Boy Bands and the Performance of Pop Masculinity

Boy Bands and the Performance of Pop Masculinity provides a history of the boy band from the Beatles to One Direction, placing the modern male pop group within the wider context of twentieth- and twenty-first-century popular music and culture. Offering the first extended look at pop masculinity as exhibited by boy bands, this volume links the evolving expressions of gender and sexuality in the boy band to wider economic and social changes that have resulted in new ways of representing what it is to be a man. The popularity of boy bands is unquestionable, and their contributions to popular music are significant, yet they have attracted relatively little study. This book fills that gap with chapters exploring the challenges of defining the boy band phenomenon, its origins and history from the 1940s to the present, the role of management and marketing, the performance of gender and sexuality, and the nature of fandom and fan agency. Throughout, the author illuminates the ways in which identity politics influence the production and consumption of pop music and shows how the mainstream pop of boy bands can both rein- force and subvert gender and class hierarchies.

Georgina Gregory is Senior Lecturer for Film and Media at the University of Central Lancashire, where she teaches modules on popular music and youth culture. She is the author of Send in the Clones: A Cultural Study of the Tribute Band.

Boy Bands and the Performance of Pop Masculinity

Georgina Gregory First published 2019 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Taylor & Francis The right of Georgina Gregory to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Gregory, Georgina, author. Title: Boy bands and the performance of pop masculinity / Georgina Gregory. Description: New York ; London : Routledge, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018046292 (print) | LCCN 2018048465 (ebook) | ISBN 9780429027574 (ebook) | ISBN 9781138647312 (hardback) | ISBN 9781138647329 (pbk.) Subjects: LCSH: Boy bands. | Popular music—History and criticism. | Masculinity in music. Classification: LCC ML3470 (ebook) | LCC ML3470 .G738 2019 (print) | DDC 781.640811—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018046292

ISBN: 978-1-138-64731-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-64732-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-02757-4 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by codeMantra Contents

List of Figures vii Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1

1 Definitions: What Constitutes a Boy Band? 8

2 From Barbershop to Mainstream Pop 16

3 Constructing the Product 37

4 Marketing and Promotion 60

5 Weapons of Mass Seduction: Performing Pop Masculinity 83

6 Fandom, Texts and Practices 101

7 Breaking Up, Making Up and Moving On 122

Bibliography 135 Index 157

Figures

2.1 Crosby, Stills and Nash 31 4.1 Zodys department store ad for Beatle wigs 63 4.2 The Bay City Rollers 67 4.3 The Beatles vs. the Rolling Stones 68 4.4 The Beatles’ logo 70 4.5 The Monkees’ logo on an album cover 70 4.6 *NSYNC’s logo 70 4.7 The Monkees 73 4.8 The Beatles arrive at JFK Airport 75 4.9 One Direction 77 4.10 The Rolling Stones in concert in Oslo in 1965 81 5.1 Harry Styles 83 7.1 Westlife 132

Acknowledgements

I would like to draw attention to a number of people who have helped in the production of this book. In particular, thanks go to Genevieve Aoki and Peter Sheehy of Routledge for allowing me the time needed to complete the project. I also wish to express gratitude to the many students I have taught at University of Central Lancashire over the years, whose observations have provided useful insights into the subject of boy bands and associated fan culture. Amongst others Mark Duffett, Tim Wise and the late David Sanjek have provided a combination of scholarly inspiration and support so thanks must go to them. Finally, as writing takes up such a lot of my time and energy, I am grateful to my family – Greg, Holly, Mya, Jack and Georgia – thank you for being there.

Introduction

Throughout the postwar period, groups of young men in their teens or twent­ ies singing romantic songs in harmony have been the bedrock of the popular music industry. In Janice Miller’s words: “Between The Beatles and The Osmonds and after, came many boy-­bands sharing similar characteristics: mainstream manufactured for a teen market with a voracious appetite for this kind of en- tertainment” (Miller, 2011: 84). Although characterized by ephemerality, the presence of boy bands within the musical landscape significantly influences perceptions of masculinity. In fact long before the Osmond brothers or Take That, vocal groups with a repertoire of heartfelt ballads provided a template for the earnest masculinity we are familiar with today. The popularity of boy bands is unquestionable and their contribution to popular music is significant, yet they have attracted limited scholarly interest. Their unthreatening version of masculine identity has dominated the twentieth century but more attention is devoted to rock, rap and metal masculinity (Weinstein, 2000; Walser, 2015; White, 2011). However, as Diane Railton notes: “One of the ironies of pop- ular music studies is that the music that is the most popular, in terms of con- temporary chart success, is rarely discussed by academics writing in the field” ­(Railton, 2001: 321). Some contextual material is offered by Jay Warner (2006), whose histori- cal account of postwar American vocal groups is limited by its geographical boundary and while it contains important detail about doo-­wop and R&B vocal groups, its coverage of groups described as boy bands is limited. Em- anating from the music industry where the exceptional success of boy bands is revered, Frederick Levy’s (2000) The Ultimate Boy Band Book is one of the few texts dedicated to unravelling the phenomenon. Writing from the per- spective of a talent manager, Levy offers some useful insights into the his- tory and construction of boy bands but fails to locate the groups in a broader 2 Introduction socio-­cultural or critical framework. Furthermore, as it was written before the successful relaunch of Take That, *NSYNC and Backstreet Boys it does not account for the appearance of ‘man bands’ – well-­known groups reassembling as adult versions of their former selves.1 Other industry-­focused literature ex- amines the transformative leadership, personal shortcomings and misdemean- ours of pop band managers. A sample includes music journalist Ray Coleman’s (1989) anecdote-­filled account of Beatles’ manager Brian Epstein’s early life and his closet ­homosexuality. Presumably because there have been some high-­ profile lawsuits stemming from financial mismanagement, Tyler Gray’sThe Hit ­Charade (2008) looks at pop impresario Lou Pearlman’s Machiavellian en- deavours through the lens of investigative journalism. Louis Walsh’s successful career as a pop manager also comes under scrutiny (Foley, 2002) in a book charting his rise from working as an office boy to becoming a leading pop supremo. There are also studies of music mogul Simon Cowell’s contribution to pop management (Newkey-­Burden, 2009; Bower, 2012), not to mention a wide range of ­biographies and autobiographies about individual artists and groups. In this respect Herbert (2011), McKeown (2006), and Roach (2006) are typical and all add valuable detail and colour to scholarly study. To some extent, the dearth of academic studies on the subject may be at- tributed to the collective failure of mainstream pop groups to shock or offend. Presumably their wholesome character makes them a less compelling object of study – especially when other music artists do so on such a regular basis. Moreover, as Gayle Wald, one of the first to take the group’s seriously points out, critical writing about pop has a tendency to focus on the shortcomings of mass culture rather than any redeeming or instructive qualities it might offer:

Among recent trends in youth music culture, perhaps none has been so widely reviled as the rise of a new generation of manufactured ‘­teenybopper’ pop acts. Since the late 1990s, the phenomenal visibility and commercial success of performers such as … the Backstreet Boys, and ‘N Sync has inspired anxious public handwringing about the shallowness of youth culture, the triumph of commerce over art, and the sacrifice of ‘depth’ to surface and image. (Wald, 2002: 1)

Nevertheless, boy bands convey important information about gender ­identity, a subject overlooked in the majority of literature within popular music studies prior to the 1980s. However, interest has grown, and among others ­Leonard (2017), Lieb (2013) and Whiteley (2013a, 2013b) explain how gender is constructed, cir- culated and maintained within the music industry. Their work is informed by, and builds upon the work of Judith Butler (2011) and Jack ­Halberstam (1998) whose observations on the constructed character of gendered identity ­problematize ­essentialist readings. Introduction 3

Other than Wald (2002), only a handful of scholars have tackled the nature of gender in boy bands.2 Among them Jamieson (2007) discusses the marketing and presentation of the Backstreet Boys to see if the queer subtexts of boy band videos influence the audience. Similarly, Jennifer Moos (2013) looks at groups’ queer potentialities and their role in creating a space for alternative masculini- ties, exploring the affective responses of fans – notably those engaged in gender parody via drag king performance. Paul McDonald (2013) considers the area of representation by analysing the relationship between gender, body and music video to show how a particular version of masculine identity was portrayed by Take That during the 1990s. Matthew Stahl (2002) also investigates representation but from the perspective of the artists themselves to see if the way they would like to represent themselves differs from how they are depicted by managers and marketing professionals. In doing so he raises issues concerning authenticity, legitimacy and autonomy, all of which are explored by Maria Sanders (2002) who looks at aspirations of autonomy in boy bands assembled by entrepreneurs. A similar theme is tackled from the perspective of discourse by Mark Duffett (2012), who explores how negative discourses underscore the way critics write about boy bands, leading ultimately, to a stasis of critical commentary about market-­led pop. Other valuable texts include Freya Jarman-­Ivens’ Oh Boy! Masculinities and Popular Music (2011), a book that evaluates how masculine identity is negotiated, constructed, represented and addressed within texts and practices ­associated with various music genres. Likewise, Stan Hawkins’ The British Pop Dandy: Masculinity, Popular Music and Culture (2017b) provides important insights into the construction of pop’s masculine identities, expressions of dandyism and camp via various media platforms, showing how performance, gender and ­sexuality are inextricably entwined. With a view to adding to this existing body of knowledge and to augment the limited literature on boy bands and masculine identity in mainstream or ‘manufac- tured’ pop, this book explores how pop masculinity is produced and consumed. By examining vocal harmony groups from a historical perspective, showing how they reveal prevailing structures of power, it aspires to illustrate Raewyn Connell’s assertion that masculinity is “a historically mobile relation” (Connell, 1995: 77). In their different guises these groups have provided young men with a vehicle for the expression of feelings that may be socially suppressed, allowing them to speak, for example, of men’s desire to nurture or be loved and cared for. This book illustrates how the gender fluidity of contemporary boy bands and the artists’ ‘identikit’ personalities express the performative character of postmodern identity. We live in an era where traditional markers of identity are less stable, and in these circumstances popular music offers access to new ways of being, not least because it “opens up … possibilities for recognising and imagining forms of identity in ourselves and others” (Hawkins, 2017a: 7). In particular, millennial boy bands illustrate how modern masculinity is less 4 Introduction monolithic than previously, and is fraught with insecurity and instability (Aboim, 2016). Free market rule, the collapse of the welfare state, diminishing worker’s rights and the privatization of essential services are all challenging the traditional gender order. Men and boys are particularly affected because they are now in competition with women and girls who have made major progress in the fields of education and employment. Women are forging careers and supporting themselves, but they also have an optional licence to find purpose and add meaning to their lives through raising children.

A girl does not have to, she is not expected to, ‘make something’ of herself. Her career does not have to be self-­justifying, for she will have children, which is absolutely self-­justifying, like any other natural or creative act. (Goodman, 1956: 13)

Women today can choose if or when to have a child, establishing a family unit with or without a male partner, whereas men are still inclined to conflate their value with achievements in the world of paid employment.

Most young adult males are focused on their need for significance. They are interested in making their way in the world and having an impact. This is not to say they don’t have relationships, start families and create homes. They do, but their priority is typically focused on work. (Olver, 2015)

With the growth of zero hours contracts and a lack of ‘jobs for life’, today’s young men face challenges nobody envisaged in the boom years of the 1950s and 1960s when jobs were plentiful and women were still primarily restricted to the home and reliant on a man for economic support. Models of manhood ­provided by men engaged in hard physical labour and skilled craftsmanship, where a sense of community and pride prevailed, have all but vanished in the world of twenty-­first-century employment. At this juncture, pop ­harmony groups are providing a less aggressive, more anxious to please and better groomed model of masculine identity, better adapted to the changing socio-­ economic circumstances. This study seeks to explain how identity politics influence the production and consumption of mainstream pop. At various points throughout the history of boy bands, social class, race and location have all played a role in defining how main- stream pop music is produced, marketed and consumed. In particular, since vocal harmony singing cuts across racial boundaries, the intersection of black and white American styles of performance is examined to illustrate how styles of music are borrowed, adapted and relocated, often in opportunistic plagiarism for commer- cial purposes. The singing and performance styles of pop vocal groups move reg- ularly between black and white cultures in a tradition of appropriation noted by Introduction 5

Andrew Ross who asked: “How much of a white component (­country, ­rockabilly) was truly present in ‘white’ R&R’s version of ‘black’ R&B? Did Elvis imitate or did he sing ‘black’ music?” (Ross, 2016: 68). Sometimes the exchange is a by-­ product of the proximity of diverse communities in urban settings, but in other cases it is cynically engineered in forms of cultural theft. As academic studies of popular culture have swung away from their focus on production, there is now a need to reconsider how pop music is created, marketed and presented to prospective audiences. However covertly the ambitions are con- cealed, the creation, distribution and consumption of commerical rather than mainstream pop is always governed by a desire to minimize risk and maximize profit. Whereas some artists aspire to create music with educational or political significance, mainstream pop’s commitment to generating profit is refreshingly transparent in its reflexive acknowledgement of commercial objectives. By look- ing at the nuanced nature of pop’s marketing it is possible to see how this ideology is embedded in the design and delivery of boy bands from the outset. Stardom itself is recognized in various quarters as a manufactured ­phenomenon (Franck and Nüesch, 2007; Dyer, 2013), and the construction of pop bands ex- poses the endeavours of the culture industries to create stars. However, televised talent shows challenge a long-­cherished and ­Romantic ­vision of artists operating agonistically against a commercial mainstream. Drawing heavily on the notion of musicians as autonomous artists (Frith and Horne, 2016), the perspective of the struggling artist continues to influence perceptions of authenticity or a lack thereof. Hence, unlike auteurs, who occupy a privileged place in the canon and academic literature, identikit pop groups have always hovered on the margins of respectability. In Robert Pruter’s words: “rock fans, led by the rock crit- ics, tended to place [them] outside the critical mainstream” (Pruter, 1996: 246). Only a few such groups have ever been acknowledged within the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, and none are representative of the current wave of so-­called ‘manufactured’ bands.3 Their abjection encourages us to join Foucault (1980: 118) in asking if an individual is not an acknowledged auteur, what are we to make of his output? Should we assume the texts and practices of mainstream pop bands have no value or ought we to question why we are only invited to appreciate these artists once they pursue a solo career, reject pop or write their own music? It is true that the majority of modern boy bands do not write their own songs and may not play musical instruments, but this was never a barrier to acclaim for vocalists such as Elvis Presley or Frank Sinatra. It seems that reasons for exclu- sion from the canon are neither straightforward nor consistent.4 If nothing else, boy bands make us question the fetishization of auteurs and virtuosos, inviting us to reflect upon the fragility of masculine authority if it is so reliant on evi- dence of self-­authored music or mastery of an electric guitar. Music journalist Maria Sherman observes how “historically, teen pop and boy band fandom has [always] existed in a weird space of cultural celebration and 6 Introduction critical marginalization” (Sherman, 2015). This book explores why if fans can see no wrong with manufactured groups, they are regularly maligned by fellow musicians, music journalists and anti-­fans, all of whom are vocal in ridiculing and dismissing the artists and their music.5 During the 1960s, ‘made for television’ band the Monkees were a popular target. Indeed, at the height of their success, “the nascent rock press and much of the counterculture community that it served, made much sport of reviling the band as ‘prefabricated’ and ‘plastic’” (Ramaeker, 2001: 74). Crawdaddy magazine offered an equally lofty condemnation suggesting that, “After it’s all over, and they’ve outsold everyone else in history, the Monkees will still leave absolutely no mark on American music” (Williams, 2002: 121). If we are prepared to remain open-­minded, we might ponder why it is ac- ceptable to dismiss boy bands as irrelevant for failing to conform to notions of musical proficiency conflated with the production of rock music? Is it possible that romantic, mainstream pop has vindicating qualities that are all too often overlooked? If so, what are its redeeming characteristics? This study highlights how hierarchies of value promote the dominance of certain genres and artists over others if they are deemed to conform to whatever currently constitutes ac- ceptable taste. Drawing on sociological studies (Gans, 1975; Bourdieu, 1984) we can see that the production of art often speaks less about individual creativity, than it does about shared sets of conventions. Perhaps more than anything the views of critics illuminate the observation that, “Taste classifies, and it classifies the classifier” (Bourdieu, 1984: 6). Perhaps this pop masculinity illustrates the way gender, youth and social class are used to position ­musicians, fans and critics within competing hierarchies of power, in a social order where the feminine has always been subordinated to the masculine and within which musical prefer- ences are coded according to socio-­economic status. Whatever their shortcomings in technical skill or political import, boy bands present a powerful example of Max Weber’s paradigm of ‘mediated ­charisma’: indeed, their presence exemplifies “the management of mass responses of ­intoxication and devotion to essentially packaged agents of entertainment” (­Rojek, 2011: 166). By analysing how the discourses of popular music mobilize language to position the groups and their fans, it is possible to gain more under- standing as to how the value system operates. With this objective in mind, the study seeks to challenge perceptions of pop fandom as homogenous, young and female. In doing so it draws attention to the presence of a much wider audience which is conveniently ignored to uphold the view that boy bands only appeals to girls and gay men. Far from resembling the “cultural dopes” identified by the Frankfurt School (Horkheimer and Adorno, 2002), they show themselves to be strong-­minded, imaginative media practitioners who provide evidence of creativity while healthily rejecting preferred readings. This book’s focus on fan culture aims to show some of the virtuous qualities of romantic pop music in an era character- ized by aggressive marketing of pornography, broken families and challenging Introduction 7 labour conditions. With the rise of internet porn and excessive use of sex in the marketing of products and services, young people may well be exhausted by the omnipresence of sexualized imagery (Huston et al., 1998). The boys’ smiling, friendly faces and their evocation of old-­fashioned romance present a refreshing antidote to the pressures imposed by a hypersexualized society. Mild-­mannered youthful masculinity harks back to earlier times where good manners mattered and where chastity had cultural currency. The gender ­neutrality of boy bands invites women to partake in the culture of pop masculinity to the point where it is difficult to distinguish some of the female boy bands (where young women impersonate male artists) from their male counterparts. Thus while it is easy to dismiss mainstream pop as conservative, unlike some more politically informed music genres, it is remarkably tolerant of al- ternative sexuality and radical in its own way. The study shows how out gay and bisexual performers are accepted within the pop community and how gay fans interpret texts to relate to the music on their own terms. In certain re- spects, the soft masculinity purveyed by boy bands could even be deemed rev- olutionary. The boys’ open expressions of vulnerability, the ease with which they express their emotions and their commitment to romantic love set them apart. ­Admittedly the pro-­feminine stance is not universally accepted, mainly because: “The men who are nurturing and caring are kept a distance from masculinity” ­(MacKinnon, 2003: 57). In the next chapter, the social prohi- bition of feminized masculinity is explored through the medium of discourse to show how discursive apparatus ensures that the value of mainstream pop is diminished and dominant expression of masculinity are secured. It illustrates how, through everyday use of language and the language of popular music, hierarchies of merit and preferred expressions of gender are put into place in an effort to marginalize everything from the culture of femininity to the social power of youths, teenage girls and gay men.

Notes 1 Where bands such as Take That, Backstreet Boys, NKOTB and Westlife have re- launched their careers by regrouping in a more mature incarnation and appealing to a wider demographic. 2 See, for example, McDonald, 2013; Stahl, 2002; Jamieson, 2007; Kumanyika, 2011; Duffett, 2013; Löbert, 2012; McLaughlin and McLoone, 2014. 3 Prejudice against pop harmony acts does not appear to stem from a rejection of choral singing per se, because the Four Seasons, the Ink Spots, the Drifters and the Beach Boys are all celebrated inductees. 4 Vocal harmony groups employed by the Tamla Motown label were controlled as much, if not more, than the average boy band and groups were expected to conform to the company’s interference in all aspects of their careers. The repertoire and back- ing music was created by in-­house song-­writing and production teams, artists were groomed in etiquette, dressed by stylists and coached by professional choreographers. 5 Mark Duffett has identified a thriving culture of hate pages on Facebook dedicated to target boy bands and their followers (Duffett, 2013: 218). 1 Alternative wordings include boyband and boy- band. 2 For example Bekiempis (2013: 74) states that the Beatles were “the first modern boy band”, yet others would argue that the manufactured boy bands of the 1990s are more suitable representatives of the term. 3 Hanson, Take That, East 17 and Bros, for example, wrote some of their own songs. 4 Identical twins John and Edward Grimes fused their names to form duo Jedward. In 2009 they came sixth in The X Factor and despite accusations of an overall lack of true ability, they went on to become one of the most financially successful alumni of the programme. 5 Hanson and the Jonas Brothers are labelled in some quarters as boy bands but in both bands the members are competent musicians, writing some or all of their own songs. One Direction’s Niall Horan played guitar during some of the group’s con- certs and played on the Midnight album. 6 Although the task was mastered to some extent, by the Jacksons 5 and the Osmonds. 7 Examples of non- dancing boy bands include the Wanted and One Direction. 8 Alf Björnberg (1985) elaborates this point, proposing that: “In general it can be ar- gued that harmony is a less important parameter of musical expression in rock music than, for instance, rhythm, melody and timbre.” 9 By feeling and understanding rhythm, phrasing, melody and harmony through the body. 10 Gerard Way of My Chemical Romance, Motörhead’s Lemmy and Meatloaf were all voted as ugly in a Gigwise poll. See www.gigwise.com/photos/36742/the- 20- ugliest-people -in- rock [Accessed 28 November 2018]. Different websites dedicated to identifying rock’s ugly men cite Ric Ocasek of the Cars, Bill Berry of REM and Phil Collins among others. 11 Two of the members of Hanson were aged seven and nine when the band was first formed. 12 In a contemporary source the Victorian traveller Lady Duff- Gordon writing from South Africa said, “it is shocking here how people treat the blacks. They call quite an old man ‘boy’, and speak so scornfully” (Duff- Gordon, 2010: 334). 13 Examples include the Texan rap group Geto Boys, Chicago based artist Soulja Boy and white New York rappers the Beastie Boys. 14 A salutation to the Rick Rubin. 15 In the aftermath of slavery, black blues artists rejected the racist connotations of being referred to as ‘boy’ in the blues standard ‘Mannish Boy’. 16 The British groups Wham, Steps and the Human League illustrate the point. 1 The band’s website is available at http://utn1.com/ [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 2 Their song ‘Janeman’ became the first ever Urdu/Hindi pop song to air on MTV Asia on 20 April 1992. 3 Singing was not restricted to the barbershop – bar rooms and street corners were other popular sites for this type of community harmonizing. 4 The Manhansett Quartet are credited with being the first to reach a wider audience via commercial cylinder recordings in the 1890s (Whitburn, 2005: 293). 5 There is some evidence (McNeil, 2013: 24) that supports the view that barbershop can be traced outside the US to English barbershops of the seventeenth century. 6 Contemporary sources report American audiences being impressed by the smooth harmonies and the challenge of distinguishing one voice from another. 7 The Ink Spots are credited with paving the way for both rock and roll and doo- wop. Between them, the Ink Spots and the Mills Brothers are credited with paving the way for a legion of similar outfits including the Delta Rhythm Boys, the Four Vagabonds and the Golden Gate Quartetto. 8 Motown artists Eddie Kendricks, David Ruffin and bass vocalist Melvin Franklin are all clearly indebted to their Ink Spots counterparts Bill Kenny and Hoppy Jones. 9 Keightley (2001: 115) suggests that the term ‘doo- wop’ derives from the Turbans’ 1955 hit ‘When You Dance’. 10 According to Grove Music Online (2018) the term ‘acappella’ can be traced to the Italian ‘in the manner of the chapel’. The term can also be used to describe the vocal track(s) when separated from a multitrack recording originally including instrumentation. The imitation of absent instruments was taken to the highest level by the vocal group Naturally Seven who refer to their musical practice as “vo- cal play”. The band imitates the sounds of a wide range of instruments including drums, electric guitar, harmonica and keyboard. See www.naturallyseven.com/ [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 11 For instance in ‘Count Every Star’ (1950), members of the Ravens can be heard imitating the plucking sound of the double bass. 12 Hickey analysed the lyrics of all the songs recorded by 31 of the 35 most popular boy bands of the 1990s. 13 Other notable mixed-race groups include the Del-Vikings and the Crests. 14 Popularized by the Osmonds, the song ‘One Bad Apple’, originally written for the Jackson 5, was turned down by Motown boss Berry Gordy in favour of a similar song ‘ABC’, which the Jackson 5 recorded in 1970. 15 There are strong similarities between the Backstreet Boys’ ‘I’ll Never Break Your Heart’ and Boyz II Men’s ‘End of the Road’, recorded four years earlier. 16 X Factor alumni JLS were an all- black British boy band who had major success be- tween 2008 and 2013. 17 Other observers liken the song to the Teddy Bears’ doo- wop hit ‘To Know Him Is To Love Him’ (1958), MacDonald (2007) records Paul McCartney citing the song as a source of inspiration. It was a number one hit on the Billboard charts and sold over a million copies at the time. Superstar producer and song writer Phil Spector was a founding member of the Teddy Bears. 18 In Rave magazine (20 September 1966: 44) for instance, a news report on the ‘pop scene’ talks of the Beatles, the Walker Brothers, the Byrds, Cliff Richard, Sonny and Cher and the Rolling Stones. 19 The term ‘bobby soxers’ may also refer to the label given to girls who were encour- aged to take off their shoes at ‘sock hop’ dances to avoid damaging the floor. 20 The ‘short back and sides’ described a men’s hairstyle, popular in the first half of the twentieth century. It symbolized a clean- cut masculinity redolent of an era when, unlike the women in their lives, men prided themselves on taking little interest in their appearance. 21 Barter et al. (2009) found that 11 per cent of teenage girls experienced severe phys- ical force and admitted to being punched, beaten up or hit with objects in relation- ships. In the UK, a National Union of Students survey found that 37 per cent of female student experienced unwanted groping or inappropriate touching and 36 per cent received unwanted sexual comments about their bodies (Weale, 2014). 22 Performing music written for them by a began to define pop singers as craftsmen than artists, relegating them to a lower level in hierarchies of value. Mu- sic followed the template established at the Bauhaus design school, where founder Walter Gropius made a clear distinction in his opening manifesto that “There is no essential difference between the artist and the craftsman. The artist is an exalted craftsman” (Kaes et al.,1995: 455). 23 Rock music also relies on the use of session musicians when making records but their presence is carefully concealed. In pop, expectations are different and the con- tribution of anonymous musicians is customary. 24 These exceptions include the dancer Stacia Blake who was employed by British rock band Hawkwind to perform her interpretive dance routines in their live shows. Mick Jagger’s signature dance moves are also widely imitated and both Ian Curtis and Axl Rose are cited as influential movers. 25 In the UK, for example, the Musicians Union banned miming on the television show ‘Top of the Pops’ during the mid- 1960s. See: www.muhistory.com/contact- us/1961- 1970/ [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 26 Stormy Weather (1941), directed by A. Stone. Hollywood: 20th Century Fox. 1 For example British boy band One True Voice were launched on the back of the television series Popstars: The Rivals in 2002. The group released a double A-side for Christmas that year and split up acrimoniously the following summer, despite being heralded as the next big boy band. 2 In the British group Bros, twins Matt and Luke Goss joined forces with friend Craig Logan, and at different times the Puerto Rican group Menudo has contained two sets of brothers. 3 In One Direction, each of the boys had originally entered the competition as solo artists, only being assembled as a band at the behest of Nicole Scherzinger. 4 For a history of the group see: www.shenandoahiowa.net/pdfs/everly_history.pdf [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 5 Carroll Levis’ Discoveries ran from 1935 to 1939 and 1953 to 1956; Opportunity Knocks first appeared in 1949 but resurfaced repeatedly in 1956, 1964–78, 1987–90; New Faces ran between 1973 and 1978. 6 A point reflexively enacted by *NSYNC in the video accompanying their song ‘Bye, Bye, Bye’, where the boys are depicted as puppets under the control of an evil puppetress. 7 Ben Franks was a Los Angeles rock and roll diner frequented by long-haired types. 8 With pitch correction software such as Auto-Tune it is possible to smooth out im- perfections when recording. Auto-Tune can even be used in live performance to correct flaws and in X Factor season 7 viewers complained because it was used so much. 9 The Quarrymen ended up in second place, being pipped to the post by a Welsh skiffle group. 10 For these reasons a family member can be a natural choice for initial management. In the case of the Jackson 5, the boys’ father Joe managed the group initially. 11 Paul McGuinness guided U2 as a raw post-punk band, towards international suc- cess and Peter Grant’s contribution to the fame of Led Zeppelin is undeniable. 12 It is difficult for anyone unfamiliar with Britain to understand the close relationship between social class and location. Certain regions and accents are automatically labelled as lower- class, which may lead artists to deliberately modify the way they speak to mirror hegemonic speech. 13 Price (2014) found that of 17 British acts in the 1990 chart, 16 and a half went to state schools and only one member of one group was privately educated. By 2010, three out of 17 of the artists went to fee-paying schools (plus a further two groups contained privately educated members). 14 To gain some ‘street’ credibility, middle-class pop singers are even resorting to fabricating narratives of destitution. There are exaggerated reports that Ed Sheeran lived rough on the streets of London when in reality he was sofa-surfing with sup- port from his parents. 15 In a recent example, the upper- class, Cambridge- educated musicians in Clean Ban- dit featured Jamaican dancehall legend Sean Paul on the single ‘Rockabye’. 16 Agius (2015) reports that the group split just one year after their appearance on the television talent show. 17 The list includes Take That, *NSYNC, Backstreet Boys, Westlife, Boyzone and the Jackson 5. 18 East 17 is the district number of the Walthamstow area of London where the group formed. Although none of O- Town came from Orlando, the band was named after the city. Westlife are from Sligo in the west of Ireland. 19 According to Murrells (1978) the Bristol Stomp was the name given to a dance practised in the area. Within youth culture, dance plays a major role and as dances tend to spread to other locations, by associating the stomp with Bristol, the group secured its stature as a local dance. This might seem a trivial gesture but young people are notoriously territorial, as much of the early work on subcultures has demonstrated. 20 Hence the pre-packaged musical output of The Monkees was carefully controlled by manager Don Kirshner and studio musicians played instruments in recordings (Sandoval, 2012). 21 In an interview, Diamond said that although the songs ‘I’m a Believer’, ‘Look Out (Here Comes Tomorrow)’, ‘Love to Love’ and ‘A Little Bit Me, a Little Bit You’ were written for himself, they were made famous by the Monkees (comments made on Friday Night with Jonathan Ross, 23 May 2008, BBC1). 22 The duo wrote some of the group’s most memorable songs including ‘Saturday Night’, ‘Remember’ and ‘Shang- A-Lang’. 23 In a 2011 song by British boy band the Wanted, the lyrics of the song ‘So Glad You Came’ could be interpreted as referring to the female orgasm but the single’s official video suggests that the song refers to a girlfriend’s appearance at a beach party. 24 An analysis of the lyrics of Rolling Stone magazine’s ‘50 Greatest boy band songs of all time’ reveals that declarations of love, desire for physical union with the beloved, sorrow following rejection by a lover and regret after a breakup are central themes. For the complete list see: www.rollingstone.com/music/lists/50-greatest -boy- band-songs-of -all-time -20150924/mindless-behavior -my-girl -2010-20150923 [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 1 A recent study showed that, on average, only 6 per cent of the average artist’s reve- nue is derived from sales of sound recordings (Thomson, 2012). 2 This is reflected in data indicating that album sales in particular, have suffered the most, dropping to their lowest level since 1991 (Nielsen, 2014). 3 A 360 deal is an exclusive recording contract between an artist and their record company. On top of any money from record sales, the label will take a share of other related income streams such as music publishing sales, merchandise, live tour ticket sales, appearances in films and on television. 4 In 2004, launching a new boy band was estimated to cost around £1 million. See http://news.bbc.co.uk/cbbcnews/hi/teachers/citizenship_11_14/subject_areas/ business/newsid_2594000/2594785.stmhttp [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 5 The Backstreet Boys and Jonas Brothers created four albums each in under five years. *NSYNC made three albums in the period between 1998 and 2002. Work- ing so intensively is difficult to sustain, particularly when combined with significant touring commitments. 6 The same study noted that Coldplay fans were fond of films, worthy causes and Fairtrade products while fans of the Eurovision song contest seem the most likely to be customers of Starbucks. 7 According to Hartmann (2017), the beer sold 5 million pints in its launch year. 8 See details of the campaign at: https://issuu.com/futurepublishing/docs/amd01. bor_kraken.6sr [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 9 Received Pronunciation (RP) is the standard form of British English pronunci- ation, widely used in broadcasting. It is based on educated speech in the south of England and is not reflective of other regional accents in the UK. 10 Estuary English is a dialect associated with the south-east area of England and particularly the River Thames estuary. It is sometimes confused with the London- based ‘Cockney’ accent. 11 Tombstoning, a fast-growing craze, involves jumping into water at great height from cliffs, piers or other structures. 12 “Middle-of -the- road as defined in the Cambridge Dictionary is “a person, organiza- tion, opinion, or type of entertainment that is not extreme and is acceptable to or liked by most people”. 13 Although it wasn’t used on any of their official album covers, the logo, featured on Ringo Star’s drum kit, was eventually adopted as the band’s official trademark. 14 The logo was commissioned by Mick Jagger after he saw John Pasche’s designs at a Royal College of Art degree show in 1970. 15 Fans were also told that Stuart “Woody” Wood went to bed at night with just a teddy bear for company (Baker, 2013). 16 The Sexual Offences Act of 1967 decriminalized homosexual acts in private if the men involved were over the age of 21. 17 In a 1973 concert at the Hammersmith Odeon, Bowie fellates Ronson’s guitar and during a 1972 Top of the Pops performance of the song ‘Starman’, he sings the chorus, gazing seductively at the guitarist, with an arm around his shoulder. 18 The tensions within the dyad were satirized in the 1984 mockumentary This is Spinal Tap. 19 Examples include the rivalry between Mick Jagger and Keith Richards in the Roll- ing Stones, which erupted into open slurs when Richards revealed his nemesis had a small penis in an autobiography. In Pink Floyd, Roger Waters embarked on a solo career and tried to bar the rest of the band from using either the Pink Floyd name or the group’s inflatable pig. The legendary feud continued by Ray and Dave Davies in the Kinks led to Ray declaring his genius while jumping on his brother’s 50th birthday cake. 20 For a discussion on some of the distinctions between stars and celebrities see Shum- way (2014: 2–11). 21 Ties were fashionable in the punk subculture but only as a signifier of rebellion and a refusal to conform to the conventions of menswear. 22 According to Richard Morais (1991) Pierre Cardin’s slim and sleek design defied the conventions of menswear at the time by introducing an updated, youthful styling to men’s suits. The suits allowed The Beatles to appear at the same time respectable and unconventional. 23 See more about the event at www.creativematch.com/news/syco- launches-save- the-1day/100755/ [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 1 Styles has a penchant for older women and has dated a string of 30- somethings in- cluding Lucy Horobin, Caroline Flack and Kimberly Stewart. He also enjoys a close relationship with his mother and happily accompanies her to public places. Whereas Mick Jagger, at the age of 74, dated 23- year-old Noor Alfallah, who is younger than five of his children. 2 The songs ‘Under My Thumb’, ‘Stupid Girl’, ‘This Could be the Last Time’, ‘Some Girls’ and ‘Gunface’ are among others which illustrate this tendency. 3 More recently Carrie Paechter (2006) critiques Halberstam for reifying masculinity without first explaining precisely what it is. 4 The practice of knitting is endorsed by celebrities such as Nicholas Hoult and Ryan Gosling. In 2013 the Oxford Street branch of John Lewis responded to increased interest by offering knitting classes for men only. According to Dance UK (2017), 76 per cent of men believe dancing is a good way to keep fit and 10 per cent have taken classes. 5 A term drawing on the Greek for philo, meaning loving and gyne, referring to females. 6 It is acknowledged that heavy metal artists may use appropriation of the feminine within their performance but to a different end (Walser, 2015: 361). 7 As recently as 2015 Keith Richards referred to his wife of 34 years as “the old lady” (Chilton, 2015). 8 Walser (2015: 108–36) provides a detailed discussion of these strategies in the chap- ter ‘Forging Masculinity: Heavy Metal Sounds and Images of Gender’, in Running with the Devil: Power, Gender and Madness in Heavy Metal Music. 9 Notably in the indie scene where male artists are more comfortable embracing sig- nifiers of femininity. 10 From 2016 to 2018, Cole was in a relationship with an erstwhile member of the boy band One Direction who is ten years her junior. In 2017 Madonna was reportedly dating a man 27 years younger than herself. 11 Providing evidence in support of the trend, Valerie Gibson’s (2002) book Cougar: A Guide for Older Women Dating Younger Men offers advice and practical tactics for the senior seductress. 12 John Lennon’s background was relatively middle-class but the rest of the Beatles were from humbler families. In one of the classic boy bands of the 1990s, the mem- bers of East 17 were all drawn from working- class backgrounds. Tony Mortimer of East 17’s mother was a cleaner and Brian Harvey was a plumber. 13 Dukes et al. (2003) found a decline in references to romantic love versus more overtly sexual themes in popular song since the 1960s. 14 See research on song themes by Christenson et al. (1998), who looked at Top 40 songs between 1980 and 1990 and Edwards (1994), whose research focused on Top 20 chart music in the period 1980–89. Their combined findings established the presence of references to love in at least two- thirds of the songs sampled in their respective projects. The persistence of the love themes in contemporary popular music is noted by Madanikia and Bartholomew (2014) whose findings echo the earlier studies. 15 Office for National Statistics, Divorces in England and Wales 2012, February 2014. 16 A report found that four in ten teenage schoolgirls felt pressured into having sex or engaging in other forms of sexual activity and many claimed to have been physi- cally or emotionally abused or raped by boyfriends (Gurney- Read, 2015). 17 Suicide is now one of the biggest cause of death in men under the age of 50, a statistic some observers attribute to a combination of unemployment, low pay and limited opportunities. 18 In 2016 the organization received over 60,000 calls for help, preventing around 400 suicides (Gunning, 2017). 19 Deena Weinstein notes how “Muscle building is a hobby of many metal fans [whose] concentration on their arms creates the look of the idealized blue collar worker” (Weinstein, 2000: 130). 20 According to OECD data, since 1971, both the UK and Australia saw their share of manufacturing drop by two- thirds. In Germany since the 1980s, manufacturing’s contribution to gross domestic product fell from 30 per cent to 22 per cent, Even South Korea saw a fall in jobs in the manufacturing sector (Rabie, 2018). 21 No doubt this helps to explain why men are so reluctant to take part in choral sing- ing (Hall, 2005; Adler, 2003). All studies to date, show that in community choirs, female singers significantly outnumber men (Bell, 2004: 39). According to Julia Koza, their reluctance reflects a longstanding shift in the perception of singing as a predominantly masculine pursuit, to a feminine one (Koza, 1993: 212). 22 As did Motown group the Temptations. 23 Some exceptions to the rule include pop singing baritones Scott Walker, Neil Diamond, David Bowie, George Ezra, Rag ‘n’ Bone Man and soul singers Barry White and Isaac Hayes, whose vocal ranges span even lower registers. 24 There is a body of literature supporting the view of singing as a feminized cultural form unsuitable for boys (Mancuso, 1983; Ross, 1995; Demorest, 2000). 25 In Mick Jagger’s case, his alleged misogyny may be seen as a compensatory strategy. 1 Notable exceptions include McRobbie and Garber (2002), McRobbie (1978) and Willis (1990), all of whom addressed the exscription of girls within the existing studies. 2 Radway’s (1984) research demonstrates how girls use popular media texts as a means of escape and a way of navigating the emotional challenges presented by patriarchal culture. 3 For example, Judith Halberstam’s (2005) research on queer culture shows how drag kings use exaggerated parody, exposing the constructed nature of boy band mascu- linity to a lesbian audience. 4 Among the web sites acting as repositories for boy band fiction, a notable example is www.fanfiction.net, which plays host to thousands of stories under a variety of headings. 5 ‘Beard’ is a term employed to describe female companions of homosexuals who are used by men to conceal their true sexuality. 6 The numerous contemporary advertisements for Beatles wigs, Cuban heel boots and Beatle suits indicate that there was a market for such products. 7 The Yardbirds, the Byrds and the Who were all popular with boys during the 1960s and possibly less so with female fans. 8 Others subjected to the wrath of the Gallagher brothers include Robbie Williams of Take That and US boy band the Backstreet Boys who were labelled “rubbish” with the suggestion that both “should be shot” (BBC, 2001). 9 The concert took place on 12 May 2015 at The Academy, Manchester. 10 Hensley and his fiancé Olly Marmon were featured in Attitude magazine’s March 2014 special edition on gay marriage. 11 The letter A in the group’s name is a reference to Adonis who epitomized male beauty in Greek mythology. 1 See Johnstone (2010) for Yoko Ono’s account of the wrath she incurred at the time. 2 See http://ultimateclassicrock.com/john- lennon-silent- vigil/ [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 3 The vigil can be viewed at www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3fWXeWOKH0 [ Accessed 28 November 2018]. 4 See www.mirror.co.uk/tv/tv- news/devastated-prince -fans-tears -after- 7805647 [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 5 See www.westendtheatre.com/2608/news/casting- simon-webbe-joins -sister-act - and- richard-fleeshman- joins-legally-blonde / [Accessed 28 November 2018]. 6 Since 2013 Humes has been presenting his own show on Capital Radio. 7 The single ‘Pillowtalk’ was released in 2016, debuting at number one on the Bill- board Hot Hundred and the UK Singles Chart. 8 They ended up in eleventh place. 9 For example, although emo music challenges conventional gender boundaries by allowing men levels of emotional expression normatively judged as feminine, the subculture only attracts a minority male following. Although the subculture’s ambiguous masculinity appears to challenge convention, according to Emily Ryalls it “privileges a masked hegemonic masculinity in which a fluid gender performance only serves heteronormative ends” (Ryalls, 2013: 83). Bibliography

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