Report Status of Women Mine Workers in Udaipur & Bhilwara District

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Report Status of Women Mine Workers in Udaipur & Bhilwara District

REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT”

STUDY ON WOMEN WORKERS IN MINING SECTOR

IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICTS OF

RAJASTHAN

CONDUCTED BY: SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT

FOR: NATIONAL COMMISION FOR WOMEN

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 1 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT”

STUDY ON WOMEN WORKERS IN MINING SECTOR IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICTS OF RAJASTHAN

Research team Project Director Dr. REKHA SAXENA

Project Co- ordinator ARPAN TULSYAN

Research Associate SATISH CHANDRA MATHUR

Field Investigators AMAR LAL VIKAL KUMAR

Advisor DR. LALIT MOHAN

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT UG- 3, E/77, WEST VINOD NAGAR, DELHI-110092 Phones & Fax No. (011) 22479505 Email: [email protected]

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 2 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT”

S. No. CHAPTERS PAGE No.

1. INTRODUCTION 1

2. WOMEN IN MINES – A Profile 15

3. TRIBAL CULTURE & MINING WOMEN 21 - The whole is greater than the sum of its parts

4. EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES 29

5. HEALTH 33

6. ECONOMIC STATUS & EMPOYMENT FACILITIES 39

7. VIOLENCE & SEXUAL HARASSMENT-A culture of silence 44

8. CONCLUSION, FINDINGS & RECOMMENDATIONS 50

9. REFERENCES 58

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1. INTRODUCTION

THE STATE OF RAJASTHAN

After independence, integration of two princely states in 1949 formed the state of Rajasthan. In the same year, Department of Mines and geology was set up in the state. Rajasthan is geologically endowed with a veritable repository of minerals. It has a wide spectrum of mineral deposits. There are about 64 different kind of major and minor minerals produced in the State, contributing annual revenue of more than 600 crores.

Rajasthan is the sole producer of garnet (gem variety), jasper and wollastonite. Almost entire production of zinc (concentrate), calcite, asbestos and gypsum in the country was reported from Rajasthan. Besides, Rajasthan is the leading producer of ball clay (40%), feldspar (70%), fluorite (graded) (59%), Kaolin (44%), lead concentrate (80%), ochre (72%), phosphorite (79%), silver (54%), steatite (85%), barytes (53%), copper (34%), quartzite (33%) and silica sand (21%).

Rajasthan stands 1st in India in production of minor minerals and contributes 30% of the national share. However, it ranks 5th in the production of major minerals. At present there are 1205 leases of major minerals, 7929 leases of minor minerals and 14548 quarry licenses. The contribution of the mineral sector to the state exchequer was Rs. 645.34 as rent and royalty in 2004-05 as compared to 513.72 in the preceding year. Thus, it is a fast growing and revenue generating vital sector for government. The total mineral production from the state was 1364 lakh tones in the year 2004-05.

The mining industry in Rajasthan employs a large number of people after agriculture, which comes to over 3.1 million, which includes organized (about 8-9 %) and unorganized (90-92%). The mining sector provides employment to 6.04 lakh people directly and 20 lakh people indirectly in secondary and tertiary sector. The State generate almost 50% of the country’s value of minor minerals. This suggests the kind of minerals,

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 4 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” and involvement of people and the kind of economy this sector holds. These mines are mostly semi-mechanized or in some cases under complete manual operation.

Given below is the composition of state of Rajasthan:

POPULATION (Census 2001)

Urban population 311144 Village population 1281984 Schedule Caste 272714 Schedule Tribe 143748 Total 2009516 (Sex ratio male: female (per thousand) - 964)

Some facts about Mining in Rajasthan:

 Over 3 million mine workers are engaged in mining in Rajasthan.  Some 67 kinds of metallic and nonmetallic minerals are extracted in Rajasthan.  As per official estimate a total of 342239 sq. km. is under mining operation.  More than 90% of the mineworkers are either Dalits or Tribals.  As many as 95% of these workers belong to the unorganized sector.  Mining stands as the second largest employment sector next to agriculture.  Around 37% and 15% of the total mineworkers are women and children respectively.  The state earns 800 crores of rupees annually as revenue from the mining sector.  Little percentage of mines is semi-mechanized while most of them are under complete manual operation. (Source: Strategy for Sustainable Development of Mineral sector-2001)

UDAIPUR DISTRICT

Udaipur district occupies an area of 17,279 sq. kms. (5.05 per cent of the State). The district is situated in the southern tip of Rajasthan adjoining Gujarat and is oval in shape with a very narrow strip stretching towards the north. It is bound in the north by

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Rajsamand and Pali districts, in the south by Dungarpur and Banswara, in the east by Bhilwara and Chiittorgarh and on the west by Pali and Sirohi districts and Sabarkantha district of Gujarat.

District Udaipur is divided in three Sub-Districts viz. Girwa, Badgaon & Salumber from agriculture point of view. Out of total 11 Panchayat Samittees in district, 7 are in Tribal and 4 P.S. are in general area. Because of this reason the Udaipur district is regarded as Tribal dominated. Only 17% of the total Geographical area of district is under cultivation.

Climate & Rainfall:

 The climate of the district is moderate without significant seasonal variations.  January is the coldest month while May and June are the hottest months.  The mean temperature is 22 degrees Celsius.  Average rainfall at the district headquarter is 85.80 cms.

Human Resources: Following are details about the population and its division as per working:-

Indicators of Human Resources Total population persons 26,32,210 Density of population persons per sq.km 196 Literacy per cent 59.26 Total working population per cent 25.90 Percentage distribution of work force Cultivators per cent 74.95 Agricultural labourers per cent 11.51 Household industry manufacturing, per cent 1.86 processing, servicing and repairs Other workers Per cent 11.68

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Minerals: Following are details about the mineral production in Udaipur district:-

Mineral Production: 1999-00 (In Tonnes) Asbestos 6,665 Lead concentrates 19,101 Lime stone 7,68,000 Dolomite 3,180 Zinc concentrates 49,792 Barytes 4,148 Calcite 1,870 Kaoline 143 Kyanite 188 Ochre 35,610 Phosphorite 9,80,810 Pyrophyllite 1,402 Sillimanite 117 Steatite 2,11,296 Wallastonite 62,234

Infrastructure:

 Electricity Udaipur district is fed power through arid sub-station from neighboring district. The district receives power supply from Rajasthan Atomic Power Project - Debari, Bari Sadri, Dhariabad, Arend - Bhim, Bari Sadri - Kanod etc. There were 2212 cillages electrified and 1,893 nos. of power connection released as on March, 2000.

 Water Banas, Bisach, Wankal, Tokam Seisom and Sabarmati are the rivers flowing through the district. The depth of water level ranges from 10 to 40 metres. Various water supply schemes are providing drinking water in the district.

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BHILWARA DISTRICT

Bhilwara covers an area of 10,455 sq.kms. (3.05 per cent of the State). It lies in the south- eastern part of Rajasthan. The district is bound by Ajmer in North, Chittaurgarh in south, Udaipur in west and Bundi in the east. From administrative point of view, Bhilwara district is part of Ajmer division. It is divided into five sub-divisions and 11 tehsils. It has 6 towns and 11 panchayat samitis.

Climate & Rainfall:  The district has moderate climate. The summer is dry and the winters are severe.  Maximum temperature 45 degrees celsius  Minimum temperature 7 degrees celsius  The average rainfall in the district is 79.60 cms

Human Resources: Following are details about the population and its division as per working:-

Indicators of Human Resources Population Persons 20,09,516 Density of population persons per sq.kms 192 Literacy per cent 51.09 Total working population per cent 33.00 Percentage distribution of work force Cultivators per cent 80.75 Agricultural labourers per cent 9.86 Manufacturing, processing servicing and repairs per cent 2.22 Other workers per cent 7.17

Minerals: Bhilwara is called "ZOO OF MINERALS". Following are details about the mineral production in the district:- Production: 1999-00(In Tonnes) Felspar 18,972 Lead 23,374

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Quartz 7,646 Zinc Conc. 2,79,340 Calcite 690 Garnet (Abrasive) 37 Kaoline 1,05,283 Mica 41 Mica (waste and scrap) 276 Ochre 902 Steatite 94,432

Infrastructure: • Electricity Bhilwara receives electricity from Kota, Beawar, Rana Pratap Sagar and Nimbahera. All the 1,565 villages have been electrified.

• Water The main rivers in the district are Banas, Beduch, Kothari, Khari, Menaali, Unli and Meaj. The water table in the district is comparatively high between 10 to 20 meters. The ground water is fresh and potable. The district has about 86,600 wells and 56 tube-wells, providing drinking water and irrigation facilities.

MINING AND MINERALS

Minerals play a key role in development of an economy by providing raw materials for important industries. From ancient times, thinkers and statesman of India have realized the value of mineral wealth of the nation. For instance, Chanakya, the author of Arthashastra- advices the king that the lifeblood of the kingdom is the wealth that comes from the earth. Thus, the importance of minerals is well recognized since ancient times. Being finite and non renewable sources of energy, judicious use and sustainable development of minerals become important.

Management of mineral resources is the responsibility of central government and state government in terms of entry 54 of union list (list I) and entry 23 of the state list (list II) of the seventh schedule of the constitution of India.

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The Mines and Minerals (Regulation and Development) Act, 1957 lays down the legal frame-work for the regulation of mines and development of all minerals other than petroleum and natural gas. The Central Government has framed the Mineral Concession Rules 1960 for regulating grant of prospecting licenses and mining leases in respect of all minerals other than atomic minerals and minor minerals. The State Governments have framed the rules in regard to minor minerals. The Central Government has also framed the Mineral Conservation and Development Rules, 1988 for conservation and systematic development of minerals. These are applicable to all minerals except coal, atomic minerals and minor minerals. National Mining policy has evolved through a number of years of mining experience.

Most of the mines are small and privately owned localized enterprises. Most of these mines are semi-mechanized and in some cases, under complete manual operation. Illegal or expired leases, haphazard dumping of mine derbies, paying less than minimum stipulated wages, discrimination in wages on gender basis, hazardous work conditions etc are very common in all kinds of mining activities across the research area. Workers have a long history of difficult work conditions and exploitation and discrimination. Their problems die with them and get buried in the mining din.

The mining industry is hunting for virgin areas for exploitation of mineral resources and through the approvals by central and state governments, the trend is towards opening up newer and thickly forested areas and having vast populations of tribal communities for large scale mining projects.

With the Neo liberal philosophy, most mines have been given on lease to profit motivated private players. In the whole of mining area of Udaipur and Bhilwara there was only one mine, Rajasthan State Mines and Minerals which is the state government undertaking. However, it had no women in mining area, not even in peripheral areas.

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THE MINING WOMEN

The study essentially draws a line of difference between problems of men and women, more particularly in this context, between men and women mine workers. They would surely overlap to some extent but there are certain exclusive areas too. More stress has been given on the aspect of women mine workers problems in mining by virtue of ‘being woman’. ‘Being woman’ would inevitably signify a different biology and the socio - legal norms, values, roles and patterns related to that biology.

There are fewer women in mining sector than there are men. It is as the case is in most professional fields except may be those considered as feminine fields. But mining is a masculine industry. It requires hard labour, toughness and high risk. For the women living in the mining regions, life is a struggle for existence and dignity. Women are legally prohibited from working in underground mines.

Thus, the women in mining sector mostly engage in peripheral tasks, like peon jobs of filling and serving water, cleaning etc or at best in un/loading of trucks or breaking stones. They almost never operate machines or do any technical tasks. Also, the women studied here are ‘above 15 year olds’ and not the legally defined age of 18. This way we could cover greater number of women and be more culturally appropriate as in most tribes of the region, only unmarried women work in mines. Women who are widowed or married but work due to abject poverty are very small in numbers.

When the mines come, they bring with them an influx of all the social evils of external societies which may not have been present prior to mining. The socio-cultural disturbances which create situations of conflict and suffering on a daily basis for the women, seriously affect their physical and mental well-being. From a situation where women were pre-occupied with issues related to improved livelihoods and incomes, simple health and infrastructure needs, primary education, etc, in pre-mining conditions, the focus of problems shift to protecting their existing livelihoods and resources, fighting

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 11 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” against new forms of diseases and illnesses, coping up with new forms of atrocities and human rights violations and participating in struggles for basic rights.

While for the men, the mining companies and governments become their foes, the women have to first cope up with the exploitation of the men from within their communities and households as a result of external influences and changes in social values and cohesion. For instance, in a meeting organized with adivasi women from mining and non-mining communities, the problems expressed by women in the non- mining areas were related to drinking water, roads, housing, agriculture development, etc (which are common issues of the community as a whole) while those from the mining areas were identified as wife-battering, alcoholism, desertion, unemployment, starvation, gambling, infidelity, AIDS and other such issues as their most critical problems. Hence the struggles of women have taken new forms and dimensions making them defenseless against the onslaught of mining induced exploitation.

When companies close down or abandon the mines, they leave with little concern for cleaning up the land and environment or for any accountability towards its workers and local communities. Here the struggles of women from the mining communities shift to finding news ways of survival for their families as the men are retrenched and do not bring home any income. Then, their struggle is for a new life which is alien and uncertain and which forces them out of their homes and to cope up with the prolonged tensions and conflicts between workers and management over closure issues.

The mining industry is hunting for virgin areas for exploitation of mineral resources and through the approvals by central and state governments, the trend is towards opening up newer and thickly forested areas and having vast populations of tribal communities for large scale mining projects.

There is an urgent need to identify mining issues which impact women, build up the strength and capacities of women in identifying these areas and enabling them to take up the leadership in mining struggles for focusing on these issues, provide information and

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 12 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” empower women to take decisions independently on the nature of development, livelihood, rehabilitation and gender justice they desire, within or without mining.

On one hand, women are suffering mining related hazards, pollution, waste disposal, denial of access to natural resources, incomplete rehabilitation or housing facilities, mine disasters, etc, and on the other, they do not have any access to a dialogue or redressal of their grievances by the industry or if they did, the entire process is lengthy, tiresome and aimed at demotivating the struggle group so much so that people’s movements are too fatigued in further dialogue. This has been the reality whether with private mining industries or with international financial institutions funding mining projects like the World Bank, a good example of which is the East Parej experience in Hazaribagh which is battling with the Bank even after the Inspection Panel’s Report. One of the important demands and recommendations of the local group that the women’s rights to entitlement over lands and rights of access to forest resources, is still pending with the Bank and the management.

The entire mining cycle throws up a series of problems for the communities and particularly for women. There are no concerns shown towards women’s health and livelihood after mine disasters, accidents, spillage, and closure. Most often companies declare themselves bankrupt and refuse to clean up. Also, most often there is quick, haphazard closure plan which is not properly implemented, if at all. Kolar Gold Fields is a stark example of this. When communities and women have very little bargaining capacity with public sector companies, their vulnerability is much more severe when they have to negotiate with the private sector which has no formal social responsibility.

In India, the greater negative impact of mining has been experienced by tribal and dalit women as most large scale mining activities have taken place in the tribal and forest regions. And why all major mining enterprises are organized in marginalized and peripheral areas is yet another question to explore.

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Where dalit women are concerned their already marginalized status in the Hindu mainstream society became further degraded while the status of tribal women has been completely transformed from a life of dignity to one of humiliation and deprivation

METHODOLOGY

The research is a scientific and systematic search of information on the topic of “Studies on women workers in mining sector at Udaipur & Bhilwara district of Rajasthan”

It is an applied research aiming to investigate conditions and give recommendations for the immediate problems faced by the women mineworkers. It is mainly concerned with the qualitative phenomenon, however, also employs quantitative techniques for support. It is the evaluation of work conditions and lives that shape their attitudes, opinions and behavior patterns.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

1. To study the Present socio- economic; health and educational status of women workers in mining sector in Rajasthan 2. To define the role of mine holders, social workers, various government agencies etc. In welfare of women mineworkers 3. To suggest suitable recommendation and measures to be adopted for improving the condition of women mineworkers

The study has been confined to the state of Rajasthan and Calcite, Feldspar, Lead- Zinc ore, Limestone, marble, Phosphorite, Quartz/Silica Sand, Soapstone, Wollastonite, Asbestos and Sandstone mines spread in Udaipur and Bhilwara district of Rajasthan.

SECONDARY SURVEY & REVIEW OF LITRATURE

Before designing the questioner, extensive efforts were made to search literature on mine workers specially women working in mines. This was done through visiting various libraries, consulting books, articles in journals and magazines, meeting experts and

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 14 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” surfing Internet. All the collected information was compiled and used in the present study. These supplemented and build up our understanding of primary data putting it into a macro context and building linkages. Our research team also visited various organizations & institutions to gather information on mining.

PRIMARY SURVEY &COLLECTION OF DATA

Two districts of Rajasthan – Udaipur and Bhilwara were chosen for study. These are the districts with maximum number of women mine workers, other districts have more of marble mines which do not employ women in large numbers, as being underground mines. Primary data was collected through Questionnaires; two sets of Questionnaires were prepared to collect information. One is for collection of basic information about the Mines in both the districts and second for collection of data from women mine workers.

Basic information about mines

The basic information was collected from 41 mines of two districts to find out details about the mine, such as its type, status, operations, workers, gender status, facilities etc. The basic information was collected by meeting the owner of that mine. The team obtained the background data by collecting the primary information from the mine and verified with secondary data such as annual reports and the data available with various government departments and also on websites.

SAMPLING

A total of 41 mines (30 in Udaipur, 11 in Bhilwara) and a sample size of 321 women were selected on the basis of simple random sampling method. Within these 41 mines, every women worker was covered, irrespective of her work responsibilities.

The questionnaire consist of more than 40 questions on different aspects of their lives like, age distribution, wage pattern, occupational health hazards, life skills educational qualification, instances of violence and harassment etc. Mine owners refused any entry into the mines and data had to be collected only after official working hours, most

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 15 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” suitably, away from mines. Women were very apprehensive about giving information and had to be ensured repeatedly of confidentiality. Some did not even allow filling of forms in front of themselves or taking any pictures. Their answers were brief and delivered in safe words. Much had to be inferred or gathered only by probing or careful observation.

Data collection techniques of Observation, Face to face interview and Focused group discussions were used too. Questionnaires were specific and closed ended, however, free communication was designed for face to face interview. This helped to collect extensive information on the daily facts of life and their subjective reactions to cope with those facts.

ORGAISATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

The data from questionnaire were tabulated in order to study the various parameters. Detailed notes were also made on the conditions of all the mines visited. The data was organized by day, date and time of observation. The Focused group discussions and meetings were recorded in the recorder and daily notes were drawn with it. Extensive field notes, research diaries were written regularly to record every minute observation and its inference.

The tabulated and coded data enabled us to identify a number of themes and select the themes that reoccurred most often. It is these recurrent themes that form the basis for each of the Chapters that follow.

Finally in writing up of the study, strict confidentiality has been maintained and all the names and comments are generalized and interpreted only as data and at no level of personalization. Only some comments are very minimally edited in order to preserve the style and flavor of their language.

CONCLUSION

Conclusions drawn are generalized trends and most frequently reoccurring category of responses. Conscious efforts have been made to keep them free from biases. The findings

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 16 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” and recommendations emerging as outcomes of the study can be used by policy makers, future researchers, social workers and the interested beings.

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2. WOMEN IN MINES – a Profile

Women in mining sector of Udaipur and Bhilwara are a homogeneous group. They come from similar tribal background, work condition, values and limitations in life. Their problems and needs too are similar. Yet, the study was not a child’s play. There were deliberations of many kinds, mostly conceptual to begin with.

Our initial trouble was in defining ‘women’, asserting where the boundary of girl ends, and women starts. Oxford dictionary gave as many as nine different meanings of women. All of them overlapping, yet having distinct boundaries. It could not be determined solely by legal 18 years of age, especially not in a tribal area of Rajasthan. Adjusting to the cultural context, and excluding the age group covered under child labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, our team decided to draw a line at 15 years of age.

Almost a good quarter of the women work force comes from widows of mine labours who have died of silicosis, tuberculosis and other respiratory diseases. Some of the reasons of working in mines are cited to be poverty, death of the earning member, due to illness of the earning member, desertion by the earning member and non-availability of other source of employment. They are doomed to shattered life in terms of widowhood, rape, molestation, destitution, exhaustion and silence.

Besides economic and health wise exploitations Pe rce ntage of women working in mines of Udaipur & Bhilwara they are also physically exploited by the District (Raj.) 1000 contractors / mine owners, of which they are afraid to disclose due to fear of being thrown out 500 of job. And even if they dare to report do not get 0 justice because of powerful lobby of the mine Total Man Woman 11 mines in Bhilwara 364 211 153 owner / contractor. Women workers are not 30 mines in Udaipur 698 520 178 provided with any benefits like maternity benefit, weekly off, crèche for keeping their small children, toilets etc.

Women are engaged in work like removing the debris, breaking pebbles and loading them in tractors. They assist the men worker at the work site by taking the tools to the

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 18 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” blacksmith for mending, supplying drinking water, tea and also for loading the stone chips in the tractors. These have further downed their health status leading to increase in weakness, anemia, abortions, still birth and death. Unfortunately their work is neither recognized by the state nor by her own family. On top of it brutal behavior by her intoxicated husband, and other family member further demoralized them.

AGE GROUP Most women respondents were in early reproductive age, even pregnant and lactating mothers. The young children and the infants, AGE GROUP sleep on directly on burning rocks and only 150 134 s t n

e 107 d under a makeshift arrangement of shade n

o 100 p s e r

f 38 through wood and leaves, as their mothers o 37

50 r e

b 5 m keep tending them in between work. u

n 0 15-20 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 years The maximum number of women covered as research respondent is in the age group of 21- 25, shortly followed by 15- 20 group. No woman above the age of 40 survives to works in the mine. They either do not survive till then or are replaced by younger generation.

CASTE GEN 3%

The research area is tribal dominated. ST 23% However, the majority status has not brought them too many benefits. Most of the

SC OBC women working in mines are tribal, 62% 12% scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, followed by OBCs and only with a sparse sprinkling Caste Distribution of General category.

One may infer that the mines have given livelihood opportunities to many and have been a contact point of modern civilization with the tribal world. Or one could also argue that mines in fact eroded their traditional lives and livelihood to replace it with an alien

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 19 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” economic and social structure, furthering their exploitation and determined to keep them in lower order for times to come.

MARITAL STATUS Thus, with increasing economic pressure and migration, it is the maximum number of married women who work in the mines. 242 of our respondents, out of a total of 321 are married, 55 unmarried and 24 are widowed.

FAMILY Families are usually large in size. The maximum number of respondents had families with 5-6 members, Unmarried daughters are preferred to work in mines, than the married women. Married women may work after marriage till she is actually sent to her husband’s residence. Elderly women usually HEAD OF THE FAMILY 180 160 work after widowhood, especially when 140 120 FATHER 100 80 their husbands have given up their lives FATHER-IN- 60 LAW 40 20 HUSBAND working in the mine. Married women work 0 SELF only under abject poverty or if they have insufficient land left to support big families. There is increasing migration from neighboring and interior regions to work in mines. In case of migration, the trend is migrating with families, where women work NU MBER OF CHILDREN alongside their husbands. 100 1 80 2 Although there are mostly nuclear families, 60 3 size of the family is nonetheless large. There 40 4 5 20 are maximum numbers of families have 5-6 6 0 N.A members, followed shortly by greater than 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 N.A members. No family has merely 1 or 2 members. Most of the women already have two children by early 20’s of their age. Family heads of most of the nuclear houses are husbands; joint families are father in law and with unmarried women is her father. Only a widow who does not inhabit in nuclear family can call herself the head of the family.

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Large family size, greater number of children, and poverty – for women all this would mean more household labour, frequent pregnancies, less nutrition, depleting physical health. To top all this would be a job of mine FAMILY SIZE worker with heat, dust and din. Stretching 140

120 1 to 2 herself to both worlds of home and work, and 100 80 3 to 4 many a times working alongside of husband 60 40 5 to 6 earning as much as he does, yet she cannot 20 0 above 7 take her own decisions, let alone the 1 to 2 3 to 4 5 to 6 above 7 M em bers aspirations of heading the family. Life for them is a constant challenge for survival.

NATURE OF WORK Another difficult encounter was with the phrase ‘working in mines’. Almost all our preliminary survey showed that women were engaged in non-mining or to the best, peripheral mining tasks even when they worked in mines. Can a woman who is merely filling water, cleaning or loading trucks be called as a mine worker? Most of the women had little skills and were employed for only such unskilled work.

TYPE OF WORK However, we decided to include all women who 140 did just about any kind of work within mines 120 100 and earned there living. The reason was that 80 60 they are subject to same employment 40 20 conditions, environmental impacts and 0 filling breaking trivial loading grading cleaning occupational hazards, no matter what their work water stones tagic Series1 22 67 78 128 37 72 divisions are!

Women are unskilled and do jobs of less value- both in terms of mining process and their economic return. Highest numbers of women (128) are engaged in grading stones acording to their varying quality, then in breaking stones (78) to amicable sizes and lastly, filling water (67) and cleaning (72) . Some women also work for loading of trucks

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(22). 37 respondents replied that they just do trivial errands in mines like assisting others or serving water or lunch etc.

A class or no class Women in mines are not a ‘class’ in Marxist sense of the term. They are not a class in themselves, and less so a class for itself. Their boundaries are fluid and fragile. Almost all women of the region have, at one point of Duration of working in mines their lives or other, worked in mines. They 100 91 work in lean season, go back to agriculture 80 74 75 s t 66 >1 n e

d 1 to 2 in peak months or change the mines and n 60 o p

s 2to3 e r

f 40 3to4 the nature of job within it too often. They o

. o

N 15 4to5 are all daily wage laborers, untied to their 20 0 work (except for about 50 Rs a day). >1 1 to 2 2to3 3to4 4to5 years

22.4% of the respondents have been working in mines for less than one year, 27.7% for 1-2 years, 19.9% for 2-3 years, 22.7% for 3-4 years, 4.6% for 4-5 years and 2.4% for more than 5 years. These years include their total number of years in mining sector, not only the mine they are currently employed in.

Mining job pays according to the work done and not on the basis of time. For instance, the money given for loading of a truck is 70 Working hours Rs, and it is left to the laborer to fill it in 2 hrs or take whole day. However, usually the task 8hr-12 45% given is reasonably enough to the labour of 6hr-8hr 55% whole day. An approximate assessment was made of the number of hours a women mine worker works to earn her daily wage.

55% of women work 6-8 hrs and rest 45% work for 8-12 hrs a day. More importantly, these hours include hardcore working hours, without any break for rest or lunch.

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Thus, with this bird’s eye view of the profile of women in mining sector of Rajasthan (Udaipur and Bhilwara) district, one may already draw a sketchy picture of issues that are likely to follow.

Further, the chapters will be more specific and issue based, touching on the crucial aspects of lives of women whose frail voices have gone unheard and unsung so far.

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3. TRIBAL CULTURE & MINING WOME The whole is greater than the sum of its parts

Man (implying ‘mankind’) is a social animal. It exists in groups. There are primary groups which are natural and forms the family and tribe relations. Then, there are secondary groups like at workplace or friends circle which is made and remade through lifetime. At any point of time, a person is a member of many such groups. All of them exert influence on its wellbeing.

For a woman particularly, primary groups are more vital (even when she is working). It is here that her gender roles and social status is defined. The members of family and tribe exert much greater influence on her and she is systematically socialized to abide by and uphold all social virtues.

Following logically from above, the woman mine worker too works in the mines but her problems do not lay classified as those related to work place or those which are personal. There is a considerable overlap, and sometimes more- a curious and complex interplay among social, cultural and economic spheres. Thus, for any successful study, it is imperative to see a women’s life in integration, the pattern between professional and personal and the sum total of their interactions.

Almost all the women (85%) who work in mines of the research area are tribals from Southern Rajasthan. There are many tribes like Meena, Bhils, Seharia, Garadsia and Damor. Most of them are from surrounding villages that walk to their workplace or catch daily local bus. However, many migrate with their families to work in mines. While their primary occupation continues to be agriculture, in the lean season mines give them a temporary employment.

Understanding of the tribal society, its inroads by modern world’s quest of minerals and mines followed by labour exploitation, dent in traditional culture and cohesiveness, rise in poverty and environmental degradation constitute important component of understanding lives and livelihood pattern of women, their self image and subjective

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 24 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” concerns. In the following chapter we shall discuss about main aspects of tribal culture in very brief and endeavors will be directed towards tracing their influence on women’s mining life.

THE TRIBE According to the New Encyclopedia Britannica, the term ‘Tribe’ commonly signifies a group of people speaking a common language, observing uniform rules of social organization and working together for common purposes.

Tribal society is considered as different from non-tribal society as it has certain features. Commissioner for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes has listed them as follows:  They live away from the civilized world in the most inaccessible part of both forest and hills.  They belong either to one of the three stocks- Negritos, Australoids or Mongoloids.  They speak in the same tribal dialect.  They profess a primitive religion known as ‘Animism’ in which the worship of ghosts and spirits is the most important element.  They follow primitive occupation such as gleaning, hunting and gathering forest produce.  They have nomadic habits and love to eat and dance.

The tribal population of India is the second largest in the world, which constitute more than 8% of total population of the nation. There are 250 tribal communities in India spread out mostly in the hilly and forest areas of 19 states and 6 union territories and speaking 105 languages. Rajasthan is one of the backward states of the country and has 12.44% of scheduled tribe population.

ORIGIN AND CULTURE A lot of myths and stories seek to explain the origin of tribals. Bhils trace their origin to Mahadev and Mina to Vishnu’s incarnation as a fish that saved King Manu from Pralay. However, it is believed by anthropologists that tribal are the original inhabitants o f India, living much before Aryans or Dravidians. They had moved on from nomadic lifestyle to

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 25 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” settled agriculture during British period, but are now facing increasing threats to agriculture because of deforestation, shortage of rainfall and uncertainty in agriculture.

Life style Tribals make their houses themselves by using mud. There is no proper ventilation (not even in kitchen where women cook on kaccha chulhas) or demarcated rooms allotted to couples. Houses are usually built within the agricultural land allotted so that there is better caring and security of crops. The houses are not organized into colonies but are scattered. Each colony is called a ‘phalla’.

There are very few joint families. After the son is married there is a tradition for father to build him a separate hut, give him his share of land, and draw a tall cacti boundary around it.

Their staple diet consists of Maize, Jaw and Bajra. However, they have also started growing wheat and rice crops. Their possessions consist of a few cattle, usually goat or ship and a few utensils of copper or aluminum.

Even when a women is working, she is not excused form her household duties. Thus, it is as almost universally, the cook and cleaner of the family. This adds to her work burden, further aggravated by ill ventilated dwelling and puts her more at risk to respiratory problems than the male counterpart.

Women used to supplement the family income by including in traditional skills like dying, embroidery, weaving and helping in farming. With reduction in handmade products in rural exchange circuits, and decline in agriculture due to unfavorable climatic Less Crop Rains failure conditions, the women slowly came out of the rural interiors to the mining to supplement the family income.

Deforest Poverty ation

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Deforestation due to mining is an important cause of failing monsoons and increasing uncertainty in agriculture. Thus, in desperation they depend on mining in case of crop failure. The vicious circle that goes on is mining-deforestation-less rains-crop failure- poverty-mining.

The size of tribal families is large and land gets divided among brothers as they marry. Also, tribals lose their lands to mining interest not being able to procure papers of ownership even for a land which has been traditionally theirs. Thus, land is usurped by state or mining companies which extent their operations beyond the lease land. This they are incapable of handling being illiterate, ignorant and not-so ‘worldly wise’. The greatest disadvantage to this is on women who run the household and are taught to keep the least and last for themselves.

SOME GODS DRINK TOO

Gods drinking justifies and socializes the drinking of human beings. There are no moral qualms or social stigma about consuming alcohol and it is culturally upheld and cherished.

Tribals make desi alcohol with Mahua flowers. Most of the times this is done at the household level. Bheels consume alcohol before eating food, which they consider is good for health. Recently, alcohol shops have emerged all over the tribal belt, even in far interiors, making it no less than a local industry. It is supported by government for revenue reasons.

However, men drink more often and habitually than women. Most Women, at best are only social drinker with their senses intact all the while. There is so much of domestic violence under the influence of alcohol that it precedes women’s priority list much ahead of any problems in mining job itself. There is verbal as well a physical abuse. Men mutter slangs and curses to hurt psychologically as they throw physical blows.

Unfortunately, the cohesive and cooperative tribal society turns blind, deaf and dumb to domestic violence as it is a personal matter of couple. The victim proves her moral

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 27 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” superiority by facing violence patiently and blames not the husband but the influence of alcohol for her fate.

Strangely, it is the strongly rationalized and sanctioned not by one person but a whole community and for ages. This is the power of ideology which is greater than its actors.

THE SANSKRITIZATION PROCESS

The Sanskritisation process which has continued for centuries, has gained momentum after independence. It is assisted by increase in contact and communication between tribals and mainstream society. A lot of trends in culture especially in terms of festivals and style of living can be distinctly observed.

Festivals They celebrate festivals of Holi, Diwali, Rakshabandhan, Navratra and worship Hindu Gods of Ram, Krishna and Mahadev. Besides, they also worship their Devi and Animistic Gods. Gavri is the festival of dance and drink.

These festivals provide for the ritualistic and social status of women. Decline of devi worship and Animistic Gods and rise of north Indian warrior Gods also corresponds with the fall in social status of women.

Every village has a devra, who at times is possessed by benevolent spirits. He is God’s messenger, an astrologer and the healer. People pose various questions to him like with regard to rains, sickness, marriage, birth, accumulation of good fortune etc. Minor illness is cured with the prescription of devra. Only in case of major problems do they consult allopathic doctor. A separate chapter on health will elaborate it further. Dressing style Women wear long traditional skirt (lahnga), and blouse with a long odhni (dupatta). Some also wear sari now. A lot of make up like Kajal, lipstick and artificial long earrings and necklace could be seen even on unmarried women at work. Other jewelry consists of traditional hasli, borla and churla made of copper, aluminum or most popularly, silver.

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Ghungaht (veil) is practiced in front of elders, in-laws and stranger men. This dressing style is similar on all occasions. However the quality and fineness of cloth may differ on special occasions.

This attire makes women unable to work in certain mining processes. It is also cumbersome in cases of hard labour. Veil may create problems in vision and breathing. With long skirts and dupatta working near machines becomes risky. Thus, it affects their efficiency as well as health at work.

Female feticide There is high level of Female infanticide among tribal groups like Mina whose dowry cost has increased to include motorcycles and small black and white television sets. However among Bheels and like tribes where money is paid to the parents of the bride for taking away their daughter or as compensation for raising and up bringing her, there is less female feticide/ infanticide.

This systematic discrimination against girl child since the dawn of their lives build a culture of silence and a subordinate psychology which make them endure all forms of violence throughout life. They do not raise their voices for their rights or concessions and are the victims of violence in workplace, gender discrimination for wages and denial of maternity and other benefits.

Marriage and women Although the marriage is sacred, however, both the man and women is free to divorce anytime they feel like, the only condition is paying the bride fees to the present husband and then the women is free. This is called ‘Nata system’. She may leave or take her children with her. Most cases are mutually decided or in case of dispute go to elders of the family or panchayat. Hardly, is there any court case in tribal cohesive society. The acceptability of widow remarriage is high too.

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There is no fixed age of marriage. It depends on the manifest physical growth of women and her skill at household chores. Many times there is child marriage but the girl leaves for in laws place only after puberty. Although there is greater freedom to tribal women divorce someone who she doesn’t love, however, once in marriage she faces almost same dos and don’ts as a Hindu woman.

There are less frequent stories of oppression of daughter in law as the family is amicably divided into nuclear families just after marriage. They are exogamous, i.e marriage happens only outside village as one ‘phalla’ consists of members of same gotra or family. If there is any affair in the village, it meets with strong oppression and even if the two concerned elope, they are exiled form the village forever. Thus marriages (at least the first marriage) are always arranged. However they are also endogamous in the sense that a tribal group marries among each other though outside the village.

It is only unmarried women who work in mines. Married women have more responsibilities of household, cattle and agriculture. Their mobility has greater restrictions. However, some married work if they yet haven’t been sent to their in-laws house or their family suffers from chronic poverty.

However, for the category of women from neighboring villages who migrate to mines with their families, earning quick money and returning back is a high priority. Thus, there are even lactating mothers of young children doing hash labour as sun burns on their head.

These women not only manage a little household and its responsibilities in a foreign region but also toil day and night alongside their husbands to provide for family. As there are not even tin shades (let alone crèche facility), their children grow up in this heat. It was awful for our research team to see their young children, even infants sleeping under a makeshift arrangement where we could not even bear to stand for long!

THE WHOLE

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Although on the surface, it might seem that these socio-cultural patterns are not-so- important for mining aspect of woman’s life however, a sociologist and a psychologist may mutually agree on how vital these interrelated patterns are for the total development of the individual woman and her society. These not only have a direct impact but are also strong undercurrents. It places women’s role and status in society. Others react and respond to women as per this role and status.

It also moulds women into what they are- a healthy, bold, literate, confident, fighter with desire to excel and win over her rights or a deprived, illiterate, subordinate, fatalistic, confined, veiled, silenced, giving in or giving up women with neither awareness nor courageous. It determines what women think and feel about themselves, which is more determining than how they actually are!

In a nut shell, it shapes women’s self image and make them subjects or objects.

To change socio- cultural role and status of women would be to strike at roots, rest all is only symptomatic. It will create ripples in economic and legal fields that will result in change forever.

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4. EDUCATIONAL OPPRTUNITIES

India has greatly increased the density of its schools. There is increasing budget for government aided schools, for Sarva Siksha Abhiyan and the latest Right to Education Bill. There is a loud cry to make every child literate; but the quality of this education is spoken in softer tones.

Provision of free and compulsory education is given in Article 45 of the Constitution which states that the State shall endeavor to provide, within a period of 10 years from the commencement of the Constitution, for free and compulsory education for all children till they reach the age of 14 years.

The National Policy on Education (NPE), 1986 and the Program of Action (POA), 1992 have perceived education as fundamental to all-round development of children and stipulates free and compulsory education of satisfactory quality to all children up to 14 years of age before the turn of the century.

While the drat Bill of Education is labeled by politicians as a 'revolutionary' legislation, experts feel that the draft bill on the fundamental right to education ignores important issues, such as education for children below six and above 14. It also dilutes the meaning of 'rights', leaving the door open for the government to not meet its obligations.

HAVE SCHOOLS REACHED TO WHERE MINES ARE?

It is indeed commendable that every village in the SCHOOLS IN THE VICINITY OF THE MINING AREA research area had at least a primary school. And 9% every women respondent knew of its existence. The 26% primary secondary school has certainly made its mark. And so has the 65% high school realization that some formal education is must.

65% of the respondents said that there was primary school in their village, 26% had secondary school and 9% had higher secondary school in their vicinity. For further Education, students go to Kesariya ji (a temple town) or further to Udaipur city.

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The school has more male students than female. It obviously is because society needs to prepare both of them differently according to the role they have to play in life. The infrastructure in the school is minimal two rooms and one corridor, out of which one room is fixed for administrative purposes and classes till 5th standard are accommodated within the space of one room and a veranda. Multiple teaching is a norm. One teacher rotates himself to various classes who are seated in different corners of the same room. Children get free books and stationary but have to arrange for school uniforms themselves. Midday meals like daliya, ghugry, roti-sabzi etc are given. Students are provided all kinds of games and there is a playground in front of the school. There is no punishment for incomplete homework and teachers only motivate children, do not scare them. Teaching methods are simple and modeled according to the context.

This is the all rosy picture painted by the school staff. Infrastructure could be observed but teaching methods and student-teacher relationship was more difficult to ascertain. Children did not seem very free however, this could be being conscious of the presence of strangers in school.

Although school does not have any direct bearing on women mine workers, but it certainly shows the background of present workers and their quality of education and awareness. At the same time, it also is the prelude to the forthcoming generations of workers.

EDUCATION AND MINING WOMEN: 46% of the respondents have had no formal education for a single class. 54% have had at education between classes 1 to 5. Only 1 respondent (0%) has received above primary

EDU CATION AL QU ALIFICATION 0% education.

NO EDUCATION This presents a very grim and pitiable picture of 1st-5th 46% educational qualification. It would make a 54% 6th-10th difference to the awareness, exposure and self confidence that they have.

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However, it came out of the group discussions that the scene was now changing and more and more girls are receiving higher TE CHN ICAL E DU CATION 350 education. Primary education has become 300 250 YES a must and many girls study further 200 150 NO through open schools and go to give exam 100 50 NO in the city escorted by the male members 0 REPLY 1 YES NO of the family. NO REPLY

It was observed in the interviews that women who have had formal education were better aware at least in matters of health and disease. They were also more vocal and less inhibited in sharing information. They used common English words (like- ‘Knowledge”, “time” etc) more often in their speaking than illiterate women who knew less of Hindi, let alone English.

With this grim picture of high school education, it was almost a predictable state of technical qualification. Only one woman was technically qualified to work in mines. One chooses not to reply, for some uncertain reason and rest all denied receiving any technical education.

Due to lack of any learnt skills, women are assigned only unskilled work responsibilities in mines. This limits their career growth and promotion possibilities. There is no work satisfaction in monotonous and repetitive breaking of stones or filling trucks of mining material. Giving technical skills to women workers is one way to make them rise above in the career ladder. Then work would not be only related with earning daily wages but something more creative and purposeful. It will also increase the bargaining power of women workers if they were technically qualified.

IN THE NUTSHELL…..

When a woman is educated, it impacts the whole family bringing knowledge and welfare. Not only are her performances as a worker but as an individual and within family life going to improve drastically.

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As mentioned above, there is increasing consciousness for primary education but enthusiasm towards technical education especially for women has not taken place. This has to be encouraged and reinforced till it integrates with their culture and finds a secure place.

Education for women is a weapon for her self defense. She needs to arm herself to fight various battles in life. There are various socio-cultural and economic reasons for which a woman is not able to receive education. To deal with them would be to strike at the grassroots.

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5. HEALTH

THE CONCEPT

Most people take health as merely an absence of disease and its value is not realized as long as it is not lost. Health is usually taken as an affair of doctors, nurses, clinics, wrong food habits and hygiene etc, however, a new consciousness has emerged which takes health out from personal and medical domains.

Today, health is largely seen as a social issue and there has been gradual realization that interventions in non medical field can bring significant changes in pattern of diseases. The focus has shifted from ‘germ theory’ to multi-causal approach and from curative to promotional, preventive and rehabilitative interventions. An integrated and interdisciplinary approach has made health a citizen’s right. This change is manifested and effected through a series of International and National declarations, legislations and other paper endeavors.

Alma Ata declaration of 2000 defined HEALTH as, ‘a state of complete physical and mental wellbeing, and not merely absence of disease or infirmity.’

Our recently amended National health policy 2002, lays special emphasis on promotion of women’s health. The various policy recommendations are with regard to expansion of primary health care infrastructure, and facilitate increased access to basic health care. The Policy commits the highest priority of the central government to the funding of the specific programmes running for women’s health. Also, the Policy recognizes the need to review the staffing norms of the public health administration to meet women’s needs in a more comprehensive manner. It emphasizes on Environmental and Occupational health and periodic screening of workers, especially for high risk diseases for their kind of occupation.

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HEALTH OF MINING WOMEN IN THE RESEARCH AREA

There has been a lot of talk about mining and its impact on human health. There is scorching heat, whirlpool of dust, howling machines and back breaking labour. In environmental journals, we often discuss of silicosis, asbestosis, tuberculosis and other fatal diseases of mines.

The incidence of silicosis, silicotuberculosis, tuberculosis, asbestosis, cough, asthma, breathlessness, chest pain.etc. is extremely high compared to normal situations. Sandstone mines in Udaipur & Bhilwara and near by areas comprises of almost pure silica. Workers engaged in tunneling, mining, quarrying, or chiseling are often exposed to silica dust. Exposed to high concentration of silica over a long period of time may result into silicosis. There is no specific treatment for silicosis. Many workers working in the stone quarries have complained of cough and chest pain, many are being treated for tuberculosis. Workers understand that the dust they are inhaling is causing T.B. but they are unaware of silicosis.

Silicosis develops over time when dust-containing silica is inhaled repeatedly into the lungs. Large amounts of organic dust particles (their sizes vary from 0.1 micron to 150 microns) exist in mines, and smaller particles (smaller than 5 microns) may become airborne and respirable. When the dust of the mines is inhaled, silica particles end up in the air sacs of the lung. The body's defence system quickly attacks the silica particles, releasing enzymes and radicals. The release of these by-products can result in death of lung tissues and white blood cells, which causes inflammation. The inflammation and scarring that damages the lung sacs prevents gas exchange and normal breathing. Damage to the lung tissue means that the capacity of the lungs to supply oxygen to the blood is reduced.

An attempt was made to ascertain, how much the women mine workers themselves know about the risks they are subject to. 306 respondents i.e. 95.3% of women had no idea that working in mines has with it some hazardous occupational diseases. Only 15 (4.6%)

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 37 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” women answered that they knew about cough, feeling of weakness, problems due to dust and heat. The bio-medical details of the diseases were however missing.

AWARENESS ABOUT OCCU PATIONAL This data provides evidence for the lack of DISEASES awareness among women. Mere disseminating yes 5% of information in such a case would bring about significant changes in the health scenario.

no Making women aware will not only improve the yes health her individual health but also impact the

no health of the family altogether. 95%

On asking about the health problems that they face, 168 of them denied having any manifest problems. The following pie chart shall provide a detail of their health issues as given by 153 respondents:

It is to be noted that all the respondents stated the symptoms of the disease as disease would inevitably lead to reducing the seriousness of the illness and an effort to deal with symptoms rather than disease. Taking from the above example, the woman may take medicines or try traditional system of healing for cough only and the real disease may, itself.

For instance, cough may be a typical symptom of tuberculosis/silicosis but it was not the disease or its knowledge, but the symptom that the HEALTH PROBLEMS

woman knew and worked towards. This meantime 0% 6% 15% continue to worsen and still be unrealized. 43%

16%

3% It is also important to note that all respondents 7% 5% 5%

weakness headache cough chest pain giddiness burning eyes denied access to any heath facility or reasonable joint pain no itching treatment. In spite of the provision for regular check up for employees in mine at the cost of owner, no such facilities are made available and the legal obligation is evaded because even if these women have worked for years together in the same mine, they still remain daily wage earners through contract labour and do not become permanent employees.

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Due to this daily wage nature of employment, there are no Maternity benefits, sickness leave or health insurance that these women are entitled to.

In the survey conducted reveals that most of the Women mineworkers consume gutaka, bidi, tobacco etc daily. Women mineworkers consuming these say that they consume to get rid of their hunger, pain and fatigue because of every hard work they do every day in mines.

148 respondents said that they were not subject to any addiction. Out of the rest, 112 were addicted to Tobacco, 135 to Gutka and 123 Addiction to Bidi. It is noteworthy that although there is 148 160 135 123 140 112 widespread liquor production and consumption of 120 100 tobacco indigenous liquor in the area, not women 80 bidi 60 40 gutka considered its habitual drinking an addition. It was 20 0 0 no a part of their culture without stigma and with full alcohal social acceptability.

As to the direct availability of government facility, there is a Primary Health Center (PHC) in almost all villages. We met the Para medical staff, ANM and Anganwadi worker in villages. The trend that appears from their records and responses are:

There are more men who access health care facility than there are women. Out of total patients in a month, only 35% are women.

Maximum women suffer from RTIs and STDs, some of which cannot be treated successfully at village level. They are then referred to Udaipur.

Most common medicines are distributed free of cost from the PHC. However, the functionaries too admit that irregular and insufficient supply of the medicines from the government creates problems.

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PHC staff claim that all major government programs like, pulse polio, family planning etc are coordinated through PHC and have led to increased consciousness among women. Many mine workers come for general treatment like of joint pain, headache or malnutrition. The exact men- women ratio was not available with them. PHC functionaries also work hard to reach out to people and deliver services at their door step. Special attention is paid to pregnant and lactating mothers and their nutrition. However, some crucial shades of color are missing in this picture painted by PHC.

Why is the number of men patients significantly larger than women? Do more men fall sick and women are the healthier lot or have better immune system for self recovery? Or can there be some element of whose need is given more value and priority in society. Women usually ignore their concerns themselves or there are significant restrictions on their mobility which makes them dependent on male help. Unfortunately, data for how many women, who are referred to Udaipur city, do actually go and carry forward the treatment could not be made available. However, it will not be a difficult guess for any of us. As for increasing consciousness, one hopes that it may certainly be the case, however, the size of the family and data for number of children speak against any popular method of family planning.

A trend for more awareness among women who have had at least primary education has been definitely noticed in Focused group discussions. What is important to consider here is, even after that consciousness how much of it can transcend into practice will depend on the economic and social pressures that a women experiences. She may understand and wish to have the benefits of small family, but it also depends on how much of right does she has over her own fertility. Beyond consciousness, there are issues of availability, accessibility and affordability.

The real picture is reflected in the questionnaire where all i.e. 100% respondents have denied any opportunity of treatment within their capacities.

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A young woman’s health is of special concern because it revolves around in a cycle and it extends beyond ‘just her’, it passes on to her children and affects their life cycle. Health of a woman does not only affect her merely as an individual, it has an impact on general wellbeing and health of the entire family, particularly, children. National Policy on Health- 2002 recognizes the catalytic role of empowered women in improving the health of the family and community.

Health is an issue of social justice. For long it has been delayed and denied to many. Its time for them to get it. And not as employer’s charity or government’s ambulance service of last resort. But; as a citizen’s right in a Socialist- Democratic- Republic.

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6. ECONOMIC STATUS & EMPLOYMENT FACILITIES

India has traditionally had the Jajmani system of patron- client relationship. It fixed the mutual obligations of employer and employee. There was interdependence and also a sense of loyalty and security.

Today, we have laws governing the employment conditions. There are legislations for conducive work environment, workmen’s compensation, provident, fund payment of gratuity etc. However, most of these laws cover the organized labour and not for unorganized daily wage labour.

Mines workers (except for highly specialized technical tasks), are mainly on daily wage basis through contractor. This gives freedom to the owner from making any legal provisions available.

MON THLY INCOME Thus, the employer- employee relationship is 160 140 140 nothing more than just an exchange of labour 120 113 100 Bhilwara and money. Unfortunately, this exchange is 80 Udaipur 60 39 40 neither equal nor benevolent. There is 14 8 6 20 0 0 1 0 0 backbreaking labour in direst of conditions, >800 800- 1000- 1200- <1500 1000 1200 1500 and the money paid is nothing more than the level of subsistence. A graphical representation shall exhibit the total monthly income of respondents, also demonstrating the wide gap of payments between Udaipur and Bhilwara districts. Daily wage is the only aspect where the trends between Udaipur and

Bhilwara showed drastic divergence. The PRESSU RE TO WORK IN MINES average daily wage of a worker in Udaipur was 400 recorded as 55-60 Rs a day, however, in 300

Bhilwara; it was only 30-35 Rs a day. This is 200 only made worse by the fact that whatever the 100 0 wages; women had on bargaining power due to yes no increasing economic pressure and imbalance Series1 321 0 between supply and demand.

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All the respondents (100%) said that they worked in mines due to economic pressure there was uncertainty in agriculture, and increased pressure of changing lifestyles with urban contact. In almost all rural areas, women work (i.e. work outside homes in return for money) only in difficult situations and poverty. Thus, their work is never accompanied with a desire to work or build careers. It is only a compulsion for battling with tough times. So, a women’s working (or, alternatively, not working) is directly related to her husband’s profession and family income.

HU SBAND PROFESSION Most of the respondents had husbands working as

140 agriculturist, followed shortly by laboring task. 120 Nearly negligible had shops for self employment. 100 80 The area has never been very fertile or with heavy 60

40 rainfall, however, there has been increased 20 deforestation, leading to fall in annual rainfall and 0 Agricu unemp labour barber shop NA lture loyed water table levels due to extensive mining. Its Series1 126 121 2 1 1 70 impact has been most manifest in agricultural fields with decreasing productivity. So, with fall in productivity and land-man ratio, many have moved towards laboring class, further encouraged by new opportunities in mines, factories, developmental activities in villages or neighboring cities. FAMILY INCOME (per month)

<3000 56 Monthly Family income of maximum number of 2500-3000 90

s 2000-2500 92 R

n respondents lies in the groups of 2000- 2500 (92) i 1500-2000 78 1000-1500 3 and 2500-3000 (90). Next is the group of 1500- >1000 2 2000 (78) and 56 respondents have income 0 20 40 60 80 100 respondents greater than 3000. Only 2 of the respondents have monthly family income as less than 1000. Most families are thus Below Poverty

SAVINGS Line. yes no idea (m eager) 9% 10% And it is the women who perform the challenging task of not just supplementing income and running household but also surviving on the last and least no 81% that is available. With such income scenario, the

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 43 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” next question s of savings. Savings are very crucial as they have no other means of financial security. 81% of the respondents did not have any savings. 9% of them had no idea if there were any savings at home or not, in spite of being an earning member themselves. It is not just excluding from the decision making but also from the very knowledge of the vital decisions and conditions of the household governance. Only 10% of the respondents had some savings. They all emphasized that although they did have savings, they were only meager in amount.

Now, we need to focus again from family to individual, an i.e. woman who is our core concern. Ironically, even the women who have worked in same mines for 5-6 years are not given any permanent status of employment. The records are tempered with and names changed. Illiterate women have no better idea than receiving wages and giving their thumb impression on the register.

E MPLOYMEN T FACILITIES With regard to facilities provided by the

200 employer, majority of (183 of 321) mine

150 owners are humane enough to provide for

100 First Aid facility. Some (61) also extend to providing toilets. And, a good number of 131 50 mine owners absolve themselves of any 0 first aid toilet no no idea housing creche

Series1 183 61 131 1 0 0 obligation, legal or otherwise. Only one respondent did not seem to have taken any interest of what, if at all are the facilities available to her at her work place. Following are details about the population and its division as per working:-

Mine owners arguments are like those of natural justice. These women anyways come from houses with no inbuilt toilets and have never used any band aid or antiseptic cream. So, they are only saving women to stay out of expensive habits and catering to their natural ways of lives.

Legally, mine owners are to plant tress on an area equivalent to one third of their total mining area. All mine owners have done a little of this obligation for show. Trees planted are usually not within mines but far from them. They are planted with pride but no after

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 44 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” care is taken. Within mines, there is not even a tree or a tin shade facility is made available for rest for workers. Drinking water facility seems far out of imagination as well!

Similar to this is the issue of safety aids. In no one mine were any safety implements provided. There were no gloves, helmets, masks or ear plugs. Their absence is also rationalized. Gloves, helmets and masks would make workers uncomfortable, sweat, feel hot and itchy, and hinder efficiency. “These rules are not for India, they are meant only for America and Britain”, said a mine owner. I guess lives sell cheaper in India. And that is what makes the difference.

No one provides Maternity leave or crèche. After all it was woman’s eternal fault to have eaten the forbidden apple in Garden of Eden. It’s a mercy enough that they are allowed to carry their toddlers to mining grounds and tend them in between work. What happens to toddlers in is not their responsibility and anyways women are going to be paid for the work done and not the hours spent.

Mining is a high risk job. There are many occupational and environmental diseases one might encounter in a mining context. To exhibit exact cause and effect relationship between mining hazards and long term illnesses is not always possible by illiterate, unaware lot. Many a times, disease itself goes unnoticed until obvious effects. Little early symptoms are ignored by those who have no money for doctors and there is no regular check up sponsored by owner.

However, in cases of accidents and injury during the course on mining there is a problem. Owner has less chances of escape. It is obvious and immediate. Then, there may be humanitarian grounds too. It is also a chance of depicting to employees the magnanimous nature of their employer.

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AS S IS TAN CE F ROM TH E M IN E OWN ER TO TH E Although there is no application of WOM EN M IN E WORKERS Workmen’s Compensation Act or any

no group insurance for workers, most 37% advance m oney employers do provide for first Aid facility, 47% as given above. In addition to that, if there

no idea is a grave injury or loss, or some dire need, in special 10% cases employers lend advance money to the 6% workers. It is not given but lent, of which there may be rate of interest. Some lend it only in special need circumstances. Others may not lend at all. 10% of respondents do not know if their employers provide any such benevolent facility or not. The reason for ignorance is kabhi kaam nahi para…….!

Tribal women live in present and its needs. The issues of present are so gnawing, that the future does not usually trouble them. They take live as it comes and do not interfere in natural course of events with too much of their planning. What occurs to us as their ‘right’ is not what they need. Their needs are very basic and the concept of right does not exist. They work for money that can provide them food for next meal, not for higher needs of self fulfillment or future security. They are lowest in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and Marxists dialectics does not infect them. Their first dialecticism is with their own lives, in all sphere- economic, social, cultural – rest all can wait.

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7. VIOLENCE AND SEXUAL HARASSMENT - A culture of silence

The concept:

Violence and harassment are subjective things. It depends on how one perceives them to be. What Ram did to Sita could be violent for some, and for others it may be the compulsion of a dutiful king. For many, female genital mutilation is violent but modern women’s occupations of threading or waxing are not, despite of pain involved, because it is voluntary.

‘Voluntary’ is a tough thing to ascertain in world. Especially in today’s world of myriad influences, all competing, conflicting, interacting and conforming into a bizarre pattern of personality.

Many judge violence by its manifestations, i.e. by physical hurt or injury. But can a cut with few red drops show how much deep did it go in soul? Some draw illusionary line between physical violence and mental torture as if two can really be in separate categories!

Harassment is essentially a repeated affair. But there is no universal fixed number of times an annoyance has to be repeated for it to become harassment. Thus, we come back to where we started. Violence and harassment is a subjective thing. It can only be judged by the impact it has on the victim.

Many forms of violence and harassment are rationalized and sanctioned by the society. Most crude of its example could be ‘sati system’ which was almost universally accepted and upheld by India.

Here the consent of the exploited is presumed or premeditated. This is Gramschi’s concept of ‘hegemony, it ensures the smooth continuation of oppression by neutralizing all opposition.

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Feminist slogan of ‘personal is political’ is not in vain. It seeks to challenge the notions of space as being personal and political. The notion that whatever happens in family is a personal matter and must be essentially kept within the four walls of the house. Whatever violence happens within household is not just personal but linked to how women and her body is perceived and placed in society. Therefore, it is political. It seeks to break the culture of silence that shields violations against women and bring about change at a very fundamental level.

Women in the research area:

Women in Udaipur and Bhilwara district of Rajasthan have not studied Marx. They do not know Gramschi and no feminist from urban circles have approached them.

Also, their condition is after all ‘not that bad’ as it is in core Hindu areas. Tribal society has traditionally been more egalitarian. There is division of labour but not much unequal value is placed on them. Nata system allows women to leave their husband and choose to live with another man, as long as he pays her bride’s fee. In this sense, women are not parasites of home where they first get upbringing and then leave the family taking away lots of dowry with her. Instead the husband has to pay money to her family for loss of daughter’s labour in the house. This discourages female feticide and discrimination against girl child.

However, some malpractices have started creeping in. Tribal in the region had been manufacturing liquor at home with mahua flowers. Community festivals were marked by dance and drinks. Drinks were taken by both men and women and there was no stigma to it.

In addition to household liquor, today there are readymade shops selling bottles of liquor everyday. Our team could not find one shop for mineral water in the interiors, but even foreign brands of liquor were readily available. This has given a fillip to consumption of liquor and its allied consequences.

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Not only if causes men to squander away family wealth, but also increase instance of domestic violence under the influence of liquor. Cases of wife battering are so personal that neighbors prefer not to interfere till the last stage. Even the women suffers silently till it gets to the hilt and then she may choose to be with another man if she finds anyone. With physical violence, comes verbal abuse, accusing wife for infidelity, infertility or misfortune of house. Women follow Gandhian techniques of nonviolence relentlessly but do not indulge in non cooperation or civil disobedience. Non violence alone is taken as a weakness and soon it really becomes so. Then, there is loss of self confidence, self worth and indulgence in self pity, with occasional feeling of moral superiority and conformation to virtuous life of a dutiful wife. This ends with a complete loss of individuality and a change in self image.

There is now beginning a trend of dowry in some tribes. Demand is high for Motorcycles, Small television sets and gold. This is infectious materialism and consumerism of outside world. This is a dangerous change, it has already begin to encourage some forms of female infanticide, may lead to further malpractices like dowry deaths or ill treating of daughter in laws.

Violence and sexual harassment at workplace:

Women are doomed to a shattered life in terms of widowhood, rape, molestation, prostitution, destitution, exhaustion and silence. Majority of women belongs to ST. Women are engaged in work like removing the debris, breaking pebbles and loading them in tractors. They are engaged in assisting the men worker at the work site by taking the tool to the blacksmith for mending supplying drinking water, tea and also for loading the stone chips in the tractor. Most of the women mineworkers are of age group 10 to 40 years, the most productive period of their lifetime. There is a significant population of adolescent girls involved in mine work. They are denied of going to school as well as acquiring certain basic life skills that are critical for them for a healthy growth.

When we talk about women workers in mines, our main focus is their conditions of workplace. Within mines, there are large tracts of unprotected barren land and lots of

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 49 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” men working. Women in mines usually belong to young age group and young girls do accompany their mothers to work where the mothers may not be able to keep an eye on them throughout (as there is no crèche facility made available). With no toilets in mines, women have to go to secluded places to answers their natures call and it might not be totally safe for her. Besides, men are big opportunists anyways.

Thus, our minds said that there must be at least some cases of violence, sexual harassment or child sexual abuse, either by owners/ contractors or fellow workers.

Out of 321 respondents, 173 (53.8%) either refused any instance of violence in mines or elsewhere or chose not to reply. This was not unexpected or unusual. Women have always since ages been sweeping wrong done to them by their men folk under carpets, within cupboards or back to crumpled folds of their minds. By denying, they may disown, but not destroy them.

A few women were more vocal. 134 accepted that men whistled at them, 63 said men gave those dirty looks, only one complained of unacceptable behavior of men around and 6 of them confirmed domestic violence by their husbands. During informal discussion on tea stalls near mines the picture is totally different, as number of cases of abuses in mines are very common.

VIOLEN CE & SEXU AL HARASEMEN T

200 173 No women choose the options of unwanted

150 134 bad eyes sexual advance, singing dirty songs at them or 100 w histling 63 50 domestic violence rape (including marital rape). The not-so-serious 6 1 misbehave 0 domestic misbeha bad eyes w histling no reply no reply options were chosen the most. violence ve

Series1 63 134 6 1 173

In group discussions, when young women would want to say something, being less eroded by waves of life, older women would cut the issue sharp and put an end to it. “ yahan aisa nahi hota hai ji………”; ( all this does not happen here) would indicate more vocal women to keep their three inch tied in front of outsiders, else call the wrath of all. However, the urgency with which they denied it spoke volumes about it.

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Although no direct obvious answer was given, one can ascertain that not much violence and sexual harassment happens on the mining grounds, within official timings but, a lot happens off the grounds, within there villages and homes.

Women’s own men, i.e. husbands are more violent than anybody else. It is usually under the influence of alcohol but not necessarily so. Women are carefully guarded as a valuable piece of property whose honor is GENDER DISCRIMIN ATION AT WORK linked to the men who own her. Several PLACE 2% fights occur among men for reason of women, for the sake of love affairs or 30% salary eyeing other’s women. Women don’t 51% working hours paid leave defend themselves, they only hide the division of work wrongs. Its men who defend them from 17% other men.

An effort was made to ascertain the level of Gender Discrimination at work place. No respondent said that there was no discrimination. 300 i.e. 93.45% of them complained of discrimination in wages. Men were paid more for same work than women. 109 (33.9%) said that there was discrimination in working hours, i.e. women had to work for longer hours than men and 186 9 (57.9%) responded to discrimination in terms of paid holidays that are provided. Only 13 respondents felt that there was discrimination in work division between men and women

This shows the mindset of mine owners who consider women as less productive or efficient then men, or provides them with fewer wages for they are not primary breadwinners or do not value women workers as much. It also shows the priority of women, most of them being more anxious about wages; working hours or holidays, as they work in mines solely for sake of money and large working hours/ days interfere with their household responsibilities. The issue of work division or nature of work does not trouble them much as it is not their career in which they want to progress and built with seriousness. There visions are limited to getting wages at the end of the day and

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 51 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” providing for their families. There is censorship even on dreams that women are allowed to see.

Conclusion:

Virtue and vice depend on how society places value on qualities. For a woman, virtues are in suffering silently, without complaining, expecting or abandoning. Vices are when she stands up or speaks against what is given for her. Mere working in mines does not bring any empowerment to her. Money or mobility does not give her independence because her mind is still subservient.

Within mines too she carries the social values of silence and suffering. We do not know for sure if it is strength or weakness. But whatever it is, it definitely hinders women’s own growth and development, both personal and professional.

Tribal women’s condition is not very different from any other women in the nation. The only freedom she has is too choose her husband, but the right to have a husband or not, is not given to her. Marriage is the only way of life. And all men in marriage are the same; irrespective of whom she chooses.

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8. CONCLUSION, FINDING & RECOMMENDATIONS

The study documents the unheard voices of women mine workers, for whom working in mine in itself is the result of a compulsion and not choice. It creates further problems related to health, balancing work and household responsibilities, malpractices at work and at risk to increased violence and sexual harassment.

Women mine workers live a life of invisibility. There number is relatively small; they lay invisible, most mine workers denying their contribution, working without any facilities and rights, toiling day and night to earn some income for support of their families.

The study does not seek to isolate their personal lives from professional one. Instead it seeks to establish patterns, pressures and the undercurrents in one which undoubtedly affects the other.

It seeks to study the status of women mine workers within mines, their needs and problems, goals and aspirations and finally to recommend some practical suggestions to bring about change in existing system of things.

Through techniques of questionnaire, in depth face to face interview, group discussions and careful observation, a detailed study of their lives was done, where each thread has been analyzed individually as well as in interaction with others.

FINDINGS:

This study makes a significant contribution by being holistic in nature, viewing life aspect with relation to existing theories and legislations and pointing at various stakeholders.

This study is based on problems of women mine workers, most of them being tribal women, who work in the mines of Udaipur and Bhilwara district of Rajasthan. Most women are in age groups of 15 to 25, their early reproductive age. They work under pressures of poverty, illiteracy and ignorance. Their lives are burned with scorching heat

SOCIETY FOR ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT 53 REPORT “STATUS OF WOMEN MINE WORKERS IN UDAIPUR & BHILWARA DISTRICT” of afternoon sun, turned deaf by mining din and revolving in a whirlpool of dust. What is more striking is that these women have given up much hope of rescue and learned to live with the harsh realities. There is little hope and help available from any quarters of the civilized world.

Most of them did not even know what rights are they entitled to, the levels of minimum wage, employees facilities and provisions, legal protection and so on….

For them, they say ignorance is bliss, because although they have rights, they have no means of wrestling them and so, knowledge without power to ensure its application would only create more conflict and frustration within. So, they consider themselves lucky if their employers lend them advance money in case of need or injury.

They are epitome of Indian women, of silence, self sacrifice and solitude. They work shoulder to shoulder with their men yet, never claim equality. They work without minimum wages, without holidays, workmen’s compensation or without insurance. And yet, are loyal to their work and master.

They have no idea of the value or the hazard of work they are in. They do not know that the dust in mines may fill their lungs and suck life out of them. And even if they are told, it does not make much difference. They live for present moment. Present for them is too precious to think of future. They know what they need. But to voice it is not in their nature. Neither did it matter to anyone even if they did.

There is a thick veil of culture, poverty, values and femininity that keeps them away from their rights. Yet, it’s their courage that keeps them breathing in that thick veil. Some may see it as a weakness not to shrug off that veil. Virtues of strength and weakness too are culturally determined. The only connection of women working in mines is of daily wage. There are no larger needs to be fulfilled, no career opportunities or aims, no sense of self reliance and individuality and no larger meaning added to life. Living is a routine and a duty because one is born.

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Only some of these women have received education up till primary level. None of them are technically qualified to work in mines. Their health needs too are ignored- first by themselves and then by others. They give few visits to PHC, most complain of headache, joint pain or feeling of weakness.

Mining is a masculine industry. There are many manifestations of violence in it. There is harassment by fellow mine workers, contractors and mine owners taking benefit of dependent women, exploration inherent in non availability of vital facilities and virtues made out of silent suffering and sacrifice.

Mines have invaded their land and culture, affected their environment negatively and caused uncertainty in agriculture. In this context and increasing population pressure on land, tribal society has in desperation fallen back on mines for employment and money. This has encouraged further opening of mines with ready availability of cheap labour and caused perpetuation of a cycle in which women are the worst victim at every stage.

Women in mining suffer not one but triple social disabilities – of poverty, tribal background and ultimately being women. These three are superimposed by illiteracy, ignorance and ill health. Women accept all a given in their destiny and little effort is done to better the flow of events.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY:

The research area of Udaipur and Bhilwara are both inaccessible tribal belts, far interiors with problems of lack of proper roads, transportation and communication. The mine holders were apprehensive and did not allow their labour to talk in confidentiality or for a longer while to the research team.

Similarly, the respondents were apprehensive too about strangers coming and seeking their life details. Their experience with the modern world has taught them not to trust us.

Due to cultural notions of private and public, women guarded the issues, especially of violence and sexual harassment with great secrecy. Many a times they blatantly denied its existence.

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RECOMMENDATIONS:

Recommendations are the best when they come from people they are meant for. In questionnaire we asked women what they wanted to improve their professional life conditions.

Their responses are given in the table below:

Recommendation by respondents Number of respondents* Follow government rules 03 Plant trees in mining ground for shade 25 Provide better work environment 35 Organize Health camps 27 Provide Maternity leave 21 Enhance Education Opportunities 21 De addiction camps 17 Ensure minimum wages 23 Grant Paid leave on illness and festivals 14 Construct toilets in mines 13 Provide crèche facilities 11 Provide safety aid implements 21 Compensation in case of injury/accident 17 Transport facility 06 Overtime wages 02 Family welfare and planning facility 23 Group insurance 10 * Some respondents have given more than one recommendation.

The following are the recommendations that came out as plausible solution from the study:

RECOMMENDATIONS RELATED TO SOCIAL- CULTURAL CAHNGE:

 Work at grass root levels to bring about social reform to alleviate the social status of women and create a gender just society. This can happen through sensitization programs, workshops and facilitating a gradual change in value system.

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 Bring about a change in social norms and customs which encourage alcoholism or addiction among men as well as women. Establishment of de addiction centers and promotion of Health Education can bring about desired change.

 There is a need to programs on family welfare. It must include Birth control measures, targeting men and women equally, as well as RTI/ STDs etc.

RECOMMENDATIONS RELATED TO FACILITIES GIVEN IN MINES

 It must be ensured that the records of women employees should be properly maintained and updated. This will ensure them the rights organized of sector like, provident funds, workmen’s compensation and other social security benefits.

 Many mines provide a daily wage much below the minimum wage level. Especially the work of women is underestimated, considered as unskilled and peripheral. Thus, minimum wages must be ensured and made available to women mine workers.

 Provide support from employment and workers organizations - with rise of neoliberalism, trade unions are on decline. With employment on contract basis, employees are forbidden to form any unions which give management an upper hand. Also, in the informal sector, with no organized set up to address labour issues addressing such problems can be a challenge.

 Women mine workers should be provided toilet, drinking water, tin shade for rest etc. facilities on the mining ground. Although legal provision for it does exist, for lack of effective government checks, they fall short of reality.

 As almost all women workers bring their small children with them at workplace providing facilities for crèche is utmost important.

 Safety aids and implements like helmet, gloves, ear plugs, shoes and masks must be provided. Again, the legal provision does exit but it needs to transcend into

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reality. During the research, we came across many mine owners who said that the uses of such aids were hindrance to efficiency and causes discomfort to workers, not being in their habits. However, this was never tried only discerned from naïve logic. Women should also be provided all this because though she is usually not engaged in core mining activity, she is subject to same working environment and its hazards.

RECOMMENDATIONS RELATED TO ENVIRONMENT

 Proper implementation of environmental laws in mining, water preservation and utilization of displaced top soil.

 Mine owners should also dispose off wastes in such a manner, that it does not affect air, land and water bodies.

 It must be ensured that mine owners – plant trees in proportion to one-third of their mining area. This will reduce health hazards and drudgery of household work among women.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR STATE/ LOCAL ADMINISTRTION

 Provide effective Health facilities. Health check up of all women working in mines must be made compulsory on regular intervals of time. They must be educated about health, hygiene and nutrition which will impact the health of entire family and not just a person.

 Educational facilities for young girls, especially vocational education must be provided for future employment. Special Adult education classes can be held for mining women so that they may know against what name and what amount are they signing in the register. This will defend them against much exploitation.

 Strengthen the NGOs working in the area they are closer to people and can help in sustained growth. They already have the benefits of local area knowledge, rapport building and poof of past work done in the area.

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 Building SHGs of women would foster a spirit of collectivity, provide them an experience of formal organization, discipline, self-help and ultimately promote micro enterprise.

 Frequent and purposeful visits by local officials from departments like labour, industry, social welfare, tribal welfare, women & child development to ensure stricter following existing rules/norms.

 Role of government must be enhanced. Stricter measures like – cancellation of mining leases, inspection, rigorous implementation of laws should be undertaken. Nexus between government officials and mine owners need to be broken and replaced with a more purposeful relationship.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR NATIONAL COMMISSION OF WOMEN/ CENTRAL GOVRNMENT

 Campaigns on sexual harassment must be undertaken in the mining area. Women have to be encouraged and motivated to speak up and assert their human rights. Sensitization of men fellow workers in mines is also important.

 Vocational and technical training programs for women so that they have some means of alternative employment and may not necessarily have to fall on mining under economic pressure.

 Formation of task groups for mines with local people with eminence, including women themselves may take the stock of the situation on regular basis, suggest actions and follow up measures for day to day issues.

 Use Media – to spread and sensitize general population, report cases of injustice or highlight occupational death or disease without sensationalizing it. Alternative media, which is almost non existent in this country, needs to be encouraged.

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 Training and awareness building – an essential component and can be promoted with legal backups. In India, there is ‘National safety council of India’ which supports training and awareness building.

 Although the study has successfully identified the problems of women worker in mines, there is need for more research and studies on specific issues like socio- cultural status of tribal women, issues of livelihood and violence and sexual harassment in mines.

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9. REFERENCES

 National Commission of Women; Report on tribal women and employment.

 Nesar Ahmed (2003), Women, mining and displacement- Repot of a pilot study conducted in Jharkhand, Indian Social Institute.

 Strategy for sustainable development of mining sector, National seminar (2001), Social Policy Research Institute, Jaipur

 Government of Rajasthan, Department of Women and Child Development, Women Empowerment Policy

 Raj Bhanti (2002), Perspectives in Tribal Development, Himanshu Publications

 Dr. Shambhulal Doshi & Dr. Narendra N. Vyas (1992), Tribes of Rajasthan, Himanshu Publications

 Zubair Meenai (2005), Empowering Rural Women- An approach to empower women through credit based self help groups, Akbar books publishers

 Ed. S. Sideri & S. Johns, Multinational corporations, state enterprises and international economy, mining for Development in the Third World nations, ISI Hague publishers

 Balaji Pandey (1998), Displaced development- impact of open cast mining on women, Friedrich Ebert Stifling

 N. Sudhekar Rao, Organised power and unorganized resistance- A study in mica mining villages of south India, Aravalli Books International

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