Jabez Bunting

8 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING In 1826 the Leeds circuit was divided, and there was great ill-feeling over the division of the Sunday school, which was not in origin a circuit or even a Methodist institution, and from the radical leaders of which serious trouble was expected. The explosion in fact came over the proposal to install an organ in the Brunswick chapel which was new, fashionable, and reputed the largest in the connexion. The law was clear that the organ might be introduced only with Conference consent after an investigation and approval by a District Meeting, and clear on almost nothing else. The Brunswick Trustees applied for the organ by a majority of 8 votes to 6 with one neutral; the Leaders' Meeting, viewing the organ as a middle-class status symbol, and thoroughly irritated by the new arrangements in the circuit and by the itinerants' refusal to entertain any representations from the local preachers, opposed it by a majority of more than twenty to one, and were upheld by the District Meeting. Bunting nevertheless persuaded a Conference committee largely composed of the same preachers who had met in the District Meeting to reverse their ver- dict. When serious opposition developed in Leeds, Conference sovereignty was demonstrated by the summoning of a Special District Meeting (attended by Bunting as President's special adviser) to settle the affairs of the circuit. This court expelled members in large numbers without trial before a Leaders' Meeting from which palatable verdicts could not have been obtained. This exercise of central authority and personal influence turned the radicals into inveterate defenders of circuit rights, led in 1828 to the formation of a secession connexion, the Leeds Protestant Methodists, and established their view of Bunting as the Methodist Pope. What kind of a man was he in fact ?

(3) JABEZ BUNTING Jabez Bunting was born at Manchester, May 13,1779; and through the tender mercy of God his Saviour, born again at the same place in the year 1794. In 1799 he felt it his duty to quit the study of medicine, in which for four years he had been engaged, under the truly paternal direction of Dr. Thomas Percival; and to devote himself to the Christian Ministry among the Wesleyan Methodists, in serving whom, 'for Jesus's sake', he has now spent twentynine busy and laborious, but happy years. O may I every mourner cheer, And trouble every heart of stone; Save, under God, the souls that hear, Nor lose, in seeking them, my own;

THIS autograph, composed by Bunting in 1828 as he entered upon the Presidency of the Wesleyan Conference for the second time, neatly poses the two-fold biographical problem presented by his career. The Bunting of Methodist historiography was an indispens- able adjunct to the high Wesleyan doctrine of the Pastoral Office, and was invested with an appropriate aura of legend by both the champions and the opponents of that doctrine. The difficulty of penetrating to the man behind the legends—the legend of the child blessed by John Wesley himself, the young man who could not take home his bride without their being 'privileged to have Mr. Wesley's own bed for their use',2 or on the other hand the Methodist Pope and ruthless practitioner of caucus politics—is doubled by Bunting's own willingness to sink himself in[his office; not merely never basely to fly from his calling, but to regard a career principally devoted to admin- istration and public affairs as one which was in authority pastoral, given over to saving 'under God, the souls that hear'. 'I feel that I am public property,' he confessed in 1824 ;3 and the evidence of a huge correspondence confirms that by then the personality of Jabez Bunting had been completely encapsulated by the public persona of the ecclesiastical statesman, and made only one brief reappearance, upon the death of his first wife in 1835. The evidence, both of silence and of solid fact, of Bunting's early career suggests that in origin he was something different from what he speedily became. The late Dr. Scott Lidgett is said to have claimed his own place in the Wesleyan succession by affirming that as a child he had been blessed by the great Dr. Bunting, as the young Jabez had been blessed by John Wesley. In his autograph, however, it is noteworthy that Bunting makes no such claim for himself, con- venient as it would have been on the morrow of the Leeds secessions, and, in the sermon he preached for Bunting's funeral, Thomas Jackson was quite silent about the matter. Bunting's mother, a country girl from Monyash in the Peak of Derbyshire, admirably

1 Mfethodist] C[hurch] Archives] MS. Autograph by Jabez Bunting, August 30, 1828. 2 Life of Bunting, i, p. 21; M.C.A. MS. notes of the life of Jabez Bunting, July 18, 1877. In fact the newly married pair were given hospitality in the homes of substantial laymen for some months, being allotted only the room at City Road normally taken by the junior preacher and 'the use of the large drawing room ... on the second floor'. M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to George Marsden, April 21, 1804. 3 No. 58, infra. B

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 10 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING fitted the pattern of Wesleyan piety, and is said to have been converted by a sermon from a Methodist itinerant on his way to America, on the text 'And Jabez was more honourable than his brethren; and his mother called his name Jabez' (1 Chron. iv. 9). But his father was a different matter, and more than Jabez's son and biographer, Percy Bunting, could account for. William Bunting was a radical Manchester tailor who sent his son to not one but two Unitarian preachers for his education, and finally apprenticed him to Thomas Percival, a leading Unitarian doctor in the town; moreover Percival's great kindness (not only to Jabez, but to other Methodist preachers and their families)1 which Bunting commemorated in his autograph and in the baptismal names of his third son, did not fit the established polemic of the high Wesleyan case. It could only be suggested that 'the lapse from orthodoxy of many of the Presby- terians in England was, at that time, neither so great nor so well understood as it afterwards became', an unlikely story in Manchester in the 1790s, and that Dr. Percival was in a measure redeemed by 'very moderate' opinions in secular and ecclesiastical politics, and and by the fact that almost all his descendants returned to the communion of the Established Church.2 Still worse, one period of Methodist education which Jabez gave his own son and namesake was too embarrassing to bear mention, for it took place in the Leeds academy of James Sigston, the notorious radical and revivalist, the constitution-maker to the Leeds Protestant Methodists, whom Bunting drove from the connexion in the great clash of 1827.3 To the outward eye the young Bunting was himself a revivalist. His first public ministry was exercised in the Manchester cottage prayer-meetings, the spear-head of revival. He first preached in the streets in the doorway of an enthusiastic mechanic who thrust his hand into the fire to prove his ability to burn for Christ; the recollec- tion of his sponsor was so embarrassing to the mature Bunting that he related how he had been ultimately hanged for murder, making a false profession of innocence on the scaffold. Jabez's trial sermon as a local preacher was preached in the Manchester Band Room, a centre of revivalism, maintained by Broadhurst, the celebrated draper, whose following Bunting was to help turn out of the connexion in 1806. 1 M.C.A. MSS. Joseph Entwisle to Jabez Bunting, February 29, 1804. After Dr. Percival's death Jabez Bunting arranged his papers. M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to [Rd. Reece] November 28, 1804. 2 Life of Bunting, i, pp. 11, 25, 51. 3 It was clearly affirmed in Bunting's life-time by William L. Thornton, preacher and classical tutor at Didsbury College, who later edited Bunting's sermons, that he and young Bunting had been pupils at Sigston's academy at the same time. M.C.A. MSS. W. L. Thornton to Dr. Melson, June 20, 1845.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING 11 Bunting's own former minister, John Barber, wrote him a word of encouragement as he entered the ministry, which in retrospect could hardly have been more ironical: I am fully convinced that what our friends at Manchester call the spirit of the revival is the spirit in which we shall all live, if we wish to be useful. But you will find that many of the rich, and all the lukewarm Methodists, will be against it, because they want a religion and a mode of worship that will meet the approbation of the world. If our ancestors had regulated their opinions and conduct according to the judgement of the world what would the Methodists have been at this day?1 Almost all that is known of Bunting's first ministry at Oldham (1799-1801) is that he arranged dinner parties in which he and his superintendent enjoyed religious fellowship and theological con- versation with the Congregational and Baptist ministers of the neighbourhood, in full accord with the denominational openness of his upbringing, and the revulsion against sectarian exclusiveness which characterized so much of the evangelical world of that day. On his next station in Macclesfield as late as October 1802, he could still write, 'We have considerable expect[atio]ns of a gracious revival; and many think they "hear the sound of abundance of rain". May our hopes be blessedly realized.'2 Within a year Bunting's whole outlook had changed, and had taken a form which was hardened, deepened and made more sophisticated by the passage of time, but not again fundamentally altered. Before he arrived in Macclesfield the local revivalists had begun to separate from the Methodist Society; in 1803 they published their rules as Christian Revivalists, and, still worse, prepared to unite with Sig- ston's revivalists who separated in Leeds, and the Band Room men in Manchester, the whole body to be led by William Bramwell, a Methodist preacher with revivalist ambitions, who now resigned his ministry. In the event the scheme went off at half-cock. The Manchester men would not separate, Bramwell succumbed to great personal pressure to withdraw his resignation, and Bunting was infuriated.

1 Life of Bunting, i, p. 115. This MS. copy of this letter in M.C.A. seems to have been made from the printed version here quoted. 2 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to [Disney Alexander], October 14, 1802. The argument of this paragraph seems confirmed by a sentence in Jackson's funeral sermon that 'Jabez Bunting belonged to the class of revivalists, but not to that class only'. T. Jackson, The Character and dismission of the Prophet Daniel (Lon- don, 1858), p. 29.

1 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to J. Dutton, February 3,1809 (Draft endorsement to J. Dutton to Jabez Bunting, January 30, 1809). Cf. Bunting's endorsement to Jonathan Barker to Jabez Bunting, April 6, 1807. 2 James Wood (1777-1849) entered the same Methodist class with Bunting in September 1794. In 1796 he became one of the first members of a religious im- provement society founded by Bunting, along with Edward Westhead, with whom he formed a successful partnership in the cotton trade. First President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, opponent of free trade and tory politician, he was a lifelong local preacher and class leader, and acutely divided Manchester opinion. Esteemed by tories for venerating 'church order and discipline as an or- dinance of God for the maintenance of religion' {Manchester Courier, May 9, 1849, p. 293), he was an especial target of radical abuse. 'Of all men amongst us who have acquired wealth, without an accompanying enlargement of the intellect, there is none . . . more conceited and self-important, and less able to comprehend a liberal principle in commerce or politics, than Mr. James Wood.' Manchester Times, July 15, July 22, 1837. Cf. Manchester Guardian, June 1, 1833. 3 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to [Disney Alexander], October 14, 1802 [partly printed in Life of Bunting, i, p. 144]: Disney Alexander to Jabez Bunting, January 30, 1802; July 25, 1802; February 28, 1803; Joseph Entwisle to Jabez

Bunting, December 20, 1803. Thomas Jackson claimed that Bunting 'studied the best sermons in the English language'. Character .. . of Prophet Daniel, p. 30. 1 M.C.A. MSS. W. H. L. Eden to Jabez Bunting, June 25,1812; Jabez Bunting to W. H. L. Eden, July 3, 1812. 2 Life of Bunting, i, p. 182. 3 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, March 25, 1823: R. Johnson to Jabez Bunting, September 25,1804 (cf. W. E. Miller to same, [1805]): W. H. L. Eden to same, October 31, 1809, with Bunting's pencilled endorsement. (This letter is very inaccurately printed in Life of Bunting, i, p. 345 n.) 4 U[nited] M[ethodist] Cfliurch] Archives, Lake Junaluska, N.C.] MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, March 15,1808. (A garbled version of a portion of this letter is printed in Life of Bunting, i, p. 310.) 3 M.C.A. MSS. B. Sadler to Jabez Bunting, January 24,1804: Jabez Bunting to [Richard Reece], November 28,1804: same to George Marsden, June 24,1805. (This letter is partly printed in Life of Bunting, i, pp. 258-261.)

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING 15 shambles of the Protestant onslaught on Maynooth. There remained, however, the pulpit. In 1805 Bunting professed himself'no friend to Colleges or Academies', but felt that 'some regular systematic plan ought to be adopted with respect to the young preachers . . . which . . . would make them more accurately and thoroughly acquainted with Divinity as a science'. At the Conferences of 1811 and 1812 a series of sermons was begun in which the leading preachers of the connexion were to expound the principal heads of Christian doctrine as preached among Methodists, with a view to meeting precisely this need. The series made little progress, but it established Bunting among the official doctors of his church with the publication of his most famous sermon, upon Justification by Faith, preached at the Con- ference of 1812, and barely retouched thereafter.1 If there was any development at all in Bunting's preaching, this was its apogee. The immense administrative burden which he gradu- ally shouldered channelled his creative energies in another direction; his books went unread (and on his last appointment to Manchester, for months unpacked2), his sermon-writing dried up, his ability to carry his congregation eventually declined. And Bunting knew it. I have a very strong and growing dislike to preaching and speaking on any public occasion whatever [he confessed in 1827] and shall soon be obliged wholly and absolutely to decline that department of service, being convinced that my call is now in another way.3 The biggest drain of all came with the dependence of a great part of the ministry upon him to screw up their corporate courage for the fight, firstagains t financial collapse and social radicalism, 1818-1821, and then against continued dissidence in the ranks. For Bunting the climax of these contests came in 1835, when he fought day and night to defeat Dr. Warren and his allies, and in the crisis suffered the death of his wife, much-loved and blessed with a personal effervescence and elasticity which Bunting himself lacked. The decline was a sad one. Always prone to vehemence, Bunting's preaching came to depend increasingly upon the fighting qualities which made him formidable in debate. He relied on forcefulness; he preached too long; without apology he could be late in the pulpit, and preach till it was impossible to meet the Society after the service. And when the Warrenite crisis exhausted his reserves, Bunting preached less and less frequently, and less and less effectively. Congregations began to walk 1 Life of Bunting, i, p. 259; ii, pp. 24-28. It is noteworthy that a projected course of 17 sermons included nothing on the doctrine of the ministry. 2 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to Thomas Marriott, November 25, 1824. 3 No. 96 infra contains another portion of this letter.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 16 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING out before the end.1 After Bunting's death the Book Room refused on financial grounds to undertake publication of his sermons.2 Equally unhappily for the ageing Jabez, his eldest son William was a pulpit caricature of what he had been in his prime.3 The decline of Bunting, the preacher, which coincided with the supremacy of Bunting, the ecclesiastical statesman, had been long preceded by the disappearance of Jabez, the private personality. His earliest letters, particularly to his lifelong friend James Wood, are open affectionate. . . . there are two inexhaustible topics concerning which I can easily scribble over my sheets. [He writes] The first is myself; a subject this, {one's self) which one never wants inclination or materials to expatiate upon when writing to a friend . . . The second topic ... is my love and affection for you. This would indeed be an inexhaustible subject. You know that you are literally my most intimate earthly friend, and I have the satisfaction to be assured that the esteem & attachment I feel towards you are reciprocated.4 What attracted the young Jabez was the opportunity not for egotism but for free personal exchange. I account your acquaintance and intimacy to be one of those mercies which the God of Mercy has poured upon me in such rich abundance, and for which I shall for ever bless him.5 They discussed the issues in dispute between the Calvinists and Arm- inians, and it was in entire accord with the supposition that Bunting began life much closer to the revivalists than he was later willing to admit, that he confessed his 'need of a revival of personal religion',6 begged Wood to 'point out my faults, reprove my errors, and correct my mistakes, whether as a preacher or as a Christian', and reported that Richard Reece's preaching was 'much improved with the spark of Bramwellian fire and vehemence which he has caught'. Nor was it to James Wood alone that the young Bunting gave himself, receiving unbounded affection in return. I am lately returned from Saddleworth, [writes Disney Alexander] . . . James Ratcliffe's mother . . . spoke of you, and the tears 1 M.C.A. MSS. David Watson to Jabez Bunting, October 14,1824; Robert A. West, Sketches of Wesleyan Preachers (London, 1849), p. 17. 2 M.C.A. MSS. John Mason to Elijah Hoole, February 6, 1861. 3 Memorials of the late Rev. William M. Bunting, ed. G. Stringer Rowe (London 1870), pp. 15, 24-25, 34-35, 36. 4 U.M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, September 26,1801. 5 U.M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, December 11, 1801. 6 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, October 14, 1802.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING 17 gushed from her eyes. Three weeks ago I saw likewise your friends Messrs. Platt, Greenwood etc. You are literally engraven on their hearts. Your very name is precious to them. O how pleas- ing a thing it is to love and to be loved!1 Bunting's popularity with the children of Joseph Entwisle, his superintendent at Macclesfield, had a deeper source than presents of books. I read to the children that part [of your letter] which concerned them [wrote Entwisle after Bunting's departure to London]. They were mightily pleased. After a considerable pause, Jo. said, very expressively, '/ love him'; Mary, 'Bless him, he is sweet, I give him a kiss.'2 Yet already Bunting was hoisting the warning signs to both himself and his fiancee in Macclesfield, Sarah Maclardie.3 I think I shall be quite charmed with the London Methodists, when I can become more familiar with them. I believe it is one of my faults to form attachments too strong and tender for a man who is literally a sojourner only . . . The man must bend to the Pastoral Office. It was much the same with his engagement. Sarah Maclardie was a lively and attractive girl, evidently a great favourite with Joseph Entwisle, and the prospect of his wedding and the journey back to London kept the spark of ordinary humanity alive in Jabez. If the weather, though as fine as this, be also as cold, in the month of January, I shall not much like to travel all night. At least we shall be obliged to squeeze as close to each other as we can.4 But the great effort of his engagement period, foreshadowed in the paper on which he assessed his mind beforehand,5 was to make Sarah conform to the pattern of a minister's wife he had in mind, a process to which she was too strongly marked an individual to submit lightly. Recriminations followed, Jabez attacking her affected jealousy and affected indifference ... all who know your talents in that line will allow, that they are such as must render any attempt of yours to seem suspicious and unkind tolerably successful ... I overlook for this time the sarcasm conveyed in the 1 M.C.A. MSS. Disney Alexander to Jabez Bunting, January 30, 1802. 2 M.C.A. MSS. Joseph Entwisle to Jabez Bunting, September 6, 1803. 3 Life of Bunting, i, p. 169. 4 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to Sarah Maclardie, November 5, 1803. 5 Life of Bunting, i, pp. 150-156, esp. pp. 154-55.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 18 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING Address and Conclusion of your letter ... I am very doubtful indeed whether you can with propriety appear in habit-shirts . . -1 Jabez conquered Sarah's affections but not her character, and when provisions were dear, or Leaders' Meetings troublesome, she was always likely to tease him playfully by threatening to turn Calvinist. 'Sometimes,' Percy Bunting was assured, 'your dear Mother's uncontrollable wit suddenly disturbed our gravity; but he was never seen otherwise than in his own proper character as a Minister of the Gospel of Christ.'1 Sarah possessed personal qualities on which Jabez turned his back, and the home they created out of their dis- similarities retained for them the life-long affections of all but one of their children. Bunting's fencing with his fiancee was nevertheless prophetic of a future in which he altogether repressed his own individuality to meet the demands of the Pastoral Office, or, as his son quaintly put it in the Life, 'he avoided the snare, into which some great men have fallen, of maintaining an extensive miscellaneous correspondence'. Disney Alexander was hurt when Bunting came north early in 1805. I felt not a little mortified at seeing so little of you, and when I did see you at that want of openness and friendship which I discovered ... in you . . . , so different from the sentiments with which you had been before accustomed to regard me.2 The most extensive correspondence to survive, that with James Wood, tells its own tale, Affection and esteem united them to the end. Bunting baptized Wood's children, and preached his funeral sermon ;3 Wood in his turn sent barrels of black beer,4 became a political and financial pillar of Bunting's policies in the 'thirties, and was Treas- urer of the Centenary Fund, launched to commemorate the formation of the United Societies in 1739, which in a time of unexampled commercial depression provided Bunting's missions and ministerial training schemes with the buildings they needed, and publicly demonstrated that the Warrenite revolt had not disrupted the old connexion. But the correspondence between them became so trivial as hardly to appear at all in the following selection. There could be none of the mutual confession for which Bunting had asked at the outset; a

1 Life of Bunting, i, pp. 157, 338. 2 Ibid, i, p. 223: M.C.A. MSS. Disney Alexander to Jabez Bunting, November 18, 1805. 3 U.M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, November 8, 1810: Man- chester Courier, May 9, 1849, p. 293. 4 U.M.C.A. MSS. Same to same, September 29, 1807. (Partly and inaccurately printed in Life of Bunting, i, pp. 300-301.)

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.139, on 01 Oct 2021 at 02:09:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068690500005018 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF JABEZ BUNTING 19 layman, even as eminent and as pliable as James Wood, could not be encouraged to lay bare the faults of those whom God had appointed to the oversight of the flock. Of course the discipline which Bunting imposed upon himself before proposing to others had its admirable side. When he moved to Sheffield in 1807, his predecessor, Peter Haslam, was too casual to come back from Conference in time and assist his expectant wife to vacate the manse. While Bunting's children were cooped up in the same room in cramped temporary accommodation, they gave each other whooping-cough and erysipelas and his daughter died.1 No person can vindicate the extraordinary conduct of Mr. H. [wrote John Gaulter.] Such an instance ... of inattention and neglect, I never heard of before, and I dare predict that any recurrence of that, even without great caution on your part, will revive those acute feelings which you have endeavoured to suppress. Bunting was desolate but did not complain. Mrs. Robert Newton2 thought she 'could perceive in him a natural warmth of temper, and secretly admired the power of grace in its subjection',3 and Bunting's last confession to James Wood was that4 my constitutional disposition is more ardent than is perhaps at all times consistent with the meekness and gentleness of Christ. I am prone to think and speak with an excess of decision and energy. It was unhappily the case that however Bunting disciplined himself in personal relations, he used his natural vehemence as an instrument of policy in Conference and committee to a degree at times deplored even by his admirers. It was a friend who held that in the Leeds case 'he allowed personal friendship to unduly bias his judgement. . . [to] say nothing about his cutting remarks (. . . his sword had a keen and double edge)',5 and, as we have seen, vehemence had to carry his preaching till it could carry it no more. As a young man Bunting saw the superiority of Arminianism over Calvinism in the fact that 'it neither shackles our affections, nor fetters our tongues'.6 The regimen he applied to himself shackled the one but not the other.

1 M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to John Gaulter, February 24, 1808: Emory University, Atlanta, Ga. MS. John Gaulter to Jabez Bunting, May 4,1808. For a posthumous attempt to put a good gloss on Haslam's conduct, Life of Bunting, i, p. 336. 2 On Robert Newton, see n. 1, p. 93. 3 Life of Bunting, i, p. 338. 4 U.M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, April 1, 1805. 5 M.C.A. MSS. John P. Haswell to [T. P. Bunting], September 7, 1868: J. Hocken to Dr. Leppington, July 29, 1841. 6 U.M.C.A. MSS. Jabez Bunting to James Wood, March 16,1802.