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Green republican political economy: Towards the liberation from and work as disutility

This article focuses on green non-ecological critiques of orthodox economic growth and John Barry offers a distinctive green republican political economy argument in favour of democratizing production as part of the ‘just transition’ to a sustainable, regenerative economy. About the author Democratizing production could, by enabling the realization of some of the internal goods John Barry is Professor of of work, reduce ecologically damaging orthodox economic growth. The article then proceeds Green Political Economy, to critically analyse the dominant conception of ‘work as disutility’ within both the history Queen’s University Belfast, of modern political economy and more importantly within neoclassical economics. This UK. He was co-chair of the Green Party in Northern (mis)conception of work is one that neglects to recognize the internal values of work, and Ireland from 2003 to 2009. frames a view of human labour which is used to justify despotic workplace management practices. Hence liberating the macro economy from the imperative of endless growth, and at Citation the micro economic/workplace level liberating production from capitalist productivity, could Barry J (2020) Green simultaneously enhance human freedom and flourishingand ecological . republican political economy: Towards the liberation from “Who, in the light of biophysical reality, and concerns around the negative impacts economic growth and work as can remain committed to the growth- of the growth imperative on democratic disutility. The Ecological Citizen forever vision? Apparently, our decision- politics and the further spread of 3(Suppl B): 67–76. making elites can. […] Their commitment is democratic norms throughout society and Keywords not to maximize the cumulative number of the economy (Barry, 2012). ; people ever to live at a sufficient standard of This article will focus on some of these limits; societal change; consumption for a good life for all. Rather, non-ecological critiques of economic sustainability; techno-fixes it is to maximize the standard of resource growth (and related ideas and practices consumption for a small minority of the of competiveness, productivity, efficiency present generation, and let the costs fall and maximization) and offer a green on the poor, the future and other species.” political economy argument in favour of Daly (2013: 4–5) democratizing production. It also argues that from an ecological sustainability perspective, democratizing workplaces ne of the key and long-standing and production could, by enabling the concerns of and green realization of some of the internal goods Opolitical economy has been around of work, reduce ecologically damaging ‘limits to growth’. While initially based orthodox economic growth. That is, the on the ecological impossibility of endless creation of a regenerative economy requires orthodox (GDP) growth as a permanent the democratization of work, and attention feature of the human economy (Barry, 2016; towards its specifically internal values 2018) – impossible to extend infinitely and goods when, following MacIntyre for into the future or extend to the world’s example, it is viewed as a human practice population as a whole – green critiques as opposed to an institution (Barry, 2013). of growth also have non-ecological These internal goods, comprising, inter dimensions. These include concerns about alia, creativity, autonomy and democratic the link between growth and inequality decision-making, could, by constituting (within and between nations), the lack of practices adding to human flourishing, connection (after a threshold) between decouple the sphere of production from human flourishing and continuing growth, being ‘locked into’ endless ecocidal

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economic growth. A key issue here is to economic objectives such as reducing the distinguish formally paid employment length of the working week, and shifting from work, and the article discusses how from wage-based private consumption dominant growth-oriented measures of to both lower consumption and forms of the economy only focus on employment collective and shared consumption. and exclude and normatively disvalue unpaid work. Green political economy The article then proceeds to critically and consumption analyse the dominant conception of ‘work “Advertising has us chasing cars and as disutility’ within both the history clothes, working jobs we hate so we can of modern political economy and more buy shit we don’t need.” importantly within neoclassical economics. Fight Club (1999 film) This (mis)conception of work is one that both neglects to recognize the internal Do good human lives have to cost the Earth? values of work, and frames a ‘productivist Can we have high quality lives with low and growth’ oriented view of human carbon and low environmental impacts? labour which is used to justify ‘despotic’ These are some of the complex questions workplace management practices. Here the we need to ask in the 21st century, the ‘age article canvasses arguments for viewing of the Anthropocene,’ accelerating climate modern employment as a form of ‘wage breakdown and exacerbating inequalities slavery,’ and why from a green republican within and between societies. Providing perspective we should be concerned about answers and political/policy solutions – or, it, and supportive of attempts to reduce the more likely, ‘coping mechanisms’ (Barry, undemocratic unfreedoms of this condition. 1999) – to these interlinked questions in Of interest here from a green republican the turbulent times ahead will (even if as political economy point of view is that the yet we cannot see the urgency) dominate main justification used for maintaining or at the very least profoundly frame and (and extending) workplace dictatorships shape politics, economics and culture in and denying democracy in the workplace the decades ahead – from the local to the is efficiency and the maximization of global scale. Or, at least, we should hope “Green political production. In a word, growth. The main that addressing the existential crisis facing economy calls argument presented here is that if work life on this planet does dominate and frame attention to the is an undesirable activity, this may be human political thinking and acting, since metabolism between because of how production is organized, if this does not happen, then the outlook is who controls it and how the benefits from it grim for future generations of the human the human economy are distributed, not because of work per se. and more than human worlds. and the much larger One needs to look therefore at how work and A key focus for understanding and ecosystem and employment are organized and structured. navigating a way through a climate biophysical processes From an ecological sustainability point changed and carbon constrained world of view, democratizing work – which may has to be political economy (not be confused and systems on which reduce productivity – is, ceteris paribus, a with its contemporary bastard offspring, it depends.” positive policy option in that it can reduce ‘economics’), and green political economy in negative impacts of economic activity particular. On the one hand, green political and increase democratic decision-making economy calls attention to the metabolism within the sphere of production, as well as between the human economy and the much expand individual autonomy and creativity larger ecosystem and biophysical processes within that sphere. Democratizing and systems on which it depends. That is, employment and recognizing work, a green political economy focus draws – or including re-orientating public policy away should draw – our attention to the non- from a dominant focus on employment human energy and resource inputs and (and hence economic growth), allows for pollution etc. (including nonhuman agency) the possibility of ‘post-growth’ political that is required, produced, transformed,

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etc. as a result of human economic activities. of goods and services from their use and Moreover, green political economy – like enjoyment (e.g. Barry, 2012). Other research other critical forms of political economy, stresses the need to recompose and such as those drawn from Marxist, post- reconstitute consumption in the minority colonial or feminist thought – foregrounds world – such as Ian Gough’s argument human relations of power, ownership and for strategies and policies to recompose control of human, and more than human, consumption (based on distinguishing assets, capacities, and products and the needs from luxuries) and focused on institutionalized organization of the attaining ecological sustainability human economic sub-system. and social equity (Gough, 2017). While Much work in critical green political such critical work on consumption and economy has rightly focused on excessive consumerism is important and needed, my consumption and consumerism in the aim in this article is to focus on how green minority/over-developed world. This political economy should analyse, think work has revealed how the lifestyles, about and reconfigure the organization of “The lifestyles, aspirations for and views of the ‘good life’ production and human collective labour as aspirations for and and associated economic structures of part of any just transition from ‘actually views of the ‘good globalized capitalism, which largely serves existing unsustainability.’ the interests of the minority world (and life’ and associated the economic elite), have systematically Democratizing work economic structures locked the world into an ecocidal trajectory. “The production of too many useful things of globalized This critical work on consumption and produces too large a useless population.” capitalism have consumerism shows how, beyond a Marx (1959: 51) systematically locked threshold, the ‘iron cage of consumerism’ (Jackson, 2013) within a growth oriented In mainstream policy and academic the world into an economy creates dangerous ecological discourse on the transition from our ecocidal trajectory.” risks, increases inequalities, status current unsustainable and ecocidal competition, ontological insecurity economic system, production figures and anxiety. Consumerism can corrode largely in terms of finding technological solidarity and community and can, solutions to ‘decouple’ increasing by orientating people inwards and to production from energy, pollution and themselves (notwithstanding the very resource use. That is, to find technological social character of consumerism), reduce innovations to decouple endless people from being citizens to individualized economic growth (and consumerism) and privatized consumers (Lynch and – as a permanent target of the human Kalaitzake, 2018). In short, consumerism economic sub-system – from the non- as a permanent (as opposed to a transient) growing, regenerative larger ecological activity and goal, is unsustainable, unfair and biophysical system of which that and undesirable. Just as the imperative of human economy is a part. That is to say, endless and infinite growth can lead to the focus has been ‘green business as ‘uneconomic growth’ – that is, cause more usual’. I have elsewhere argued that this economic negatives than positives, and ‘techno-optimistic’ strategy is highly imperil long-term economic development unrealistic (indeed, some of the thinking – so consumerism (a key engine of modern and policy proposals in this space can growth) can pass a point where it reduces fairly be described as mythical) and rather than adds to human wellbeing and therefore dangerous (Barry, 2016). But such flourishing. discourse is also profoundly depolitical and Some of the green political economy depoliticizing (if not outright anti-political) research in this area demonstrates, for – and thus its appeal to vested interests and example, the multiple co-benefits of those supportive of the political economy strategies to socialize (and decommodify) status quo, as well as to those who have lost consumption, and separate ownership hope or faith in political and democratic

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solutions to our ecological, resource and who remarks (Skinner, in Marshall [2013]): energy dilemmas. But such techno-optimist, magical ways I am very struck by the extent to which of thinking about the human economic Marx deploys, in his own way, a neo-Roman sub-system do not exhaust how we should political vocabulary. He talks about wage approach the analysis of the sphere of slaves, and he talks about the dictatorship production and the organization of human of the proletariat. He insists that, if you are work. To begin with, for reasons that will free only to sell your labour, then you are become clearer below, it is important not free at all. He stigmatises capitalism as a to maintain a distinction between form of servitude. These are all recognizably employment and work. I view employment neo-Roman moral commitments. as a sub-set of human productive labour or work, a key characteristic of which is that Removing the compulsion to enter into it is remunerated (i.e. it is a form of wage employment (something contemporary labour). This common distinction between greens have promoted, for example via employment and work tracks another such policies as a universal basic income or important distinction for green political services), and democratizing employment economy: that between ‘formal’, money- via worker self-government, would not only based and measured economic activities help realize republican goals of freedom (as captured, most importantly, by GDP), as non-domination. Democratizing and what are variously termed practices, employment could also enable the activities, relationships and exchanges realization of internal goods of human “There are within the ‘core,’ ‘convivial,’ ‘care’ and collective labour, especially in a post- ‘reproductive’ human economy (e.g. Illich, growth context. But one of the obstacles both ecological, 1973; Escobar, 1995; Coote, 2010). intellectually, and especially in policy sustainability and I wish to make the argument that from a terms, standing in the way of reconfiguring social, ethical reasons green (and republican) political economy employment along more democratic lines for, and advantages perspective on a just transition away (and one that is functionally useful both from an ecocidal growth economy, there for the growth-obsessed political economy of, democratizing are both ecological–sustainability and of capitalism, and for the despotic, non- work qua formally social–ethical reasons for, and advantages democratic organization of employment) paid employment.” of, democratizing work qua formally paid is a profoundly narrow and negative view employment. We can begin by asking: of work. how can we say a truly democratic society exists when the vast experience of the The shadow of ‘Adam’s Curse’: overwhelming number of its citizens is The ideology of work as disutility ‘wage slavery’ in formal, undemocratically “To Adam he said, ‘Because you listened to organized employment? Consistent your wife and ate fruit from the tree about with long-standing green political which I commanded you, “You must not arguments for greater democratization eat from it,” cursed is the ground because of economic and political life (including of you; through painful toil you will eat decentralization), the green republican food from it all the days of your life.’” asks ‘why should democracy end at the Genesis, 3:17 factory/office/classroom door?’ Here, green republicanism can be seen to echo Pain for women in childbirth and ‘painful older socialist and Marxist critiques of toil’ for men are the Christian God’s the exploitation of labour under industrial gendered punishments for humanity for capitalism, and how some of these critiques daring to eat of the tree of knowledge. in turn echo recognisably republican And this negative view of work still holds political concerns against domination and in both ‘common-sense’ and intellectual the constraining of human freedom. This discussions of work. Since modernity the is noted, for example, by Quentin Skinner, latter discussions have been dominated

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by political economy/economics and its (in some measure) on this essentially view of work as ‘disutility’ – something negative view of human (manual) labour. essentially negative, for which one requires This leads to the narrowly instrumental view an external reward in the form of wages. of work, especially work qua employment, While defenders of capitalism saw work as found in neoclassical economics. The ‘necessary pain’ for gain and/or salvation, very language mainstream economics even progressives and revolutionaries uses to describe employment and wages formed their utopian political alternatives is revealing: wages ‘compensate’ for the to industrial capitalism in terms of painful ‘disutility’ of labour. To compensate Democratizing minimizing human labour through someone is to recognize a loss of something “ machinery and technology and presented valuable that needs to be replaced with employment would non-work as central to the ‘good life’. something else – ‘free time’ for ‘wages’. allow the realization Thus Marxists and other anti-capitalist Against this view, one of the main green of some of the political ideologies echoed ancient Greek republican reasons for democratizing internal goods of ideas of freedom as essentially ‘freedom employment is that this would allow the from work’. The Greeks, like the Hebrews, realization of some of the internal goods human labour, regarded work as a curse – one of the of human labour, such as autonomy, such as autonomy, Greek words for ‘work’ being πόνος authenticity, creativity, cooperation and authenticity, (ponos), which could also mean ‘sorrow’ self-realization (Barry, 2012; 2016). Yet all creativity, cooperation or ‘hardship’. Manual labour was for slaves of these are summarily discounted in most and women in the domestic sphere. Free mainstream political economic models and self-realization.” men did not work; their status as free and thinking with its ‘compensating wage’ citizens was directly proportional to their model of work. Hence, there is a pressing freedom from work, allowing them the need to challenge neoclassical/orthodox resources and time to pursue ‘higher’ goals views of employment as ‘disutility’ – that of warfare, philosophy, poetry, large-scale is, primarily only engaged in to secure business, architecture or sculpture. wages. Fast forwarding to the late 19th century, To do this we need fundamentally to we find Marx’s son-in-law Paul Lafargue challenge the claim dominant in both writing in praise of idleness and leisure, neoclassical economics and ‘common- and making the argument that it was sense’ thinking, that work is something capitalism that was preventing humanity that is intrinsically something bad, from being liberated from work. Interested negative or a disutility. What are the origins in profits and exploiting workers, the of this claim/assumption (or more correctly capitalist system means that, “The blind, ‘axiom’ in orthodox economics – a value perverse and murderous passion for work judgement ‘smuggled in’ and presented as transforms the liberating machine into an a ‘fact’ [Barr y, 2018])? Apart from ancient instrument for the enslavement of free men. Greek and Christian views remarked on Its productiveness impoverishes them” above, a main source are classical political (Lafargue, 1907: 30). It was not the truth, economists such as Adam Smith, who but machines, that would set humanity defined work as “toil and trouble” (Smith, free… from work. This point prefigures later 1976: 47), or early utilitarian philosophers green (and global southern/decolonial) such as Jeremy Bentham who noted that, arguments for ‘useful unemployment’ “Insofar as labour is taken in its proper (Illich, 1978) and a rejection of Eurocentric sense, love of labour is a contradiction and capitalist ideas of productive labour in terms” (Bentham, 1983: 104). Even a and how ‘the economy’ and ‘economics’ liberal proto-green such as John Stuart could or should be conceptualized (Barry, Mill opined that, “Work, I imagine, is not 2012). a good in itself. There is nothing laudable In this way, both defenders of capitalism, in work for work’s sake” (Mill, 1984: 90). notably classical and later neoclassical Dutiful Christian political economists to a economics, and critics of capitalism, agree man, this was the prevalent view of work

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(or, more specifically, of manual labour) in production involves power differentials, modernity (cf. Arendt, 1958). unequal bargaining positions, property Human labour in short was a ‘necessary rights, ownership and control, as well as evil’ that simply had to be endured; it the management systems of governance was not something that could or should that structure and organize conditions and be enjoyed. Hence, the best outcome for internal processes of employment. Wage an individual was to enjoy the fruits of slavery, discipline and intrusive monitoring someone else’s labour, for human freedom are the preconditions for the ‘productive consisted not in work but in freedom from it unfreedom’ under capitalism, with the (including especially reproductive work). This threat of ‘work shy idlers’ being simply a was a view enthusiastically promulgated micro version of the structural imperative by neoclassical economics, but with a new for capitalism to minimize employment twist: not only was work disutility, but it costs at a macro scale. How else can we should be managed and organized for the explain that almost every technological purposes of maximizing productivity and innovation under capitalism has led to less profits. people working more and not more people Conceptualizing work as ‘disutility’ also working less? Or that these innovations Almost every “ forms the basis of another problematic have increased material output not human technological assumption (found in both neoclassical freedom? innovation under economics and ‘commonsense’ views capitalism has of the economy and the sphere of work Wage-slavery and productive unfreedom: Growth through increased material and production). This is the pervasive view (especially from a ‘management’ discipline output not human perspective, but also found beyond this) “The slave is sold once and for all; the freedom.” of workers as actual or always potential proletarian must sell himself daily and ‘shirkers,’ and the justification of the hourly. The individual slave, property types of intrusive surveillance outlined of one master, is assured an existence, in the next section. From a republican however miserable it may be, because perspective, concerned as it is with of the master’s interest. The individual freedom as non-domination, there is proletarian, property as it were of the something suspicious and paternalistic in entire bourgeois class which buys his viewing work as something only motivated labour only when someone has need of it, by and organized around external rewards has no secure existence.” (i.e. compensation for which the worker is Engels (1925: 9) dependent upon someone else to determine and deliver). Such an instrumental view of Non- or anti-democratic forms of work necessarily leads to (as well as being management and governance, such due to) dependency on the will and power as we find in most, if not all, forms of of others. And such dependency of course modern employment are, from a green creates the conditions for vulnerability and and republican point of view, forms of unfreedom, as discussed below. domination and alienation – ‘despotic If work is conceived of as a disutility experiences of non-autonomy’ on a daily (painful, toilsome and so on), then it is and mass basis. We can dismiss as fiction rational to think that workers will always the suggestion of neoclassical economists seek to avoid it – it is, in other words, a short that workers voluntarily submit themselves step from Marx’s ‘wage slaves’ to ‘work- to such forms of ‘despotic power’ because shy idlers’. This in turn produces a need to workers can ‘choose’ whether to work or put in place employment-based processes not (with unemployment consequently to monitor, discipline and limit such being viewed as ‘voluntary leisure’). ‘shirking’. That is, productivity requires As illustrations of this ‘despotic power’ in the non- and anti-democratic structuring the sphere of employment and production, of employment. The structuring of let us consider some recent examples

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from the US (a pioneer of innovations democracy and worker voice into the in production, including the control of workplace could lower productivity and workers, which other countries tend to reduce economic growth. But what if such a follow). Amazon prohibits employees from linear and instrumental focus on enhancing exchanging casual remarks while on duty, productivity and orthodox efficiency were calling this ‘time theft’. Apple inspects the less dominant? Indeed, what if such as focus personal belongings of its retail workers, was seen as both ecologically irrational and some of whom lose up to half an hour of socially deficient? unpaid time every day as they wait in line For straightforwardly ecological to be searched. Tyson prevents its poultry reasons around ‘limits to growth’ we workers from using the bathroom. Some could envisage a green republican policy have been forced to urinate on themselves preference for this. Relaxing or abandoning while their supervisors mock them. altogether the demands of productivity, efficiency and growth at the micro About half of US employees have been level of the firm would, ceteris paribus, subject to suspicionless drug screening by contribute to the ‘in built redundancy’ or their employers. Millions are pressured ‘head room’ (a key characteristic of any by their employers to support particular resilient system) at a macro-economic political causes or candidates. Soon level required to ensure the human employers will be empowered to withhold economy stays within the sustainability contraception coverage from their parameters of . That employees’ health insurance. They already is, introducing non-productivity goals and have the right to penalize workers for associated practices (such as those related failure to exercise and diet, by charging to the realization of some of the internal them higher health insurance premiums. goods of collective human labour) within the productive sphere would contribute While one cannot say this assertion directly to a transition to a more resilient “More democracy (Anderson, 2017) is true of every workplace, and sustainable macro-economy. To and the progressive the point is that these ‘private governments’ the oft asked question as to whether the democratization of control individuals qua employees, often transition to a green, less unsustainable the productive sphere (especially amongst non-unionized work- economy and society requires more or less forces) without any or much inclusion democracy, at least in this instance we have would directly create of the voice of workers, countervailing an unambiguous answer: more democracy a less unsustainable power by workers, or transparency and and the progressive democratization economy.” accountability in managerial decision- of the productive sphere would directly making. The scope of unelected, arbitrary create a less unsustainable economy. More power and authority that bosses have over democracy, less unsustainability – in workers, and thus the real and present essence: more freedom for less stuff, and danger of causing multiple and complex thus the unshackling of production (and forms of on-going and sustained harms, is technology) from the goals of efficiency, such that the organization of employment labour productivity, output maximization should be of pressing concern for green and the ideology and imperative of republicans. economic growth. And whither capitalism? Of interest here from a green republican If Marx was in awe of, as well as in thrall political economy point of view is to, the productive power slumbering in that the main justification used for the lap of social labour under capitalism, maintaining (and extending) workplace it seems clear that the liberation of social dictatorships and denying democracy labour from growth and productivity (etc.) in the workplace is efficiency, labour is also a liberation from capitalism, since productivity and maximizing production. capitalism is inextricably bound up with In a word, maximizing output growth the pursuit of endless growth and capital while minimizing inputs. Introducing accumulation above all else.

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From employment to work related to what others have called the ‘life “Having real control of our work and time world’ or the ‘social economy’, and also to not only means improving the quality the (problematic) notion of ‘social capital’. of work, it also means expanding the These assets, resources and relationships proportion of our lives when we do not do not have a market price, are produced for have to do paid work at all.” free (but not without human labour/work), New Economics Foundation (2016: 36) and do not make profits or aim to fulfil bureaucratic objectives of the state. Its A strong case can be made that a post- most important component is time, hence productivist, post-growth political economy the positive impacts that restructuring the is also a ‘post-employment’ (whether existing money economy via a basic income market or state-based) one, and one in which or reducing the formal working week unpaid, non-remunerated forms of work would have on allowing more time for the increases, even as formally paid employment core economy to grow, deepen and develop. is progressively democratized. Alongside the So, while the formal, capitalist/money long-standing green economic proposal for economy (which includes the state sector) a universal basic income, the reduction of would be governed by a ‘post-growth’ the working week is another policy which imperative macro-economically (even Beyond the social “ restructures the economy to enable it to while allowing distributed growth between and ecological limits become both more ecologically sustainable micro-economic sectors – i.e. differentiated of the quantitative and meet non- or more-than-economic as opposed to undifferentiated growth), economy lies the human ends. As the New Economics a post-growth (and post- or low-carbon) limitless qualitative Foundation (2010: 2) puts it: sustainable economy (now expanded to include the core economy and to include economy. ” A “normal” working week of 21 hours could work as well as employment) does allow help to address a range of urgent, interlinked and indeed call for expansion and growth of problems: overwork, unemployment, over- the core economy. And while a much more consumption, high carbon emissions, low complicated story, the basic idea here is that well-being, entrenched inequalities, and beyond the social and ecological limits of the lack of time to live sustainably, to care the quantitative economy lies the limitless for each other, and simply to enjoy life. qualitative economy; beyond economic growth lies human social development. A shorter working week could help break the habit of ‘living to work’, working Conclusion to earn and earning to consume; help “If ye love wealth better than liberty, the distribute paid work more evenly across the tranquillity of servitude better than the population, reducing ill-being associated animating contest of freedom, go home with unemployment, long working hours from us in peace. We ask not your counsels and too little control over time; enable or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands paid and unpaid work to be distributed which feed you. May your chains set lightly more equally between women and men. upon you, and may posterity forget that ye It would enable what the New Economics were our countrymen.” Foundation terms the ‘core economy’ to Adams (1906) flourish by making more and better use of uncommodified human resources in We have more than enough evidence that defining and meeting individual and shared orthodox economic growth beyond a needs outside the market economy and the threshold undermines human well-being, state welfare systems. is corrosive of community cohesion and The ‘core economy’ is the non- social solidarity, and is destructive of the commodified set of assets, resources and more than human world. For this reason relationships that sustain human life, the we need to remember that while the end ‘common good’ of human sociality; it is or limiting of economic growth is a major

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