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Geography/Women’s Studies 494 Research Project 1908 when still formed part of the Ottoman Empire.3 I specialize in areas of law concerning After the Invasion: An womenÕs rights, one of a dwindling number of such lawyers. Since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, Outlook on the Future and especially since the ratiÞcation of IraqÕs new in October 2005, many of my colleagues for IraqÕs Women have ßed the country.4 Religious extremists who Kylie Alexandra seek to impose strict interpretations of ShariÕah law have targeted acts of violence towards lawyers that Aasalaamu Aleikum. My name is Amirah al- defend women in custody battles, or who accept cases Chalabi. I am an Iraqi, a , and a lawyer. These concerning so-called Òhonor killings.Ó According to labels which I give myself are laden with meaning, the Iraqi Lawyers Association, thirty-eight lawyers as will become clear. The calendar inches its way have been killed since October 2005, with hundreds 5 towards the new year, 2007, but in Iraq, we are not more reporting violence and intimidation. really in a celebratory mood. My heart feels heavy, Soon, those of us left will be unable to cope with tense, and anxious. I worry for my people, but mostly the number of requests we receive from women for my women. I say ÒmyÓ people, ÒmyÓ women, seeking our help. Therefore, structural inclusion of because we are together experiencing the effects of womenÕs interests from the top-down is vital to the war, conßict, violence, and . The outcomes health and safety of . This, however, of which affect us all. But more than that, I am calling is where we presently face a major roadblock. One on all Iraqi women to recognize that there is a thread cannot fully understand the position of women in which connects us, despite another, for some more Iraqi society without realizing how our status and salient characteristic: religion. We must collectively participation has changed according to the priorities 6 demand our rightful place at the helm of this nation if of the ruling government. the policies it embraces are to reßect our best interests. In March 2003, coalition forces entered Iraq, Iraq is standing on the precipice of another day in our and brought with them the promise of improving tangled history of gender relations. Or perhaps we the lives of Iraqi women. Security have already jumped over. Council Resolution 1438 encouraged this hope. It I grew up in a moderate ShiÕa family in the described the need for a Òrule of law that affords Yarmouk neighborhood of , located in central equal rights and justice to all Iraqi citizens without 7 Iraq. Yarmouk used to house many members from regard to ethnicity, religion, or gender.Ó It will take Saddam HusseinÕs BaÕathist regime, although it also more than this, though, to change the embedded contains a small ShiÕa population1, of which my family patriarchal traditions of Iraqi society. Parallel with is counted amongst. Born in 1946, I have experienced intermittent breakouts of war, enduring economic the full trajectory of womenÕs rights in Iraq. The year sanctions, impoverishment, and associated feelings I was born, the WomenÕs College opened in Baghdad2, of vulnerability, Iraqi men frequently seek to and offered four-year degrees in teaching that consolidate their fragmented power by wielding it produced a ready cadre of teachers to instruct Iraqi over Iraqi women. This often means the imposition how to be good wives and , maybe even of restrictions on womenÕs freedom and movement, secretaries. My parents expressed a strong desire for or conversely, the provision of rights in the name of me to attend the WomenÕs College, but I developed 3 Qubain, Fahim Issa, Education and Science in the Arab World, other ideas. At the age of twenty-two, I was one of p 267. only a handful of female graduates from the Baghdad 4 Peace Women, ÒIRAQ: Lawyers killed for defending cases Ôagainst ,ÕÓ http://www.peacewomen.org/news /Iraq/ University College of Law. The Baghdad University Aug06/Lawyers_killed.html, accessed 11.16.2008. College of Law is steeped in tradition, founded in 5 Ibid. 6 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam 1 Yarmouk, Baghdad. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yarmouk_ Iraq: One Step Forwards or Two Steps back?Ó NWSA Journal (Baghdad), accessed 11.16.2008. 2006, 18(3):51-70. 2 Qubain, Fahim Issa, Education and Science in the Arab World, 7 Cited in Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post- Ayer Publishing:1979, from http://books.google.com, accessed Saddam Iraq,Ó p 51. 11.15.2008. national advancement. Nonetheless, Iraqi women imposition of conservative laws.13 Article 8 granted have had to accept whatever rights men accorded the Revolutionary Command Council, IraqÕs former them. legislative body, the right to issue new laws even if they contradicted existing constitutional laws. A more Historical Perspective devastating effect resulted from the authorization Following World War II, Iraq made great of the abuse of women to extract information from strides towards . Women accessed a political prisoners. Members of the Iraqi secret police range of educational and employment opportunities, imprisoned, raped, and murdered female relatives especially in Baghdad. We could more or less dress of dissidents, and used videotapes of the atrocities to 8 as we pleased. In the rural populations outside terrorize the captured dissidents.14 of Baghdad, however, women experienced a more Prior to the of 1991, women insurmountable gender hierarchy. The 1959 Personal represented 23% of IraqÕs ofÞcial labor force, primarily Status Law represented a milestone for Iraq and a employed in the public sector.15 16 Subsequent symbol of hope for gender equality. The Personal to the war, the situation for most rapidly Status Law removed jurisdiction over family matters deteriorated. The renowned ÒOil for FoodÓ program from the uluma (Islamic scholars) and allocated distributed rations to 60% of IraqÕs population.17 The them to the civil judicial system. As such, the law sanctions imposed by the United Nations contributed prescribed equal inheritance for men and women, to economic collapse, which engendered mass restricted forced , made provisions to unemployment, impoverishment, and widespread 9 enforce child support, and discouraged polygamy. civil instability.18 19 Like returning to a familiar habit The BaÕath Party Þrst came to power (brießy) in in a time of crisis, women were rendered inferior 1963 and included gender equality in their political subjects to male authority. Women lost their access platform. After returning to power in 1968, they to status when they lost their jobs and their ability to drafted a provisional constitution that ensured equal pursue education. Families could no longer afford treatment of women and men in the eyes of the law. to send all, or any, of their children to school, and Nevertheless, the BaÕathists altered the section of daughters were usually last in line.20 21 By 2000, female the Personal Status Law that addressed inheritance, literacy decreased to 25%.22 Iraq started to exhibit an decreasing womenÕs portion to half that of men, thus alarming pattern contrary to most nations: mothers 10 reßecting Islamic law. are often more educated than their daughters and less Women made signiÞcant gains in the 1970s socially-conservative.23 and 1980s. Substantial efforts towards literacy and After the Gulf War, relied education resulted in a 75% literacy rate amongst on neighboring Arab states for support. To appease 11 women. In 1974, the state guaranteed employment them, Hussein afÞrmed Islam as the primary for all university graduates. During the Iran-Iraq source of moral authority and set forth patriarchal War (1980-1988), women joined the Iraqi labor interpretations of the QurÕan.24 25 He introduced force in huge numbers to replace the men that were Article III of the Iraqi Penal Code which exempted away Þghting. Women obtained the right to vote in 1980, and by 1987 were eligible for political ofÞce.12 13 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó p54. While important, these gains did not stem from true 14 Ibid. recognition of gender equality, but from emergent 15 Looney, Robert, ÒThe Economics of Coping: The Plight of Iraqi nationalism and the need for all people to Women in IraqÕs Informal Economy,Ó The Journal of Social, contribute to the success of the country. Political, and Economic Studies, 2005 (30)3:285-304. When Saddam Hussein assumed leadership 16 This Þgure excludes womenÕs participation in the informal of the ruling BaÕath Party in 1979, he wrote Article 8 agricultural sector. 17 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender,Ó p746. into the Iraqi constitution which allowed for greater 18 Ibid. 8 Seymour, Richard, ÒStepping Backwards into the Future?Ó 19 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam

The 2005, March, 18-20. Iraq,Ó p54.

9 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam 20 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender,Ó p747. Iraq,Ó p52. 21 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam 10 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó p54.

Iraq,Ó p53. 22 Ibid, p55.

11 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender: Iraqi women between 23 Looney, Robert, ÒThe Economics of Coping,Ó p295. dictatorship, war, sanctions and occupation,Ó Third World 24 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Quarterly, 2005 (26)4-5:739-758. Iraq,Ó p54. 12 Ibid, p745. 25 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New Iraqi Constitution,Ó Digest of Middle East Studies, 2007 9 from punishment men accused of Òhonor killings.Ó26 greater female political representation is warranted, Honor killings are inßicted on women who are we must accept that their foremost objective is thought to bring dishonor on their families, usually securing the nation.33 In doing so, we Iraqi women from pre-marital or extra-marital sex, although also must form a collective front to demand adequate from being a victim of . Suspicion of such acts political representation. Otherwise, we leave is often sufÞcient for justifying the harsh penalty. To ourselves vulnerable to those who denounce gender reinforce Sunni Islam, Saddam Hussein gave greater equality as another form of Òneocolonialism.Ó 34 It is control over parts of western Iraq to Sunni religious imperative that womenÕs rights not be intractably tied groups, including Ramadi, Fallujah, and Tikrit.27 This to the foreign occupation, because when the occupiers effort coincided with his brutal repression of ShiÕa leave, our rights might leave with them. Muslims, located predominantly in the southern part In the post-war chaos, a marked trend of Iraq, for their uprising at the end of the Gulf War.28 has emerged where Over the past decade, women have seen their increases, and instances of militarization inÞltrate rights substantially diminished. The ease and extent constructions of masculinity. The absence of law to which this occurred highlights the conceptual following the 2003 invasion allowed misogynistic disparity between rights and empowerment. The practices to occur unabated in Iraqi society.35 The politicization of gender relations leaves women in a CPAÕs de-BaÕathiÞcation policy, which resulted in very vulnerable position. Whereas Saddam Hussein the dismantling of the force, meant that treated restrictions on womenÕs rights as a means of most crimes went unpunished, including Ð and garnering cooperation from neighboring countries, especially Ð crimes against women.36 As the ensuing religious groups today position these restrictions as instability caused Iraqi citizens to turn to their the goal itself.29 religious groups for order and protection, I sensed The aforementioned history represents a that this would ultimately translate into a greater brief sketch of the gender milieu that existed when authority for political Islam. Within hours after the coalition forces entered Iraq in March 2003. The fall of Baghdad, large numbers of ShiÕa Muslims capture of Baghdad on April 10, 2003, by coalition poured onto the streets in celebration.37 The ShiÕa forces, and the establishment of the Coalition beat their chests in a Þerce display of allegiance to Provisional Authority (CPA), marked the beginning of their revered Imam Hussein and to protest at the ill- a new period of uncertainty for this fragile nation.30 treatment by Saddam HusseinÕs Sunni regime. As I watched the crowd march, I noticed the absence of The U.S.-led Occupation and Consequences for any sense of national unity, and the overwhelming Iraqi Women presence of an oppressed religiosity. Before long, With UN Security Council Resolution 1483 Islamic political parties started to form, such as the as guidance, the CPA attempted to improve womenÕs ShiÕite Religious Authority, led by Grand Ayatollah Ali status by implementing education and rights al-Sistani. Even though al-Sistani does not support awareness programs, as well as job skills training.31 strict implementation of ShariÕah law, he does believe While this grassroots approach is commendable, that Islam should inform public policy.38 Of greater the CPA appointed a mere 18% of Iraqi Governing concern is that the more extreme ShiÕite Islamic Council seats to women, and no women were groups have used al-SistaniÕs inßuence to generate appointed to the committee responsible for producing greater support for Islamic authority.39 the new draft constitution.32 Even though some of the The exclusion of women from the ofÞcial criticism directed towards the CPA for not including political process has channeled many towards 26 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that Iraq,Ó p54. 40 27 Looney, Robert, ÒThe Economics of Coping,Ó p295. are primarily based in Baghdad. I joined the 28 Amowitz, Lynn L., Glen Kim, Chen Reis; et al., ÒHuman 33 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Rights Abuses and Concerns About WomenÕs Health and Iraq,Ó p64. Human Rights in Southern Iraq,Ó JAMA, 2004 291(12):1471- 34 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender,Ó p757. 1479. 35 Seymour, Richard, ÒStepping Backwards into the Future?Ó 29 Seymour, Richard, ÒStepping Backwards into the Future?Ó p20. p20. 36 Jabar, Faleh, ÒThe Worldly Roots of Religiosity in Post- 30 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Saddam Iraq,Ó Middle East Report, 2003 (227):12-18. Iraq,Ó p54. 37 Ibid, p15. 31 Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó 38 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New Foreign Policy, 2004 July/August:39-45. Iraqi Constitution,Ó p31. 32 Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó 39 Ibid. p44. 40 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender,Ó p754. 10 Organization of WomenÕs Freedom in Iraq (OWFI) Resolution 137, which would repeal the 1959 Personal when the groupÕs founder, Yanar Mohammed, Status Law and transfer matters to returned to Iraq from Canada in 2003.41 Originally religious courts.47 48 In response, and called the Defense of Iraqi WomenÕs Rights, OWFI women from Baghdad protested against the repeal. members work to ensure that the rights of women ShiÕa women from southern Iraq, in solidarity with are included in the reconstructed state apparatus. their religion, demonstrated in support of Resolution OWFI supports minimum quotas for female political 137.49 Council member Dr. Raja Habib Khuzai led representation because we understand the history of the resistance to the resolution, which was ultimately post-conßict challenges to women. If women are not defeated with the help of moderate Islamic leaders.50 involved from the very beginning and conservative Despite this victory, womenÕs rights activists knew voices establish dominance, it will be most difÞcult to it indicated the emergence of a new power base in reverse this pattern later on.42 southern Iraq and signaled greater challenges ahead. One particular incident that occurred in Najaf In order to better understand the religious in August 2003, motivated me to join the ranks of and gendered power dynamics in southern Iraq, OWFI members. Najaf is a small and predominately I travelled to Najaf to meet with human rights ShiÕa town south of Baghdad. American Lieutenant campaigner, Umm Salam. Umm Salam works to Colonel Christopher Conlin attempted to recommend eradicate female illiteracy in her community so that NajafÕs Þrst female lawyer, Nidal Nemer Hussein, women can stake out some independence from for appointment to the judicial court.43 A small their husbands.51 Recently, Umm Salam has become demonstration against the right of a female to attain the target of assassination attempts, which prevent judgeship caused Lt. Col. Conlin to abandon Nidal her from carrying out her work. She described the HusseinÕs appointment indeÞnitely. Thus, womenÕs senseless murder of Dr. Khavla al-Tallal, a woman political participation was sacriÞced to appease a shot to death for the ÒcrimeÓ of being a professional vocal conservative minority. working woman.52 She says that ever since the 2003 invasion, women in her area have suffered greatly Southern Iraq from the chaos and lawlessness. Families are afraid Few NGOs operate in southern Iraq, and to send their daughters to school. Further south in 44 those that do often face threats of violence. Reports Basra, women attempting to enter the university are have surfaced, from this mostly ShiÕite region, of harassed at the gates by gangs of men if they are not females suffering acid burns for not wearing the hijab veiled.53 OWFI continues to collect evidence that (veil). Rarely now are women seen outside the home suggests the rape of women is being used to settle without the hijab, but the insecurity keeps many scores in the budding sectarian war.54 45 women conÞned to their homes. Nonetheless, the In my conversation with Umm Salam, we overthrow of Saddam Hussein resulted in southern discussed the difÞcult road ahead if Iraq is to emerge ShiÕa women possessing greater access to religious as a moderate nation. She shared the results of a education. Unfortunately, many women have study conducted in 2003 on womenÕs health and internalized the highly patriarchal form of Islam human rights in three ShiÕite towns in southern present in this region. Their QurÕanic study focuses Iraq. The study describes the severe acts of violence on learning ShariÕah law instead of evaluating the Saddam HusseinÕs BaÕathist regime perpetuated 46 patriarchal interpretations they received. Thus, against the ShiÕa in southern Iraq, from 1991 to his we notice that southern Iraqi women are not likely to struggle for gender equality and in a protest in 47 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Baghdad in January 2004, actively demonstrated Iraq,Ó p62. against it. In January 2004, ShiÕite president of the 48 Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó p44. Iraqi Governing Council, Abdel Aziz al-Hakim, 49 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam notiÞed Council members of his plans to introduce Iraq,Ó p62. 50 Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó 41 Seymour, Richard, ÒStepping Backwards into the Future?Ó p44.

p20. 51 The Observer, ÒHidden victims of a brutal conßict,Ó 42 Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/ 2006/oct/08/ iraq.

p44. peterbeaumont, accessed 11.11.2008.

43 Ibid, p 40. 52 Ibid. 44 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam 53 Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender,Ó p753. Iraq,Ó p62. 54 The Observer, ÒHidden victims of a brutal conßict,Ó 45 Ibid, p61. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/ 2006/oct/08/ iraq.

46 Ibid. peterbeaumont, accessed 11.11.2008. 11 overthrow in 2003. In total, 47% of survey respondents reported that at least one member of their household experienced Òtorture, killings, disappearances, forced conscription, beatings, gunshot wounds, hostage takings, and forced ear amputations.Ó55 Such atrocities committed by one religious sect against another have important implications for the future of national unity and stability. However, the violence also impacts how the role of women has evolved in ShiÕa communities. The survey team gauged societal attitudes on a wide variety of issues concerning women, using a sliding scale ranging from Òextremely important,Ó and Òvery important,Ó to ÒimportantÓ (see Þgure 1 below).

Figure 1: Importance of WomenÕs Civil and Political Rights and Basic Human Rights for Community Health and Development. Source: Amowitz et.al, 2004 p 1478.

Figure 1 shows that basic human rights rank far higher than womenÕs civil and political rights. This might be understandable in a region subject to ongoing bouts of violence, where immediate physical needs often trump other concerns. However, womenÕs participation in the civil and political process correlates with their ability to tend to the immediate needs of their local community, and to ensure that access to healthcare, education, and employment is available to all. In other data revealed by the study, 54% of women agree that men have the right to beat a disobedient wife; only 47% of women believe that any woman has the right to refuse sex, and this decreases to 39% in the context of marriage.56 Such data exposes the extent to which many women within the conservative ShiÕite tradition have internalized a highly detrimental gender hierarchy, and this helps to account for their demonstration against the Personal Status Law. Religious adherence often acts as a source of comfort and moral guidance, especially in the face of violence and death.57 The Ba`athist perpetuation of violence and discrimination, and resulting impoverishment, reinforced communal solidarity with ShiÕa religious leaders whom they turned to for guidance and protection.

The Emergence of Political Islam When the Iraqi Governing Council signed the draft constitution on March 8, 2004, it included the requirement that women comprise 25% of the future Iraq National Assembly.58 59 In January 2005, Iraqi citizens elected women to 31% of the National Assembly seats, exceeding the quota. However, half of the women elected belong to the conservative ShiÕite-led United Iraqi Alliance which actively favors ShariÕah law. A quota for female political participation does not necessarily translate into Òprogressive gender legislation.Ó 60 On October 15, 2005, the people of Iraq approved the draft of the new constitution, a bafßing document which tries to unite two very different governance principles: those of a secular democracy and those of

55 Amowitz, Lynn L., et al., ÒHuman Rights Abuses and Concerns About WomenÕs Health p1475. 56 Amowitz, Lynn L., et al., ÒHuman Rights Abuses and Concerns About WomenÕs Health p1478. 57 Jabar, Faleh, ÒThe Worldly Roots of Religiosity in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó p18. 58 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó p63. 59 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New Iraqi Constitution,Ó p40. 60 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó p63. 12 Islamic law.61 62 The preamble contains androcentric husband and wife are from different regions or sects, bias with references such as: ÒVerily we have honored which tradition prevails. In this conservative climate, the children of AdamÓ 63 and ÒWe are the sons of the male will be privileged to choose whichever .Ó64 In both statements, women are authority is favorable to his cause.71 Article 90 made invisible. Moreover, while the preamble explicitly indicates that Supreme Federal Court Judges speciÞcally refers to Islam and Islamic ethnic groups must be experts in both ShariÕah and secular law, (e.g. and Turkmen), it groups Christians and while Article 91 accords to them the responsibility non-Muslim ethnic groups into the vague ÒotherÓ for interpreting the constitution.72 Article 151, which category.65 Further into the constitution, Article 41 sets forth the mandatory 25% female quota for the speciÞcally sets forth the right of ShiÕite tribes to Iraqi National Assembly, is found in the Þnal section participate in Husseinya rites.66 There is no doubt that titled ÒTransitional Guidelines.Ó 73 This indicates this constitution caters primarily to Muslim males. that Article 151 may not form a permanent feature of Moreover, the special consideration afforded to ShiÕite IraqÕs constitution. rituals reßects the commanding presence held by ShiÕa members of IraqÕs government. Looking Ahead The governance contradictions exist from The foundation for a progressive, egalitarian the very beginning. Article 1 announces Iraq as society can be found in IraqÕs modern history. a Òdemocratic, federal, representative republic,Ó Women of my generation who beneÞtted from prior whereas Article 2 states that Islam is Òa basic source of nationalist objectives demonstrate the education, law.Ó67 68 Notably, the inclusion of Islam as ÒaÓ source wisdom, and skills that are essential to the restoration rather than ÒtheÓ represented a serious contention of this nation. We must act now. We are in danger for conservative ShiÕite members of the constitutional of leaving behind a generation of women that do not drafting committee.69 Article 2 also states, Þrstly, know freedom. Of course, our time was not perfect. that no law can pass which contradicts Islam, and, But it is what we have to work with, and at one time, secondly, that no law can pass which contradicts the Iraq represented a model that other Arab countries principles of democracy. It remains unclear which aspired to. comes Þrst, Islam or democracy. Interpretation may As a lawyer for women, my focus now be left to whoever controls the government, and shifts to the Iraqi constitution. While it is laden with according to the speciÞc agenda they wish to enforce. references to the primacy of Islam, it leaves a crack The outlook for women is bleak. Article 39 in the door for a more egalitarian interpretation. I achieves what the former Iraqi Governing Council plan to convene an alliance of skilled lawyers to president could not: repeal of the Personal Status discuss and debate the new constitution in order to Law. This article asserts that ÒIraqis are free in the collectively ensure that the democratic principles adherence to their personal status according to their remain meaningful and applicable. We must establish own religion and sect, belief and choice, and that will a social and political presence to remind the National be organized by law.Ó 70 Article 39 relegates family Assembly and Supreme Federal Court members matters to religious authorities, but is unclear if the that they cannot ignore the democratic features of the constitution. Is this a dangerous mission? 61 Ibid. Unfortunately, yes. But the risk to us now pales in 62 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New comparison to the risk that all Iraqi women will face if Iraqi Constitution,Ó p30. we do nothing. 63 Quran 17:70, cited in Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New Iraqi Constitution,Ó p32. Democracy means more than holding 64 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New periodic elections. Democracy means structural Iraqi Constitution,Ó p32. inclusion of the means necessary for ensuring the 65 Ibid. health and well-being of all people: women, men,

66 Ibid, p37. Muslim, non-Muslim. It is imperative that legislative 67 Ibid, p34. 68 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam and judicial members prioritize the rights of women Iraq,Ó p63. above Islamic doctrine. Nothing less than womenÕs 69 Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam lives are at stake. Iraq,Ó p62. 71 Ibid. 70 Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New 72 Ibid, p38. Iraqi Constitution,Ó p36. 73 Ibid, p40.

Al-Ali, Nadje, ÒReconstructing Gender: Iraqi women between dictatorship, war, sanctions and occupation,Ó Third World Quarterly, 2005 (26)4-5:739-758. Amowitz, Lynn L., Glen Kim, Chen Reis; et al., ÒHuman Rights Abuses and Concerns About WomenÕs Health and Human Rights in Southern Iraq,Ó JAMA, 2004 291(12):1471-1479. Brown, Lucy and David Romano, ÒWomen in Post-Saddam Iraq: One Step Forwards or Two Steps Back?ÓNWSA Journal, 2006 18(3):51-70. Hanish, Shak, ÒThe Role of Islam in the Making of the New Iraqi Constitution,Ó Digest of Middle East Studies, 2007 Spring: 30-41. Hunt, Swanee and Christine Posa, ÒIraqÕs Excluded Women,Ó Foreign Policy, 2004 July/August:39-45. Jabar, Faleh, ÒThe Worldly Roots of Religiosity in Post-Saddam Iraq,Ó Middle East Report, 2003 227:12-18. Looney, Robert, ÒThe Economics of Coping: The Plight of Women in IraqÕs Informal Economy,Ó The Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies, 2005 (30)3: 285-304. Peace Women, ÒIRAQ: Lawyers killed for defending cases Ôagainst Islam,ÕÓ http://www.peacewomen.org/newsIraq/Aug06/Lawyers_killed.html, accessed 16 Nov 2008. Qubain, Fahim Issa, Education and Science in the Arab World, Ayer Publishing:1979, from http://books.google.com, accessed 15 Nov 2008. Seymour, Richard, ÒStepping Backwards into the Future?Ó The Middle East, 2005 March, 18-20. ÒYarmouk, Baghdad,Ó http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yarmouk_(Baghdad), accessed 16 Nov 2008. The Observer, ÒHidden victims of a brutal conßict,Ó http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/oct/08/ iraq. peterbeaumont, accessed 11 Nov 2008.

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