this immigrant country, which is only just celebrating f ifty years society have involved ethnicity, class, veteran of independence. From this perspective, two or status in the country-but prior to Operation three generations is equal to, or greater than, the Moses, the issue of race had rarely, if ever, been history of the country to date. explicitly discussed in lsrael. lndeed, given heightened sensitivity to the connection between Viewed from the perspective of lsrael's total Judaism and race in the wake of the Holocaust, history of immigrant absorption, the Ethiopian even to suggest a link between Jewishness and immigration can be said to have been accorded a race was for years taboo. Although groups of significance far beyond that merited by its differing complexion, on a continuum from light to numbers alone. The more than 50,000 Ethiopian dark, live together in lsrael, it is only the Jews of immigrants who have arrived to date are dwarfed, Ethiopia who, as a group, are seen as 'black'. for example, by the North African immigrants of Thus, only with the arrival of this group did the the 1950s and the immigrants from the former notion of race become part of internal Jewish Soviet Union who arrived in the 1980s and 1990s. distinctions. lndeed, it is striking to note how Indeed, the approximately 60,000 immigrants common accusations of racism between different from the Caucasian republics of the former Soviet Jewish groups have become in the past decade Union form a community comparable in size to and a half. that of the Ethiopians, but have received only a small fraction of the attention. The Ethiopians' unique form of Judaism has also served as a catalyst for the re-examination of Although it is not always easy to unravel the lsrael's ongoing tensions over the issue of connection between cause and effect, several religious pluralism and the state. lsrael seeks to be factors would appear to explain the public perceived as the unchallenged centre of the fascination with the Ethiopians. The dramatic Jewish people throughout the world. The fact that airlifts which brought over half of all Ethiopian the Orthodox rabbinate has exclusive rights to immigrants to lsrael were the subject of represent Judaism in the country explicity international attention and one of the rare delegitimizes other forms of Jewishness. While instances in which lsrael made headlines outside modern Jewish movements such as Reform the context of the Arab-lsraeli conflict.6e The (Liberal) or Conservative Judaism can be depictions of these airlifts as the rescue of an dismissed by religious and secular lsraelis alike as embattled lost tribe from a hostile African setting deviations from an ideal Orthodox model, the provided most lsraelis and many other Jews with Ethiopians were not so easily categorized. Many a powerful vindication of the Zionist state's role as lsraelis saw the Chief Rabbinate's demand that a non-racist nation which serves as a refuge for the Beta lsrael undergo conversion as an Jews in distress. For American Jews in particular entrenched religious hierarchy's harassment of a the arrival of the Ethiopians seemed to offer the 'quiet' and 'naive' population. The Beta lsrael opportunity to both purge their feelings of guilt depict their lack of familrarity with Halakha-the regardrng their inactivity at the time of the reason for the rabbinate's special requirements- Holocaust and rebuild bridges to the African- as indicative of their pure, unspoiled Judaism. American community.6s The moral and financial support given to the ln lsrael the Ethiopians served as a focus for Ethiopians' struggle for recognition by other discussion in the media and in the parliament of groups in lsrael and the Diaspora testifies to their several of the country's most sensitive internal visceral identification with them and their plight. They point to the many Jewish lsraelis who (unlike the Beta lsrael) do not keep basic religious commandments found in the Torah, but are 68 For a survey of coverage after'Operation Moses'see parfitt, accepted as Jews by the rabbinate because their Operation Moses, 1 08-1 5. descent is unquestioned. Indeed, the recent 69 Cf. a pamphet February of 1979 by the American Association for immigration from the Soviet Union has brought to Ethiopian Jews, 'ln a tragedy reminiscent of Europe dur ng the Nazr lsrael occupation, a community of 28,000 Jews is silently facing tens of thousands of nominal Jews and their extinction . . . lf their plight worsens, then a second holocaust will non-Jewish relatives, but their troubles with the wax unknown unti it surfaces to once again shame the Jewish rabbinate only sporadically elicit strong statements conscience.' of concern from the general lsraeli public.

page 23 Eth opian mm grants in lsrae : exper efce and prospects lprlreport no.1 oJPR 1998 During the 1980s and 1990s the lsraeli authorities Although partial solutions have been found to dealt with a variety of challenges brought about bridge the gap between Ethiopian Judaism and by the arrival of tens of thousands of immigrants lsraeli Orthodoxy, bitter tensions remain. from Ethiopia. Health and housing problems were resolved, Hebrew lessons and school placements However good the intentions of successive lsraeli offered. While many of the most pressing governments, much remains to be done. There problems were at least partially resolved, others are, moreover, areas such as religious status, remained. School results continue to be racial attittudes and social absorption in which the disappointing and the community's economic government can have only limited impact. As the situation is nothing less than dire. Although first generation of Ethiopian Jews raised or born generally healthy, Ethiopian immigrants who in lsrael emerge into adulthood, they are arrived after 1991 have a high rate of HIV infection. increasingly impatient.

page 24 Fth opian immigrants in lsrae : exper ence and prospects lpr/report no.1 O JPR 'l 998 Reports

David Capitanchik The lsraeli general election of 1gg6 No. 3, May 1998

Jacqueline Goldberg and Barry A. Kosmin The social attitudes of unmarried young Jews in contemporary Britain No.4, June 1997

Fred Halliday Does lslamic fundamentalism pose a threat to the West? No. 2, March 1996

Barry Kosmin, Antony Lerman and Jacqueline Goldberg The attachment of British Jews to lsrael No.5, November 1997

Martin Kramer The salience of lslamic fundamentalismx No.2, October 1995

Stephen Miller, Marlena Schmool and Antony Lerman social and political attitudes of British Jews: some key findings of the JPR survey No.1, February 1996

Bernard Wasserstein Jerusalem: past, present and futurex No.3, October i995

Paul Wilkinson x Com bati ng i nternati o na I te rrorism No.1, February 1995

* Published as IJA Reports Policy papers

Joseph Alpher The Netanyahu government and the lsraeli-Arab peace process: the first half year No. 4, January 1997

Margaret Brearley The Roma/Gypsies of Europe: a persecuted people No. 3, December'1 996

David Capitanchik and Michael Whine The governance of cyberspace: racism on the lnternet No. 2, July 1996

Margaret Harris The Jewish voluntary sector in the United Kingdom: its role and its future No. 5, May 1997

Diana Pinto A new Jewish identity for post-1989 Europe No. 1, June 1996

Roger Silverstone Jewish television: prospects and possibilities No. 1, March 1998

Books lnstitute for Jewish Policy Research and American Jewish Committee Antisemitism world report 1997

Now available on JPR's web site: http ://www. ort. o rglcom m u n it/j p r Antisemitism world report 1997 Antisemitism world report 1998 (from May 1998)

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