The Novel of English Working-Class Movements, 1848-1914: Gaskell, Dickens, Harkness, and Tressell

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The Novel of English Working-Class Movements, 1848-1914: Gaskell, Dickens, Harkness, and Tressell ANUSTATE IVSER SILTY IIIIIIIIII I IIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII I- 31293 00888 3930 LIBRARY Michigan State UnIversIty This is to certify that the dissertation entitled THE NOVEL OF ENGLISH WORKING-CLASS MOVEMENTS, 1848-1914: GASKELL, DICKENS, HARKNESS, AND TRESSELL presented by Kathleen Ann Nesbitt has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in English [’76 ZZZ/:J //(:2 {/l/Z/{t24.__, Major professor Date/2% aZaéy /77/Z. MS U i: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 ———___— -— ..— _, 7 7 , 7 _ ___ ._._ _. __ r__ u_. _ 777— PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES Mum on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU Is An Affirmative ActIorVEquaI Opponunlty Inwtution omen“! THE NOVEL OF ENGLISH WORKING-CLASS MOVEMENTS, 1848-1914: GASKELL, DICKENS, HARKNESS, AND TRESSELL BY Kathleen Ann Nesbitt A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1992 ABSTRACT {(5% THE NOVEL OF ENGLISH WORKING-CLASS MOVEMENTS, 1848-1914: GASKELL, DICKENS, HARKNESS, AND TRESSELL 07/4 BY Kathleen Ann Nesbitt The critical reception of Victorian and Edwardian "social problem novels" has tended to focus on those parts of the narrative which contain allusions to historical events. This emphasis is incomplete without considering how the economic system requires supporting ideologies, institu- tions, and formations to create conditions for the control of the means of production and to repress activities that may interfere with these conditions. Gaskell's nary Barton, Dickens’s garg_1img§, Harkness’s WM, and Tressell’s Messed IIgnfigzgg_£n11antnzgpi§t§ present class struggles as chal- lenges to the dominant social order. The complexity of these novelists' responses to Chartism, trade unionism, and socialism can be determined through Raymond Williams's theory of cultural materialism, an explanation of the speci- ficities of material culture and literary production within historical materialism. Williams's concepts of ideology, hegemony, institutions, and formations reveal that these novelists’ thinking about the efficacy of working class movements is either limited by their inability to transcend practical consciousness, or by an awareness of the capabili- ty of the capitalist system to absorb criticism and threats. This dissertation analyzes both the ideological conditions from which these responses originated, and the process by which the authors attempted to solve the cultural contradic- tions upon which they are based. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page "To make great riches and great Page 16 poverty square with Christ's Gospels": A Pedagogy for the Oppressed in uaz1_hgrtgn Institutions and Reform in Page 55 Earnings Feminism and the Problem of Page 84 Political Consciousness in Late Victorian Socialism: Margaret Harkness’s QEQIQ§_E§§LEQDEL_E§DQ§I§I The Struggle for Hegemony in Page 122 u e e h List of References Page 160 ii INTRODUCTION In the early 1980’s, I audited a seminar on speech act theory. The course was representative of the department's emphasis on stylistics--not rhetorical analysis, but rather the analysis of sentence structures, verb tense, and vocabu- lary.1 We were required to read Austin, Searle, and Pratt in order to be able to identify and categorize types of "utterances"--commands, performatives, expressives, etc.-- according to their linguistic properties. Speech act theory itself was not the subject of the course; rather, the empha- sis was on the application of the concepts to a Henry James novel--Ihe_fiwkygr§_5gg. Hours of class time were spent analyzing speech acts and determining their linguistic force in the context of the situations within the text. At the end of the term when we successfully constructed a "meaning" of the novel with our linguistic tools, I remember the general sense of satisfaction coming from the students in the class, and although I shared in the feeling, I was also conscious of a dissatisfaction with the literary theory that the institution expected me to practice, not just speech act theory but structuralism, stylistics, and "new criticism." 1See Jameson's "Criticism in History" 121-123 for a description of the two distinct kinds of "stylistics." 1 2 A year later in a different department, I took another seminar in literary theory. This time the topic was the "nee-historicism” of Adorno, Benjamin, Williams, and Jameson. The course emphasized historicism as a theory rather than a method, but the authors’ practices were clear enough for me to realize that I was probably as far from stylistics as I could get, and I liked where I was. What struck me--and renewed my interest in literary studies-~was that these writers refused to respect the traditional bound- aries of academic disciplines. For example, Williams's Th2 gguntry_and_the_gity is sociology, philosophy, literary criticism, and political theory. The result is a fascinat- ing critique of the myth of an organic English past. And yet I saw that the emphasis on language characterizing all literary studies is still important--indeed crucial--to the consideration of literature as a historically specific production. Later, with Jameson's principle "always historicize" in mind,2 I gave a report in a seminar on English Marxist literature that outlined a history of the labor movement and its connection to socialism. A month before the term paper was due, I began to wonder how I could bring that history to literature without producing a reductive content analysis. The problem remained with me for a while until as a result of further reading, I discovered that form is the final 2These are the first two words in the introduction to W. 3 articulation of the deeper logic of the content itself. I read, for instance, the following statements by Engels from the 1888 edition of the ggmmunist_uanifig§tg: The manifesto being our joint production, I con- sider myself bound to state the fundamental propo- sition which forms its nucleus, belongs to Marx:3 That proposition is: That in every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization neces- sarily following from it, the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history of mankind . has been a history of class strug— gles, contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolutions in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class--the proletari- at--cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class--the bourgeoi- sie--without at the same time, and once and for all, emancipating society at large from all ex- ploitations, oppression, class distinctions, and 3Stedman-Jones reconsiders Engels's contribution to historical materialism in "Engels and the Genesis of Marx- ism,” which argues Engels was being modest when he made this assertion. 4 class struggles. (6) It followed, then, that literature is a history of class struggles as well as a social product that loses its meaning when cut away from its economic context. Content analysis has an interpretative value, I found, but it is incomplete without considering how the economic system requires sup- porting ideologies, institutions and formations to create conditions for the control of the means of production and to repress activities that may interfere with these conditions. These activities, of course, are those engaged in by the working class, which at the beginning and end of the nineteenth century posed real challenges to the hegemonic process as the workers began to be conscious of themselves as a class. Chartism, trade unionism, and socialism were movements in which the working class acted in its own inter- ests and thereby produced its own history. The novels with which this study is concerned were written either during the rocky assimilation of the industrial revolution in the 1840's and 1850’s, or the early 1900's when socialist ideas began to permeate labor movements. Between the radical unionism in fiazg_Iimg§ and the fully-realized socialist I C) vision in Ihe_Bag9ed_Irousered_£nilanthroei§t§. there is a gap of over fifty years. Nevertheless, as E. P. Thompson has pointed out, "Each historical event is unique, but many events, widely separated in time and place, reveal, when brought into relation with each other, regularities of process” (Egygrty_gfi_Thegry 84). It is not surprising, 5 then, that the intense socialist agitation at the end of the century prompted one reporter to warn his readers that Chartism was being revived.‘ History as process, background, and determining princi- ple in four novels that exploit historical events to argue for social reforms or social revolution is used in this work as the framework to interpret four novelists’ confrontation with a maturing working class consciousness. These authors- -Elizabeth Gaskell, Charles Dickens, Margaret Harkness, and Robert Tressell--all represent real historical limits to Marx and Engels’s socialist vision, either because they were not able to transcend the limitations of their own practical consciousness, or because they perceived (and wrote about) the capability of the capitalist system to adapt to criti- cism and threats, particularly those which emanated from labor movements and socialist ideas. As everyone knows, England was the first country to meet all of the requirements for a socialist revolution: the industrial revolution began there; a proletariat was creat- ed: Marx and Engels worked in and disseminated their ideas from London: there was sporadic and sometimes violent work- ing class unrest. Yet there was no revolution. The reason most often cited for this is the ability of English culture to accommodate change and mitigate conflict.S If this were ‘See Beer II: 323.
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