Obituary: Reg Birch
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The High Tide of UK Anti-Revisionism: a History
1 HIGH TIDE Reg’s Working Class Party Throughout its history there were only a few times when the organisational skeleton of a national ML force was in the making: McCreery in the initial break from the CPGB led the first occasion. With the demise of the CDRCU, it was the launch of the CPB (ML), led by former Communist Party Executive member, Reg Birch that saw the beginnings of a national ML force unchallenged for almost a decade until the late 1970s emergence of the rejuvenated and "bolshevised" Revolutionary Communist League. For the first half of the decade, it was the CPB (ML) that seemed the most promising organisation to make a political break through. The project initiated by Reg Birch could draw upon a lot of goodwill. Birch, with a pedigree of both trade union and communist activity, offered the chance of gathering the best forces of the ML movement around the standard he had raised. Those who were already disgusted with the inward‐looking squabbling, that seemed to dominate the activities of some groups, look forward to the opportunity for serious political work in trade unions and campaigns directed at winning working class support. Reg Birch was an initial asset to the formation of the CPB (ML) and not without confidence, he announced: “Small and new as it is on the British political scene the Communist Party of Britain (Marxist Leninist) is the only party which is genuinely a workers' party. It was founded by workers, serves only the working class and is unswervingly committed to the revolutionary task of smashing capitalism and all its institutions so that exploitation can be ended and workers can establish their own socialist state."1 He had the initial support of, not only his own engineering base, but also of probably the largest single organised Marxist‐Leninist group in the country, the Association of Indian Communist, those Maoists of Indian origin resident in Britain. -
The Chinese Communist Party's Relationship with the Khmer Rouge
WORKING PAPER #88 The Chinese Communist Party’s Relationship with the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s An Ideological Victory and a Strategic Failure By Wang Chenyi THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Charles Kraus, Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources from all sides of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. Among the activities undertaken by the Project to promote this aim are the Wilson Center's Digital Archive; a periodic Bulletin and other publications to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for historians to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; and international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars. The CWIHP Working Paper series provides a speedy publication outlet for researchers who have gained access to newly-available archives and sources related to Cold War history and would like to share their results and analysis with a broad audience of academics, journalists, policymakers, and students. CWIHP especially welcomes submissions which use archival sources from outside of the United States; offer novel interpretations of well-known episodes in Cold War history; explore understudied events, issues, and personalities important to the Cold War; or improve understanding of the Cold War’s legacies and political relevance in the present day. -
The British Far Left from 1956
The British far left from 1956 EDITED BY EVAN SMITH AND MATTHEW WORLEY Against the grain MANCHESTER 1824 Manchester University Press This content downloaded from 154.59.124.115 on Sun, 11 Feb 2018 10:26:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 154.59.124.115 on Sun, 11 Feb 2018 10:26:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Against the grain The British far left from 1956 Edited by Evan Smith and Matthew Worley Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed in the United States exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan This content downloaded from 154.59.124.115 on Sun, 11 Feb 2018 10:26:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Copyright © Manchester University Press 2014 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors, and no chapter may be reproduced wholly or in part without the express permission in writing of both author and publisher. Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed in the United States exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed in Canada exclusively by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 978 07190 9590 0 hardback First published 2014 The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. -
Ash, William Franklin (1917-2014) (ASH)
Ash, William Franklin (1917-2014) (ASH) ©Bishopsgate Institute Catalogued by Barbara Vasey, September 2016 1 ASH Ash, William Franklin (1917-2014) 1954-2014 Name of Creator: Ash, William Franklin ‘Tex’ (1917-2014) fighter pilot, writer, Marxist Extent: 31 boxes Administrative/Biographical History: Ash, William Franklin ‘Tex’ (1917-2014) fighter pilot, writer, Marxist was born in Dallas, Texas on 30 November 1917. His father was an unsuccessful door-to-door salesman. Ash attended Highland Park High School (class of 1934) and worked at a series of jobs until he saved up enough money to attend university. He gained a Liberal Arts BA degree from the University of Texas (Austin) in 1938, but work in Depression-era Texas was hard to come by so Ash became a migrant worker, travelling by railroad to wherever work could be found. At the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Ash crossed the US border into Canada so he could enlist with the Royal Canadian Air Force — a move which cost him his US citizenship. After training, Ash arrived in Britain in 1941 and saw action flying Spitfires over occupied France. Shot down in 1942, he was held prisoner for the next three years, during which time he made several escape attempts – leading him later to be identified as one of the inspirations for the character played by Steve McQueen in the 1963 film ‘The Great Escape’. Ash was awarded the MBE (military division) in 1946 and ended the war as a flight lieutenant. After the war he became a naturalised British citizen and went to Balliol College, Oxford, reading for a degree in PPE (Philosophy, Politics and Economics). -
Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) 50 Years On, Why
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) 50 years on, why a revolutionary party matters First Published: Workers July/August 2018 https://www.cpbml.org.uk/news/50-years-why-revolutionary-party-matters Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proof readers above. Founding chairman Reg Birch speaking at an engineering workers’ rally on Tower Hill, London, 1971, against the Industrial Relations Act introduced by the government of the day. Photo Workers. On the 50th anniversary of CPBML’s founding – Easter 1968 – our London May Day rally heard two reflections on the party: one by two who joined 50 years ago, including a founder member, and another from a young comrade • These are edited and shortened versions of speeches given at the CPBML May Day rally in London in on 1 May 2018. The comrades from 1968: For a long time our working class - the oldest in the world - lacked one crucial element: it had not produced a true revolutionary party from its ranks, a huge limitation in terms of its direction of travel. It had no political body ready and willing to prepare all those wishing to end capitalism, the source of all the woes working people face. -
Tirana Builds an International2
The Albanian Intervention In light of the previously expressed judgement that “the Socialist camp had ceased to exist” (at the 10th CPC Congress in 1973), China’s inauguration of ‘Three World Theory’ was less a reconceptualisation of foreign policy on less ideologically based categories (i.e. class nature), and more a reapplication of tried and tested alliance-building strategies regardless of ideological affinity. The genealogy of ‘The Three Worlds Theory’ suggests continuity in Communist China’s multi-polar conceptualisation of the world. There was a revival of the category of ‘intermediate zone’: the emphasis on Europe was not simply as an arena of confrontation, between the two superpowers with European states as accomplices of US imperialism, but subject to superpower domination. With the Soviet Union identified as an imperialist state, then the state-to-state relations with its “satellites” could be “cultivating outposts of resistance in the Soviet background” mirroring relations with Western European states in their alliance with the USA (Xiaoyuan 2004). Mao’s comments to President Kaunda of Zambia saw a world system comprising of two superpowers (First World) developed industrialized nations forming a Second World, who exploited the developing countries but were also in turn exploited and bullied by the two superpowers. The Third World, consisting of the developing nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America, was exploited and oppressed by both. Even earlier, the concept of “intermediate zones” was present in Mao’s post-2nd World War thinking: the notion in Talk with Anna Louise Strong in August 1946 .The policy of ‘leaning to one side ‘, that is a sole alliance with the Soviet Union, was forced upon the newly emergent communist regime by US hostility and encirclement policy. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXII- Hors Série | 2017 a Force to Be Reckoned With? the Radical Left in the 1970S
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXII- Hors série | 2017 The United Kingdom and the Crisis in the 1970s A Force to be Reckoned with? The Radical Left in the 1970s. La gauche radicale britannique dans les années 1970 :un acteur majeur ? Jeremy Tranmer Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1728 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.1728 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Jeremy Tranmer, « A Force to be Reckoned with? The Radical Left in the 1970s. », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXII- Hors série | 2017, Online since 30 December 2017, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1728 ; DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.1728 This text was automatically generated on 1 May 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. A Force to be Reckoned with? The Radical Left in the 1970s. 1 A Force to be Reckoned with? The Radical Left in the 1970s. La gauche radicale britannique dans les années 1970 :un acteur majeur ? Jeremy Tranmer 1 The rise to national prominence of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn has been accompanied by allegations of sections of the radical left infiltrating and influencing the Labour Party. Trotskyists,in particular, have been accused of being active in the Momentum movement that supports Corbyn.1 In fact, this type of accusation is hardly new. Since the Russian Revolution, a number of parties and groupings have existed to the left of the Labour Party. -
The Rise & Fall of Maoism
The Rise & Fall of Maoism: the English Experience This article commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of a meeting in a London pub in 1963. It is an enlarged and hopefully improved version of material originally posted on at the premier site for anti-revisionist documentation from the 1960s onwards: the online collaborative Encyclopaedia of Anti- Revisionism Online [EROL]. 02 Dissent Blooms 08 The Lucas Arms Meeting 13 Forum: Travelling down a cul de sac 23 Friends of China 26 Second Wave 34 Party Loyalty, Expulsion & New Beginnings 35 Schools Action Union 37 Young Communist League 40 Solidarity with Vietnam 42 One, Two, Three LSE 45 The Internationalists 50 Revolutionary Socialist Student Federation 52 A Flowering of initials 53 RMML 58 INLSF to CWLB (ML) 62 For & Against Chairman Birch 73 The Third Element 74 Claudia Jones 76 Association of Indian Communists 1 Dissent blooms 1935, 1943, 1947, 1951, 1963 - Where to begin? Well, individual members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) expressed disquiet at the strategy laid out in The British Road to Socialism when it was first unveiled in 1951. In contrast to earlier programmes of the CPGB, The British Road proposed that socialism could be achieved by the labour movement working initially within Britain’s existing democratic structures. George Thompson1 may be the only member of the CPGB’s Executive Committee to vote against adoption of The British Road, because “the dictatorship of the proletariat was missing,”2 but he remained a member of the editorial board of the CPGB’s theoretical journal, Marxism Today. There may have been expressions of doubt from former Education Organiser of the Communist Party, Douglas Garman but he remained a party member until his death in 1969.3 On the other hand, the writer Edward Upward and his wife Hilda resigned from the CPGB in 1948, in protest of its “reformist” direction. -
Tirana Builds an International3
Rally for Enver The 7th Congress set the ideological framework in its criticism, and the emphasis placed by the Albanian PLA was on an appeal to the teleological messianic goal of ‘socialist revolution’ that appeal to the worldview of some. In return, those inspired engaged in sharp ideological monologues: there was an ideological price to pay – initially, criticism of China’s strategic foreign policy, and then rejecting Mao all together. This theme was repeated as veiled polemics, implicitly directed at China, surfaced in the first half of 1977 in a flurry of meetings that attracted a host of foreign delegations at a succession of pro-Albanian rallies occurring in Europe and Latin America. KPD/ML leader Ernst Aust, in February 1977, at the first in a series of’ Internationalist’ rallies, affirming the 7th Congress Report as “a true Marxist-Leninist document because it affirms the correct principles of Marx, Lenin and Stalin which sweep aside all deviating and opportunist trash” 1. At the "Eliseo" theatre, Rome, organised by the Partita Comunista d'Italia Marxist-Leninist / PCd’I(ml) on January 23 1977, thousands of workers and militants of the party, as well as the line up of representatives of communist parties from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Germany, Greece and Spain, declaring “We ranked ourselves alongside the Party of Labour of Albania, which was the first, together with the Communist Party of China, to denounce the Khrushchovite betrayal which manifested itself in an organized way as modern revisionism at the 20th congress of the -
The 1990S and After
Ripples: the 1990s and After In the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union and events in China, political compasses were discarded and historical confidence ebbed. The advent of Gorbachev and eventual fall of the Page | 1 Berlin Wall and Cold War division of Europe were background milestones in the disintegration of the Western Maoist movement. eIn th Soviet Union Gorbachev's attempts to firstly reform, and then liberalize the Soviet politico‐economic system provoked, after the thwarted August Coup, that system's collapse in 1991. “Fascist Coup Defeated… People Celebrate Soviet Dis‐ Union” was the RCLB’s Class Struggle headline1, while the AKP (ML) and MLPD likewise sided with the “determined resistance of the Soviet people”2. In a trend, reflective of a reconciliation demonstrated at the International Mayday seminars held in Brussels, January 1998 saw the creation of the Committee for the Marxist‐Leninist Party. William Bland was instrumental in this process that brought together ideologically‐ diverse ‘anti‐revisionists’ from a pro‐ Soviet breakaway from the New Communist Party, the unreconstructed diehards of the Stalin Society, and individual organisational‐less Maoists. In quick succession it renamed itself, the National Committee for the Marxist‐Leninist Party, then in 2000 re‐christened the National Committee for Marxist‐Leninist Unity and what eventually emerged in 2003 as the online, Communist Party Alliance. Bland’s political vehicle , the Communist League was saved from oblivion by an internet audience and web allies in North America, Alliance ML3 , formed in 1989, by former members of the Albania‐USA Friendship Society and its sister organization, Canadian Class Struggle. -
Against the Cold War
Against the Cold War The nature and traditions of Pro-Soviet sentiment in the British Labour Party 1945-89 Darren Graham LiIleker Department of Politics The University of Sheffield Submitted for degree of PhD September 2001 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl,uk BEST COpy AVAILABLE. VARIABLE PRI NT QUALITY Acknowledgements This research would not have been possible without the scholarship offered to me by Barnsley College. I would like to acknowledge the debt of gratitude to the college and the staff on the BA Humanities degree course, David Bills, Sian Edwards, Robert Fletcher, David Kiernan, Tony Hooper, Martin McMahon, Michael McMahon, Graham Mustin and Paul Wild. All of whom were immensely supportive to me throughout my degree studies and during my time as a lecturer and postgraduate. I also owe a debt of gratitude to my supervisors Julian Birch and Michael Kenny for all their help throughout my research and writing, much of which was beyond the call of duty. There are also many others within the department who were supportive to me during my time in Sheffield, particularly Stephen George, Steve Ludlam, Pat Seyd, Martin J Smith and Paul Whiteley and the office staff Sarah Cooke, Sue Kelk, Katie Middleton and Christine Whitaker. They were all fantastic! This study also benefited from the help and encouragement of many people beyond academia, not all of whom I can mention here. The archivists at the Museum of Labour History, the Modern Records Centre and King's College London were enormously helpful. As were Ray Challinor and Archie Potts who imparted a lot of knowledge over several telephone conversations. -
Introduction the Far Left in Britain from 1956
Introduction The far left in Britain from 1956 Evan Smith and Matthew Worley Against the grain: the British far left from 1956 Introduction In 1972, Tariq Ali, editor of the radical newspaper Black Dwarf and leading figure in the International Marxist Group (IMG), wrote in the introduction to his book, The Coming British Revolution: The only real alternative to capitalist policies is provided by the revolu- tionary left groups as a whole. Despite their smallness and despite their many failings, they represent the only way forward.1 At the time, the British left appeared in the ascendancy. The momentum of its counterparts on the European continent seemed to have stalled in 1968–69, but the left in Britain continued to experience what Chris Harman called a ‘British upturn’.2 A surge in industrial militancy and wider political (as well as cultural) radicalism had benefited the British left in terms of membership, activism and the awareness of radical ideas. Struggles and campaigns such as the defeat of Harold Wilson’s anti-union legislation, the mobilisation of the labour movement against Edward Heath’s Industrial Relations Bill, the explosion of left-wing activism in the universities, the beginnings of the women’s liberation and gay rights movements (amongst many others) all served to hearten Ali and others across the broad contours of the left. For a brief moment it seemed as if the foundations of capitalist Britain were being undermined. Indeed, the oil crisis of 1973 provided a further shockwave in the period after Ali’s book was published. And yet, within a short while, the fortunes of the British left began to fall as sharply as they had risen.