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NAQSHBANDIS IN WESTERN. AND CENTRAL ASlA CHANGE AND CONTINUITY Papers Read at a Conference Held at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul June 9-11, 1997 Edited by Elisabeth Özdalga SWEDISH RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN ISTANBUL TRANSACTIONS VOL. 9 .A Portraitof a Naqshbandi Sheikh in Modern Turkey FULYAATACAN I n the course of history, the Naqshbandi order spread throughout the Islamic world. Since the nineteenth century, the Khalidi brahch ofNaqshbandiyya has been the most influential branch not only in the Ottoman Empire but also in modern Turkey.ı Osman Hulusi Ateş was a prominent Naqshbandi sheikh whose spiritual silsi/o (chain of initiation) goes back to MawUinii Klüilid. In this article, the life of Osman Hulusİ Ateş and his social position in the community will be discussed, based on data mainly collected from his disciples between 1990 and 1992. The Life Story of Osman Hulusi Ateş Osman Hulusi Ateş was bom in Darende,2 a district of Malatya, in the eastern part of Anatolia in 1914. His father, Hasan Feyzi was a preacher in the Hamid-i Veli mosque, until his death in 1945. The name of the mosque indicates the family's genealogical pedigree. It is claimed that Osman Hulusİ Ateş's father and roother were descendants of the Proplıet through Hamid-i Veli and Taceddin-i Veli.3 The first written source that supports this claim of being a seyyid (descendant of the prophet) was published by the Şey/ı Hamid-i Veli Camisi Onarma ve Konona Demegi4 in 1965. In this book, it is claimed that Hamid-i Veli, who is also known as Somuncu Baba,s was buried in the toınb of the Hamid-i Veli rrıosque in Darende. In 1 About Mewlana Khalid and the Khalidiyya branch of the Naqsbandi ı arikal see, H. Algar, "A Brief History of the Naqshbandi Order," in M. Gaborieau, A. Popovic, T. Zarcoıne (eds.), Naqslıibandis. Histork·al Deı·elopments and Preseni Situation ofa MuslimJ\Ifystical Order, Editions !SIS, Istanbul, 1990, pp. 28-39; D. W. Damrel, "The Spread of Naqshbandi Political Thought in the lslamic World," ibid., pp. 275-286; H. Algar, "Political Aspects of Naqshbandi History," ibid., pp. 136-149; B. Abu-Manneh, "Khalwa and Rab ı ta in thr Khalidi Suborder," ibid., pp. 289-302; B. Abu-Mannch, "The Naqshbandiyya­ Mujaddidiyya in the Onoman Lands in the Early 19th Century," Die IVelt des /slams. 1984, N. V-XX!I, 1-36; A. Hourani, "Sheik Halid and the Naqshbandi Order," in S. M. Stern, A. Hourani, V. Brown (eds.), Islamic Plıilosoplıy and tlıe Classiı·al Traditio!l, Cassirer, Oxford, 1972, pp. 94-100. 2 Darendeisa fertile plain which is situated along the slopes of a mountain range (eastern Taurus Mountains) and watered by the Tohma suyu (a tribmary of the Euphrates Ri ver). Principal economic activity is apricot production. 3 With respect to Hamid-i Veli, written sources did not approve this claim. The family claims that Taceddin-i Veli was from Medine and he worked as ajudge (kad1) in Diyarbakır. He diedin 650/1252. It is claimed that Osman Hulusi Ateş's mother Fatıma Hanım was from this family. 4 Hul usi Ateş established the Şey/ı Hamid-i \le/i Camiini Onarma ve Koruma Demeği (Associ­ ation for the Protection and Restaration of the Sheikh Hamid-i Veli Mosque) in 1961. 5 Hamid-i Veli was born in 1325 in Kayseri died in 1413. It isa disputed subject where he was buried. Some people claim that he was buried in Aksaray, Bursa while others claim that he was buried in Darende. He travelled Damascus, Tebriz, Erdebil and Bursa. He is also known as Somuncu Baba because of his work asabakerin Bursa. He had an ic·azet from Khalwati and Naqshbandi orders. There is no proof that he was a descendanı of the Prophet Muhammad. "Hamid-i Veli (Kayseri 1325-Darende 14 13)," Biiyük Tiirk Klasikleri, vol. 3, Ötilken -Söğüt Yayınları, Istanbul, 1986, p. 13-14; A. Akgündüz, Fulya Atacan 147 order to eliminare other claims, which insist that he was buried in Bursa, it is said that there are two tombs, one in Bursa and the other in Aksaray, which are also known by his name. However, these are places where he stayed for only a short period of time. The genealogical pedigree of Hulusi Efendi 6 is summarised in the above mentioned book. In this summary, Hamid-i Veli is presented as a descendant of the Prophet and Hulusi Efendi is presented as a descendant of Hamid-i Veli. By implication, it is demonstrated that he is a descendant of the Prophet. At the beginning of the 1990s, other books canceming this subject were published. Based on historical documents, one of these books showed that Hulusi Ateş was the descendent of Somuncu Baba,7 but it is said that there was no evidence supporting the claim that Samuncu Baba was a seyyid. The author claims that since the family was related to Sheikh Abdurrahman Erzincani, who was a seyyid, it is possible that Hulusi Ateş was a seyyid.8 The fami­ ly claims that Hulusi Efendi's morher was also from a seyyid family. As will be dis­ cussed later, being a descendent of the Prophet gave him a special place among the other sheikhs in contemporary Turkey. Even though Hulusi Efendi and his disciples claim that his father was a Naqshbandi, it is not clear whether he was a Naqshbandi sheikh or just a murid, dis­ ciple. The Jocal people know his father as lıarip, preacher. It is said that the family was quite well off during the Onoman Empire. However, after the establishment of the Turkish Republic, their right to obtain revenues from the endowments was abolished and the family became quite poor.9 According to Hulusi Efendi's disciples, he was initiated into the Naqshbandi order when he was five. The story about his initiation is as follows: "One day, Ehramcızade İsmail Hakkı Toprak, who was a Naqshbandi sheikh in Sivas, came to Darende. While he was looking for the house of one of his disciples, he sa w Hulusi playing on the street and asked him whether he knew him, whereupon he showed him where the house was. Ehramcızade İsmail Hakkı Efendi Jiked this boy very much and he wanted to give him some money. But Hulusi rejected the money and said "I do not want money but I want lıimmet (grace).lO" The disciples of Hulusi Efendi interpret this story as his initiation in to the Naqshbandi order and they emphasize Hulusi Efendi' s difference from the other children by saying "You see, he was different from the others ev en when he was fıve. Can you show me a child who can refuse money? Nevertheless, he was a child. He could have taken the money and could have bought candy. But what did he do, he refused the money and what is more he asked for lıinımet." Ehramcızade İsmail Hakkı Toprak was bom in 1296/1880 in Sivas. ı ı His family Arşiv Belgeleri lşığmda Samwıcu Baba ı:e Neseb-i Alisi, Es-Seyyid Osman Hulusi Efendi Vakfı Yayınlan,lstanbul , 1995. 6 Osman Hulusi Ateş is referred as Hulusi Efendi in the town a·nd his disciples called him "my Efendi". I wili use Osman Hulusi A teş and Hulusi Efendi interchangeably. 7 Akgündüz. wrote Hulusi Ateş's genealogical pedigree. A. Akgündüz, ibid., pp. 148- 153. 8 Abdurrahman Erzincan i was the cal i ph of Safıyyüddin Erdebili. See A. Akglindilz, ibid. pp. 27- 37, 147. lt is claimed that Samuncu Baba married Abdurrahman Erzincani's daughter, Necmiye Sultan. N. Toprak, ·•şeyh Abdurrahman Erzincani Camii," Samwıcu Baba, 4 (1995), 29. 9 Jnıerview with Muhittin TUtüncü in Sivas in 18.06.1991. Akgündüz published some documents conceming the endowmenıs of Somuncu Baba in Darende. A. Akgündüz, ibid., pp. 85- 142. lO The concept of lıimmet is widely used by Naqshbandis. Literally, it means the protection and help given by pious man. The indicator of having lıimmet in daily life is not only spiritual develop­ ment of the person but also material improvement of his living conditions. There are only a few people who considered having lıimmet from Hulusi Efendi. 11 İ. H. Altuntaş, Nokşibendi Şeylıi İsmail Hakkı Taprak'm Hayatı ve Me11kıbeleri, Ankara Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi, 1992, unpublished graduation thesis, p. 6. Eraydın wrote his date of birth as 1306/1888. S. Eraydın, "İsmai l Hakkı Toprak (K.S.)", Somımcıı Baba ve Es-seyyid V sman Hulusi Efendi Sempozyumu Tebl iğleri, Es-seyyid Osman Hulusi Efendi Vakfı Yay ı nları, no. ll, Ankara, 1997, p. 146. 148 Fulya Atacan was originally from Bukhara. Since his famjly dealt with the renewal of the cloth of Kaba and its upkeeping, they were known as Ehramcılar. His father, Hüseyin Hüsnü, was an army officer (kolağast) in Sivas. His mother, Ayşe, who was from Medina, was a descendant of the Prophet. İsmail Hakkı Toprak received his education in Şifaiyye Medresesi in Sivas. During the republican period, he fırst worked as a post­ man and then asa clerk at the Turkish State Liquor and Tobacco Monopoly, where he retired as director. He was fluent in Arabic and Persian. It is said that he had icazets, authorizations, from twelve different Sufı orders. He was initiated into the Naqshbandi order, along with Mustafa Haki (1856/57-1920) and received the title of caliphate from him.I2He married three times.\3 He diedin 2 August 1969.14 His dis­ ciples are scattered through Sivas, Malatya, Adana, Amasya, Ankara and Istanbul. Hulusi Efendi and his brother became disciples of Ehramcızade İsmail Hakkı and obtained their religious education from him.
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    Safavid Conversion Propaganda in Ottoman Anatolia and the Ottoman Reaction, 1440s-1630s Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by Ayse Baltacioglu-Brammer, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2016 Dissertation Committee: Jane Hathaway, Advisor Carter V. Findley Scott Levi Copyright by Ayse Baltacioglu-Brammer 2016 Abstract This dissertation explores the Sunni-Shi‘ite divergence in the early modern period, not merely as religiously derived, but as a meticulously carried out geo-political battle that formed the base of the sectarian conflict in the region today. One of the few studies to utilize both Safavid and Ottoman primary sources within the framework of identity formation and propaganda, my study argues that the “religious dichotomy” between “Ottoman Sunnism” and “Safavid Shi‘ism” was a product of the Safavid- Ottoman geo-political and fiscal rivalry rather than its cause; it further holds that examining the Shiitization of Safavid Iran and Ottoman Anatolia within a larger geo- political framework is critical to understanding early modern Middle Eastern states and societies. At the time, the Shi‘ite population of Anatolia – called Kızılbaş (“red heads” in Turkish) – constituted the largest Muslim minority group in the Ottoman Empire and was the principal catalyst for conflict between the Ottoman and Safavid empires. Yet it was only after the politicization of the Safaviyya Sufi movement that Istanbul perceived its Kızılbaş subjects as a threat to its geo-political legitimacy and security in the volatile regions of central and eastern Anatolia, as well as the frontier regions of Iraq.
  • Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi-Cumhuriyet Theology Journal 22/2 (December 2018): 885—908

    Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi-Cumhuriyet Theology Journal 22/2 (December 2018): 885—908

    Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi - Cumhuriyet Theology Journal ISSN: 2528-9861 e-ISSN: 2528-987X Aralık / December 2018, 22 (2): 885—908 Arşiv Belgeleri Işığında Balıkesirli Şeyh Lütfullah Câmii ve Zâviyesi In the Ligth of Archive Documents The Mosque and Zāwiya of Shaykh Luṭfullah from Balıkesir Mehmet Akkuş Prof. Dr., Ankara Üniversitesi, İlahiyat Fakülesi, Türk İslam Edebiyatı Anabilim Dalı Professor, Ankara Univ, Faculty of Divinity, Department of Turkish-Islamic Literature Ankara, Turkey [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0002-5374-2898 Abdülmecit İslamoğlu Doç. Dr., Ankara Üniversitesi, İlahiyat Fakülesi, Türk İslam Edebiyatı Anabilim Dalı Associate Professor, Ankara Univ, Faculty of Divinity, Department of Turkish-Islamic Literature Ankara, Turkey [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0002-3753-3690 Makale Bilgisi / Article Information Makale Türü / Article Types: Araştırma Makalesi / Research Article Geliş Tarihi / Received: 30 Temmuz / July 2018 Kabul Tarihi / Accepted: 12 Eylül / September 2018 Yayın Tarihi / Published: 15 Aralık / December 2018 Yayın Sezonu / Pub Date Season: Aralık / December Cilt / Volume: 22 Sayı / Issue: 2 Sayfa / Pages: 885—908 Atıf / Cite as: Akkuş, Mehmet —İslamoğlu, Abdülmecit. “Arşiv Belgeleri Işığında Balıkesirli Şeyh Lütfullah Câmii ve Zâviyesi [In the Ligth of Archive Documents The Mosque and Zāwiya of Shaykh Luṭfullah from Balı- kesir]”. Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi-Cumhuriyet Theology Journal 22/2 (December 2018): 885—908. https://doi.org/10.18505/cuid.449314 İntihal / Plagiarism: Bu makale, en az iki hakem tarafından incelendi ve intihal içermediği teyit edildi. / This article has been reviewed by at least two referees and scanned via a plagiarism software. Copyright © Published by Sivas Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi, İlahiyat Fakültesi / Sivas Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology, Sivas, 58140 Turkey.