Pictures of National Political Propaganda

Parliamentary Reform and the Construction of a Union in Sweden in the 1860s.

General focus of the PhD thesis

It was even more significant that following the advice of Napoleon, questions of parliamentary reform and Scandinavianism had been connected, because from now on this combination became the leading principle in the politics of Charles XV.1

To re-animate Swedish opinion, which had little interest in Scandinavian thought, parliamentary reform would be necessary. On the waves of that enthusiasm, should it awaken, Carl XV would sail into the port of the Scandinavian union.2

These two questions regarding parliamentary reform and the possibility of a Scandinavian union are the basic political concepts of my research since, as I will argue, they were very much connected to the political ceremonies that were at their height in Sweden in the 1860s. The 1860s in the Scandinavian countries were an eventful period with the union between Sweden and Norway entering into a crisis caused by the Norwegian wish to abolish the Swedish right to appoint a stattholder;3 the discussions around the parliamentary reform and the Scandinavian union reaching its peak in Sweden; and Denmark going to war with Germany for the second time over the duchies Slesvig and Holstein. Furthermore, Finland was also involved in this political turmoil inasmuch as the country was divided politically between the Scandinavians who wanted an approach towards Sweden and the Fennomans who wanted to preserve the Finnish nationality and therefore would rather negotiate with Russia than with Sweden. Thus, into this context, enter the abovementioned political ceremonies and other festivities that were organized mainly by the radical liberals and the local burghers of the time. These were very common all through the century and especially in the 1860s with processions in honour of Garibaldi, festivities to sympathize with the Polish people, festivities on Charles Day (28th February), Poltava Festivals, Union Parties, subscription lists to help the poor Danish soldiers, Reform parties etc. Why did the Swedish people go out on the streets to celebrate and honour an Italian freedom fighter, other foreign political events and Swedish

1 Holmberg, A., Skandinavismen i Sverige vid 1800-talets mitt, 1946, p. 370. 2 Gullberg, E., Tyskland i svensk opinion 1856-1871, 1972, p. 69. 3 That meant that the Norwegian Grundlov permitted the Swedish king to select a Swedish or a Norwegian person as moderator of the Norwegian government. Holmberg, A., Skandinavismen i Sverige, 1946, p. 329. This dissertation by Holmberg treats the progress of Scandinavianism in the 19th century and also describes the nordic political situation in general at that time. war heroes? Was there a secret motive behind all this? Were these simply celebrations of little significance or did they instead have a symbolic value that was relevant to the domestic political scene? What kind of language was used? Was it a way to mobilise public opinion in favour of certain political changes that were needed, and if so who was behind these demonstrations and propaganda festivities? My intention in this thesis is to show that there existed a clear connection in Sweden in the 1860s between the general domestic political situation, i.e. the urge for parliamentary reform and a Scandinavian union, and the organization of political ceremonies and festivities that were constructed, in a symbolic way, around an event or a heroic personality. Since we in Sweden lacked a national or constitutional day, I would argue, that in the 1860s alternative or oppositional ceremonies and festivities were constructed using foreign as well as domestic symbols. The purpose of such symbols (which included Garibaldi, Poland, Charles XII and Engelbrekt) was to express propaganda in favour of parliamentary reform and the Scandinavian union.4 Foreign political affairs became important for the development of Swedish domestic politics. The Swedish opinion used European politics in order to legitimize the struggle for internal changes such as parliamentary reform and a Scandinavian union.5 Thus we notice an important relationship in the 1860s between external and internal political affairs as the first was used to realise the other. However, it should also be pointed out that the need for these two political changes went hand in hand, as constitutional reform was essential in order to maintain the already existing union between Sweden and Norway, and would also have been necessary had an all- Nordic union been created. This is because Norway and Denmark had, in 1814 and 1848 respectively, abolished their undemocratic and absolutist governments in favour of more modern constitutions. Hoping to become the „leading nation“ in any future union, through its monarchic dynasty, Sweden needed to make some domestic changes, in particular the abolition of the four Estates in order to be accepted as an equal by her neighbours. Here a certain difference existed between a general liberal opinion, the moderates, and the more

4 Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson was a mine owner from Dalarna, a province in the north of Sweden, who in the beginning of the 15th century, together with the miners and peasants of Dalarna, rebelled against Erik VIII of Pomerania. Erik VIII was king of Denmark, Norway and Sweden through the Kalmar union and in order to protect the ports of the Baltic sea he was constantly in war with foreign aggressors. Engelbrekt and his miners and peasants were successful in their rebellion and thus Engelbrekt was elected “Guardian of the Realm” at Arboga Diet in 1435, but then Swedish magnates conspired towards him and finally murdered him in 1436. See Scobbie, I., Historical Dictionary of Sweden, London, 1995, p. 62f. 5 In the forthcoming dissertation Representation, Nation and Time. The Political Rhetoric of the 1866 Parliamentary Reorm in Sweden, Jussi Kurunmaki also mentions the importance of foreign political affairs in the Swedish political context in the 1860s. He says „[i] want to argue that arguments of foreign national conflicts, especially in Poland and in Italy, were eagerly introduced in Sweden in order to participate in domestic political struggles. The national liberal campaign for the parliamentary reform in the 1860s is a sign of that.The national liberals in Sweden were a relatively small but, in the context of reform agitation, loud group consisting primarily of publicists.“. See Kurunmaki, J., Representation, Nation and Time, University of Jyvaskyla, 2000, p. 18. fanatic radicals such as August Blanche, August Sohlman, J.J Nordström and Emil v. Qvanten. The moderates were contrary to a Scandinavian union as they believed it to be a dangerous project. Furthermore, they considered reform as a cautious political change that would be enough in order to make Sweden a more democratic nation. The radicals fervently propagated the need for parliamentary reform as a step towards a political union between the Scandinavian countries that would make Scandinavia once again a great military power.6 As will be shown in the empirical material further on, they used a romantic language enriched with military metaphors and allusions to the Swedish past as a great power. The PhD thesis will be divided into two parts, even though these two parts constantly will refer back to each other on different levels in order to emphasize the main focus of the thesis. The first part will be a cultural, or morphological, part where the ceremonies and the language will be analyzed per se in order to find a pattern for the Swedish or Scandinavian ceremonial and festive culture that fits in the wider context of a more general European, or even world wide, revolutionary cultural tradition. This tradition emanated from the revolutions of 1848 and, obviously, from the French Revolution of 1789. This will be done in order to show that Sweden was a peripheral part of a revolutionary cultural tradition that had its breakthrough in Sweden much later than in other European countries. At the same time the European political tradition will be discussed in order to show that bigger European conflicts from 1848 and onwards were decisive for mobilising public opinion in favour of parliamentary reform and Scandinavian union through the organizing of political ceremonies and demonstrations. Here a detailed analysis will be given of the local spaces with specific groups of persons, from different social classes, that were fervent organizers of ceremonies and processions, as a way of describing a periphery. This will then be put in relation to the more central political context. Another function of the linguistic analysis will be to show how certain symbolic constructions around a person or historical event were used in a metaphorical way in order to express certain political messages. The second part of the thesis will be devoted to the political or syntactic context where the political situation in Sweden will be analyzed and then compared with the contemporary

6 August Sohlman was the editor of Aftonbladet in the 1860s, J.J Nordström was director-general of the central board of national antiquities and was also, as was Emil v. Qvanten, from the Swedish-speaking part of Finland and thus in favour of reuniting Finland with Sweden. August Blanche was a liberal journalist from Stockholm and the editor of Ny Illustrerad Tidning in the 1860s. He was a member of the Burghers Estate in the Swedish Riksdag and there he sustained the Bill on the Italian question in 1859. As his admiration of Garibaldi almost turned into a cult he also sympathized with very radical political groups, but that ended in 1864 during his visit in Italy when he discovered to have more in common with the patriarchal liberalism of Dolfi than with Mazzini. According to Eimer, he deep down was a supporter of the Swedish monarchic tradition, even though he was fairly radical for a while. See Eimer, 1978, p. 202. situation in Norway and Denmark. Political turmoils in Scandinavia during my period of analysis will also be put in relation to the general situation in Europe. Here I will try and show how the Swedish struggle for parliamentary reform was connected to the project of a Scandinavian union. This project can itself be considered to have been a national project in the sense that the radical nationalists, who took the Italian unification process as a model, saw before themselves the construction of a future Scandinavian nation. Thus, they did not see any contradiction between nationalism and the union project.7 Another part of the political contextualization will be a case study where the Garibaldi ceremonies in Sweden will be taken as an example of how foreign political affairs were used by the Swedish public opinion in order to legitimize the need of internal political reforms. The Garibaldi propaganda movement in Sweden will be compared with that in England in order to show that it was part of a European pattern to, symbolically, use heroic „freedom fighters“ such as Garibaldi in a domestic political context. I will also put the Garibaldi case in relation to the use of more domestic heroic personalities such as Engelbrekt and Charles XII in order to show that they also were part of this pattern, one could say a kind of chain reaction in the 1860s. Both past and more contemporary events and heroic personalities acquired a strong symbolic value that would fit the political messages one wanted to express in order to arouse public opinion. As already mentioned above, the morphological pattern and the political context will be analysed and discussed side by side through the thesis in order to show that there existed a close relationship between them that was important for the success of the liberal political propaganda. The organising of ceremonies around a certain symbolic event or person, at the local level, became important for the development of the political situation at a more central level. This will show that the people was able to play an important role in politics by expressing their opinion from a cultural point of view. In this way it was possible to use revolutionary and romantic language in a more direct way without having to ressort to violent action.

One of the main ideas of my thesis is that foreign political affairs were important for the development of Swedish domestic politics in my period of analysis. The Swedish opinion 7 Stearns, Peter. N., The Revolutions of 1848, 1974, p. 47f. Stearns discusses the ideological terms of the liberals, the radicals and the nationalists. He says that liberals wanted a representative government, freedom of thought, speech and publication, a government based on talent, and not on birth, and legal equality. The political radicals also wanted the above-mentioned items but further demanded a republic and greater protection for the working classes. Nationalists tried to work for a national culture defined by language and historical heritage, that would stand above the individual. The liberals, however, believed the right of the individual to be more important than the unity of the nation. Nevertheless, Stearns stresses that their goals were very similar and that they often saw no contradictions between them. used European politics in order to legitimize the struggle for internal changes such as parliamentary reform and a Scandinavian union. This paper will discuss and give examples of how the liberal movement in Sweden used foreign politics to propagate for domestic changes. Firstly, the political situation in Sweden and Scandinavia in the 1860s will be described and, secondly, a short empirical study will be presented in order to give examples, or fragments, of how foreign (but also domestic) events or personalities were used in political ceremonies in Sweden and how this was connected to the realization of parliamentary reform and a Scandinavian union.

Sweden in the 1860s

Parliamentary Reform and Scandinavian union

The struggle for parliamentary reform was the main goal of the national liberal movement during the 1860s in Sweden. The implementation of reform would be a first step towards a future union. Therefore, the liberal and pro-Scandinavian movement used the foreign political conflicts (the Danish-German conflicts, the Crimean war and the Polish uprising, among others) to mobilise public opinion not only in favour of a union and an active war policy, but also to propagate the need of parliamentary reform. I will come back to this in the next section of this chapter. The discussions of modernising the Swedish monarchic constitution had been less frequent in the 1850s, but at the Riksdag of 1859/60 it was re-animated. The Peasants‘ and Burghers‘ Estates then presented a petition to the king regarding the need of reform. Their demands were the abolition of the Estates and common elections. Apart from that, they more or less put their destiny in the hands of the king. Thereafter Prime Minister Louis De Geer started working on a reform proposal that was presented before the Riksdag in 1863. The destiny of the reform was to be decided at the Riksdag two years later, in December 1865. In October 1865 the conservatives in the House of Nobility, that were against the reform proposal, seemed to be in a clear majority but during the next few months things would change. 8 A massive propaganda movement, in favour of the proposal, was started in the press and reform societies were formed all across the country. Reform meetings were organized in

8 Nilsson, Goran.B., Andre Oscar Wallenberg II. Gyllene tider 1856-1866., 1989, p. 275, 279f. order to show that public opinion was in favour of reform. L. J Hierta, the former editor of Aftonbladet, presented a petition in favour of the reform proposal. This petition was signed by 59 000 people from, mainly, the lower classes in society. Furthermore, the King‘s (Charles XV) advisers convinced him to accept the reform proposal. With the support from the king, the government started putting more political pressure on the conservatives in the Nobility Estate in order to change their mind in this question. Furthermore, the more radical liberal groups both criticised the reform proposal and made threats of revolution should the reform proposal not be accepted. In December 1865 all the Estates voted in favour of abolishing their own existence, even though the Nobility and the Priest Estates discussed the proposal for several days before, finally, taking a decision. However, it was not until June 1866 after the conclusion of the last Riksdag with the four Estates, that the new Parliament came into force.9 Although the propaganda movement in favour of reform was very intense during the last months of 1865, efforts hade been made constantly in the 1860s to mobilise public opinion to express the need of parliamentary reform. The next sections of this chapter will show how parliamentary reform and Scandinavian union were the main goals in the propaganda of the liberal, pro-Scandinavian, movement in the 1860s. Even though the idea of a Scandinavian union was a pan-national idea, the Swedish national liberals often thought of the union plans as a way to create a „big“ Sweden.10 Foreign political affairs were used to propagate the need of domestic political reforms. The first of these examples was the bill in favour of Italian unification that was presented in the Burghers‘ Estate. Then followed the Polish uprising and the propaganda movement it evoked and, finally, in 1864 the Danish- German conflict.

Propaganda for parliamentary reform The following examples from the newspaper sources will attempt to show some fragments of how the need of reform was expressed in the Engelbrekt Festival that was held in October 1865. Furthermore, I will give some examples of the celebrations that were organized after the acceptance of the reform proposal on 8th December 1865. On 14th October 1865, a Engelbrekt festival was organized in Örebro, a town situated in the middle of Sweden. This festival had been arranged in order to unveil a statue of Engelbrekt, a statue for which the subscription fund had started already in 1860. The celebrations started at 7 o’clock in the morning with the sounding of reveille and then in the afternoon, the people gathered in front of the town hall in order to march in procession from

9 Nilsson, Goran.B., 1989, pp. 281-282; Carlsson, S-Rosen, J., 1961, p. 341ff. 10 Abrahamsson, AA., Ljus och frihet till naringsfaang, 1990, p. 369. there towards the church where a mass was held for the special occasion.11 Comparing this with the procession of the Garibaldi festival in Helsingborg in 1862 we notice that in Helsingborg the participants belonged mainly to the local associations such as the journeymen corps, the choral society, the music corps and so forth, while we in Örebro notice a clear military dominance in the procession with the participation of the sharpshooting association, military officials and the regiment of Nerike. During the mass, vicar Gumaelius delivered a sermon talking about the significance of this festivity and how Engelbrekt with „power“ and „resolution“ had saved his fatherland from ruin by sacrificing himself for the good of the nation, thus becoming a national hero that the people worshipped and followed to the bitter end.12 Beyond that, the idea of the Kalmar union was described as having threatened the national independence and also the freedom of the peasants and therefore Engelbrekt stepped forward taking the destiny of Sweden in his own hands by „victoriously“ marching through Sweden.13 Therefore, it says, he could rightly be called the „father of Swedish freedom“. Here we see the obvious connection with Garibaldi who was also being described as a hero who sacrificed himself for his fatherland and who was followed by his people’s armies. After the sermon, a cantata was sung from which I will quote some strophes as I think it will show the connection to the general warrior theme of the festivities in that period as a part of the political Scandinavian idea. However, it also have a connection to the people‘s struggle for a parliamentary reform.

O Svea! Fortunate was Your fate, when You had gained a son in him, that had inherited his Mother’s mind! What splendid hope for the future You have, if only his spirit lives on as long as his memory!

After that Engelbrekt in the first strophes is being described as the great warrior that sacrificed himself for the fatherland, for example, by with his arm bringing down „the eagle of violence“, it is here being emphasized his mother-son relationship with Svea.14 The last three lines are, I would say, very important as they argue that if the spirit of Engelbrekt, just as his 11 Fäd., 18/10, 1865. At the head of the procession marched the committee of Örebro sharpshooting association and other members of the association followed by school children from the Carolinska secondary school, the principal and teachers, other inhabitants from Örebro that wanted to participate, representatives from the finance department, the town council and its employees, the mayor, the town administration and its employees, civil and military officials, the body of officers of Nerike regiment, the county governor with officials, the committee for the Engelbrekt statue and at the end specially invited guests to the festivity 12 Fäd., 18/10, 1865. 13 Fäd., 18/10, 1865. memory, would live on in Sweden then there would be great hopes for the future. As Engelbrekt was seen as a great warrior and hero, this splendid future could be considered as a way to express the importance of Sweden becoming a military power again. This would be realized by means of a Scandinavian union where the people, through the sharpshooting corps, would be a strong part of the national defence. But it could also be a line in the propaganda for the need of parliamentary reform since this festivity took place just a month before the final sanction of the reform proposal. In that case, Engelbrekt should be seen as the fighting hero who lead the people towards freedom. This was a symbol to be used in 1865 in order to express the fact that if the reform would not come true, then the people, through the sharpshooting movement, would have to revolt against the undemocratic oppression and force through an abolishion of the old Riksdag.

O king, o people, o fatherland! From fjeld to fjeld, from shore to shore We sing to honour the hero. From day, that became, into day, that is, Svea have not given birth to a son more dear, its heart more near.15

After the mass the procession marched to the central square where the Engelbrekt statue was unveiled by the king, Charles XV, who at the same time exclaimed „Viva the memory of Engelbrekt“.16 On 8th December 1865, the day when the reform proposal was accepted, great celebrations were organized all across the country. Here, I will only give some brief examples. During the festivities in Helsingborg one of the speeches were held by O.P Sturzen-Becker who wanted to give honour to the statesmen that had worked with the king during the last years. He pointed out that the parliamentary reform would have been difficult to obtain on a peaceful way if the ministry had not been benevolent towards the reform proposal and towards the wishes of the people. Thereafter he made a toast to Louis de Geer and his ministers who had helped the king. In connection with this I will also quote a stanza of a poem that was published in this article since it expresses joy and hope for the future. The four Estates are being described as the „last bond“ of the country and therefore the first day of the new constitution will start as a „blissful morning“.

Yes, rejoice proudly, you Swedish man, and freely And shed tears of joy! See, this land you consider yours –

14 Svea, or mother Svea, is the female symbol of the Swedish nation just as Marianne became a symbol of the French Republic after te French Revolution in 1789. 15 Fäd., 18/10, 1865. 16 Fäd., 18/10, 1865. It has got rid of its last bond, And the farewell evening of long memories Turns into blissful morning.17 Next I will show some poems that were published in Ny Illustrerad Tidning, (edited by August Blanche in the 1860s), in connection with the breakthrough of the parliamentary reform. Here I will refer to some stanzas which I think very much expresses the people’s own opinion of the Swedish nation in that period. Also because of the way it alludes to certain concepts of the Swedish past that constantly had been emphasized in those years in order to stress certain beliefs and political needs. The first poem called „To the Swedish noblemen“ was published the 2nd December and thus just before the new Parliament became a reality and here I have chosen the 2nd and the 5th stanza.

From where does the enemy threatens? From the East? Or does he come from the south? Is he let loose again, the son of the steppe. Is the Strait already German? No, you knight! Out there it is calm. But inside threatens a heavy thundercloud. Being charged since long times. And woe, if it spread its lightning!

Here we notice the abundantly used propaganda of the Russian threat in the 1860s, especially by those liberals that urged the need of a politically unified Scandinavia that thus would become a new great power in the North, in order to stand strong against possible attacks from Russia and Germany. However, it is here pointed out that in 1865 these were not the main threats to Sweden but instead the inside fear of an exploding bomb. Here it is described as the outbreak of an enormous thunderstorm, would the four Estates not abolish themselves in favor of the proposal of a new Parliament with two chambers.

Now is no longer only the nobleman an interpreter For the trimming up and care of the nation? By its side has now arisen a people. Which sons compete with his! Now appears the noble family of work And demand its respect, demand its rights To take part in the struggle For freedom, light and peace!18

In the above stanza the importance of the people is being stressed and thus the fact that the nobleman will have to work together with „sons“ from the people, in order to build up a new more democratic society.

17 Ö-P, 12/12, 1865. 18 NYT, 2/12, 1865. The 2nd poem titled „Sweden rejoices“ was published in the number of Ny Illustrerad Tidning that came out after the acceptance of the reform proposal in December 1865 and thus describes the feelings of relief, freedom and hopes for the future.

Now away with envy, discord and rancour, Now stream proudly, you yellowblue flag, And bring our name across the seas! The old wreath of Swedish honour Has regained ist golden lustre, Even though deeply buried in earth. Europe recognize us again, Since centuries of forgetfullness have fled!19

Here again we notice the ideas about the possibility of Sweden becoming a great European power just as it had been some centuries ago. The new Swedish nation born out of the parliamentary reform should walk proudly with its flag in order to make the European countries draw attention to our existence and our importance for the future.

Garibaldi

The Italian Bill

On 14th December 1859, the businessman Gustaf Lallerstedt presented a Bill in the Burgers‘ Estate that was in favour of the Italian liberation- and unification process.20 The Bill was historical inasmuch as it was the first one regarding foreign politics, that had ever been presented in the Riksdag in the 19th century. Apart from the fact that it aroused much attention and joy in Italy, the Bill also marked a turning point in the Swedish debate regarding the implementation of a new parliamentary system. 21 This was because Sweden, by sanctioning the Bill, had taken a clear standpoint in favour of Italy and its desire for both liberation and unification. This move could not fail to affect the relationship with Norway, as Sweden, according to the radical liberals, could no longer prevent Norway from striving for more

19 NYT, 16/12, 1865. 20 Gustaf Lallerstedt was a businessman from Vadstena in Sweden who in the 1850s, was a foreign agent of Oscar I and also Charles XV. He was fluent in Italian and cooperated with the Sardinian diplomatic mission at the Congress in 1856 with the aim of working in favour of the Aaland servitute and Scandinavian questions. Lallerstedt also had close contacts with the Società Nazionale Italiana which probably promoted him, as a member of the Swedish Riksdag, to present the Bill on the Italian question in 1859. See Eimer, B., Cavour and Swedish Politics, Lund, 1978, p. 141. Furthermore, Silvio Furlani mentions the interesting thing that Daziani, a member of the Sub-Alpine Parliament, in 1859 said that there existed a particular relationship between Sweden and Italy (Piemonte). He stated that the Swedes protected the principles of freedom and a Scandinavian nationality in the North, just as Piemonte protected the principles of freedom and Italian nationality in the South. See Furlani, S., La Svezia e l’Unita‘ d’Italia, in Nuova Antologia di Lettere, Arti e Scienze, Roma, 1961, p. 470. 21 Eimer, 1978, p. 140. independence inside the union since it had already acknowledged this strive for independence in Italy. Therefore the abolition of the four Estates in favour of a Parliament with two chambers became an even more essential change in order to continue the union with Norway and also in the context of the construction of a broader Scandinavian union. The relationship with Norway was very much debated in this period as there had recently (December 1859) been a union crisis regarding the question of the stattholder office. The Norwegian Storthing wanted to abolish the right of the Swedish king to select a moderator of the Norwegian government and instead have a prime minister that they appointed themselves. King Charles XV was also in favour of abolishing the stattholder office, because he had in mind to demand a revision of the Norwegian constitution that would grant him, as king, „command of a strong union army“.22 However, the king had not expected this decision to be opposed by the hardliners in the Swedish Riksdag. In the end, he was forced by the Swedish government, who threatened to resign if their demands were not met, to take back the promise made to the Norwegian council and Storthing. This was a considerable personal defeat for Charles XV, personally, and for the union. The opposition from the Swedish Riksdag started with a motion presented by Carl Henrik Anckarsvärd in the House of Nobility, that called upon a revision of the union treaty in order to make it more satisfactory for both Sweden and Norway. Then the leaders of the Riksdag started to think that the abolition of the stattholder office was a „proof of undue provincialism and ill will toward the union“ and they were also afraid of the fact that Charles XV had gained contacts and friends in Norway that could shift the balance of power away from Sweden and towards Norway. Hence the stattholder office remained, as the ministers of the cabinet now also turned towards the hardliners‘ side, and was not abolished until 1873.23 The Lallerstedt Bill shifted public opinion in Sweden which was now strongly in favour of Italian unification and national liberals such as August Blanche promoted the foundation of the Garibaldi Fund in May 1860. This kind of fund-raising, mainly through subscription lists, had already been done in England after a general request from Garibaldi with his spedizione dei mille near at hand. The influences from Italy and its unification, which in these years was seen as a model for how to realize the Scandinavian union, also gave rise to the foundation of the voluntary sharpshooting movement in 1860. 24 What happened next in Sweden was that the various battles that were fought on the Italian peninsula, as well as other

22 Jorgensen, Th., Norway’s Relation to Scandinavian Unionism 1815-1871, Northfield, 1935, p.268.; Carlsson, S – Rosén, J., Svensk historia 2: Tiden efter 1718, 1961, p. 327f. 23 Jorgensen, Th., 1935, p. 270f. The hardliners, mostly conservatives, in the Swedish Riksdag were those in favour of a strong, Swedish nation to which Norway should be subordinated. Therefore they did not want to grant Norway any further privileges. 24 Eimer, 1978, p. 184; Carlsson, S., 1961, p. 327f. political actions made by Cavour or Garibaldi, gave rise to a series of grand ceremonies all across Sweden. Thus the turning point in the Swedish political debate that occurred when the Bill on the Italian question was passed also seems to have been the starting point of a general eagerness to organize political ceremonies and demonstrations all across the country. The movement was particularly intense during subsequent years, i.e, more or less until the sanction of the proposal for a parliamentary reform in 1865. In these five years political ceremonies and demonstrations were a frequent phenomenon all around Sweden. It was predominantly an urban phenomenon even though in the countryside cultural events were also organised to express political sentiment on events both at home and abroad. Apart from the Garibaldi movement that was at its height in 1860-1862, we can also notice a Magnus Stenbock festival in 1860, Poltava festivals in order to support Poland in 1862, Charles Day celebrations and political meetings for Poland in 1863, celebrations for the 50th anniversary of the union between Sweden and Norway in 1864 and an Engelbrekt festival and the Reform parties in 1865.

Garibaldi in the sources The construction of Garibaldi as a symbol of heroic deeds that could be used also in a Swedish political context, i.e, in the ongoing propaganda for parliamentary reform and Scandinavian union in the 1860s, will be shown in some brief examples here. The examples will only be fragments of the major study, but I will try and show how Garibaldi and Italy were transferred to a Swedish political and ceremonial context in the 1860s. On the 31st of May 1860, after La spedizione dei mille, the editors of Aftonbladet had inserted a special call for a general “(s)ubscription fund for Garibaldi and Sicily” which then was followed by many other newspapers all across the country, as well in the city as on the countryside. These general calls for subscription funds argued that it now was the Swedish peoples’ turn to help and “assist Garibaldi and his fighters in their noble and glorious struggle for the Sicilians, our brothers both through the ties of blood and of liberty.”.25 The lists with the people giving money, or sometimes also guns, to the fund was published regularly in Aftonbladet. Furthermore, meetings or soirees were organized across the country with the aim to raise money for the Garibaldi fund. In Gothenburg a musical evening was thus held in June

25 Fad., 2/6, 1860. Fäd. started being published in Stockholm in November 1863, but it had already been published in Copenhagen and in Lund since 1852. Its editor was Nils Rudolf Munch af Rosenschold who, according to Aake Abrahamsson, was considered as the “greatest rabid radical of the time”. The newspaper was directed mainly to the workers, but also to the craftsmen. Abrahamsson, Aa., Ljus och frihet till naringsfang, 1990, p. 145. 1860: The evening started with a choir singing various pieces like for example „Hear us Svea“, a group of actors were performing two comedies and a ballet and different poems were read that had been written especially for the evening. The poem “Song to Sicily” was one of these, from which I will quote the last stanza as it very much describes the intentions and aims with the Garibaldi Fund. O daughter of the North, you, who have gained A better destiny in your daily life, Up, excite the minds of the men! And raise a prayer to the sky For the South, for the fairy island In the waves of the Meditteranean sea!26

The evening ended with the choir singing “Under the banner of Svea” (Under Svea banér) and further the article says that it was almost sold out and that the arrangement thus had fulfilled its purpose, i.e, to show the deep sympathy with Garibaldi and his struggle for freedom in the south of Italy.27 The main reason for organising this musical evening was that the free people in the Scandinavian countries would give their moral as well as economic support to the repressed Sicilian people. This would help them gain their liberty from Bourbon despotism. However, Sweden was also to gain something by Garibaldi and his armies that were fighting for the Italian freedom, i.e, Garibaldi and Italy were to become convenient models to use in the domestic political propaganda for parliamentary reform in Sweden. The Swedish people was free in the sense that they were not oppressed by any despotic ruler, but they still had to gain parliamentary freedom. We can also notice a rather Swedish nationalist touch if we look upon the fact that the choir was singing „Hear us Svea“ and „Under the banner of Svea“. Was it only a general trend to sing these songs or was there a broader thought behind such as emphasizing the greatness and strength of Sweden in the possible construction of a Scandinavian union? Another example of how Garibaldi and Italy were put into a Swedish political and festive context was the Garibaldi Festival that was organized in Helsingborg in the south of Sweden in October 1862. This festival was organized in order to honour Garibaldi after his injury in the battle of Aspromonte. On the 5th October the participants gathered in front of the town hall at noon where they lined up in a procession according to the program that had been published in Öresundsposten two days before.28 The apprentices, by Nyare 26 GHT, 21/6, 1860. 27 GHT, 21/6, 1860. 28 The program in Öresundsposten was signed by all the the initiators of the festivity and among them the persons that will be further presented here. E.M Sylvander had originally been a journeyman working with silk fabrics in Borgaa, in Finland, but after the arrival to Helsingborg he was promoted to dyer and became established as such in 1838. C.E Hedström was a book-keeper and shopkeeper. He was foreman in the Fire Corps, corporal in the home defence, a singer and engaged in the local sharpshooter association. S.H Hafström Helsingborgsposten called “lärgossekaren”, marched at the head followed by the journeymen corps, the music corps, the choir society, the festival committee, the voluntary fire corps and the bourgeoisie and other participants.29 Furthermore, a bust of Garibaldi was being carried around in the procession and surrounded by a guard of honour, thus being the symbol of the whole procession. In France and Argentina revolutionary ceremonies often seem to have been organized around a national trophy or banner as the fatherland (la patrie) often identified itself with the war which symbols often were different kind of trophies. 30 The bust of Garibaldi thus could have been symbolizing the fatherland (Italy) he was fighting for as well as the fatherland of the participants in the procession, that is Sweden. Furthermore, Garibaldi was the great Italian hero who with his people’s army fought for the nation‘s liberation from old despotic regimes. Thus, he could be taken as a role model for the Swedish sharpshooting movement and their work to protect the Swedish fatherland as well as being the voice of the people regarding the demand for a democratic representation. To further describe the procession: the participants were singing and playing „patriotic and liberty songs, alternating with brass music.“ while they were walking through the streets of Helsingborg. When the procession returned to the town hall it gathered, together with the people in general, in front of the platform to listen to Fredrik Borg reading the address to Garibaldi. The festivity ended with cheering, fanfares and the singing of „the French liberty song“.31 That the inhabitants sent an address to Garibaldi and sang the French liberty song shows that they were using certain cultural elements that belonged to a more revolutionary ceremonial tradition, but then I would argue that their use and understanding of, eg. the Marseillaise and also the symbolic significance they gave to this song was completely different from how it was used during the French Revolution in 1789 and the revolutions in 1848.

had received burgership as brewer and shopkeeper in 1836. Later on he also became a bank manager. He was the foreman of the town and was in 1862 elected into the town council. P.C Schultz was a shoemaker in Helsingborg and became established as such in 1839. He was the initiator of the town library and in 1862 he became its librarian. See further H.H, VI:I, 1979, pp. 344, 434 and 427-428. 29 Ö-P, resp. N.H-P, 6/10, 1862. However, Nyare Helsingborgsposten did not agree upon this marching order as they reported it thus that after the journeymen corps marched the choir society, the fire corps and the bourgeoisie and in between these corps went representatives of the festival committee. The word „largossekaaren“ means a group of young apprentices. 30 See further Verdo, 1996, p. 425 and Hunt, 1984. 31 Ö-P, 6/10, 1862. Poland

The Polish Propaganda Movement

After the Garibaldian movement there followed, in 1862, a propaganda movement in favour of Poland after its defeated uprisings against Russia.The sympathies for Poland that were aroused among Swedish public opinion are similar to those aroused by the Italian question inasmuch as they too gave rise to a series of ceremonies and demonstrations. Support was expressed for Poland and a Bill was presented in the Riksdag in 1863 where Polish agents came and asked for Swedish military support in case a war with Russia should break out.32 These Polish agents were sent to Sweden from Hotel Lambert in Paris33 after a meeting between Gustaf Lallerstedt and Wladyslaw Czartoryski, the son of prince Adam, in 1861.34 The first agent was the conservative colonel Zygmont Jordan who in 1862, with the help of Lallerstedt and the newspapers in Stockholm, influenzed public opinion in Sweden to organize ceremonies that would honour the memory of the battle of Poltava in 1709.35 It was due to help from the Scandinavian group in Stockholm, consisting mainly of radical national liberals such as Lallerstedt, Blanche and von Qvanten, that the Polish agents were successful with their pro-Polish propaganda. This because the Swedish radicals could use it for their own aims towards a Scandinavian union.36 Also other liberal and conservative groups that shared pro-Polish sentiments acted mostly out of national interest as they were hoping firstly for a less powerful Russia by supporting a Polish independence, and secondly for Finland to be liberated from Russia and enter the future Scandinavian union.37 On 9th July 1862 the Poltava festivals were thus celebrated all across the country although the festival in Stockholm could be considered as the most important one. It should

32 The Polish Bill was presented on 14th March 1863 in the House of Nobility and the Burghers Estates. It had been prepared mainly by Lallerstedt and Tersmeden and the aim was that the Swedish government and the other states that had signed the treaty of Vienna in 1815 should demand Polish independence from Russia. The Bill drew much attention and caused a lively discussion in the House of Nobility and the Burgers Estate with the result that it was remitted to the General Appeal- and Economical Committee (Allmänna Besvärs- och Ekonomiutskottet). See Postén, 1982, p. 115. 33 Hotel Lambert was the name of the political group that gathered around the conservative prince A.J Czartoryski in Paris. The group consisted of conservative publicists, military officers and politicians that wanted to work for a free Poland. They premised their hope on the attainment of diplomatic help from the great powers that would result in a European war. See, Postén, L., De polska emigranternas agentverksamhet i Sverige 1862- 1863, 1982, p. 37-38. 34 Postén, 1982, p. 40. 35 The battle at Poltava in 1709 was one in a long line of battles in the war that started in 1700 when Denmark, Saxony and Russia formed an alliance to regain the lands they had lost to Sweden in the 17th century. Charles XII occupied Poltava in order to force Tsar Peter into battle, but Charles XII was wounded and defeated and had to escape with his army into Bender in Turkey. See Scobbie, 1995, p. 107. 36 Postén, 1982, p. 233f. 37 Postén, 1982, p. 231. also be pointed out that the king, Charles XV, had a personal interest in the support he gave to the Polish propaganda movement as he was an ardent spokesman for a Scandinavian union and as such nurtured romantic ideas of a Scandinavia (led by himself) that would be an important military power again. This was what the „Carlar“ of the Wasa dynasty had done so succesfully in the 17th and 18th centuries, the era when Sweden was a great power. One of his dreams was to go to war against Russia and come back victorious and thereby strengthen his own position both in Scandinavia and in the rest of Europe. Thus the Polish question was a great opportunity for the radical liberals to use for anti-Russian propaganda: because Poland wanted Sweden, together with the great European powers, to give support in case of a liberation war against Russia. Here it should also be mentioned that Charles XV saw Italy and its unification through Piedmont and Victor Emanuel as a model for how Scandinavia could be unified through Sweden. These were dangerous political ideas in a period when the Polish insurrection against Russia and the Danish German war were going on close to the Scandinavian borders and Sweden was very close to getting involved in both of the conflicts. Thus, it can be said that the Italian and Polish questions and the public opinion they mobilised were very much alike. Both led to the organization of ceremonies and demonstrations in general and in both cases it was a certain group of radical liberals across the country (for example A. Blanche, G. Lallerstedt, E. von Qvanten, A. Sohlman, F.T Borg and O.P Stürzenbecker) that were the central figures in spreading information and propaganda for the two causes. In both cases this propaganda led to the presentation of a bill in the Riksdag. The two bills met with a differing response, however, since the bill for the Italian independence was received in a very positive way by more or less all the Estates, while the bill for military support to Poland was more delicate and therefore led to a more controversial debate. Here Sweden also had to consider other factors such as the danger of disturbing the good diplomatic relationship with Russia and how trustworthy the promises from the other western powers would be. Another important factor to bear in mind is that in both these cases foreign political issues were at stake that seem to have been good occasions for the Swedish radical liberals to exploit in order to bring into public debate issues related to more national political aims, such as a Scandinavian union and parliamentary reform, whilst at the same time ostensibly promoting a good cause.

Examples of Poltava festivals On 9th July 1862, there was organized a big Poltava festivity at the Cirkus (a theater) in Stockholm. This Poltava ceremony, as has been mentioned above, was organized mainly due to influence from the Polish agents who had come to Sweden that year in order to propagate and rouse public opinion in favour of Swedish support to Poland the event of a liberation war against Russia. The Swedish intention with the festival was, however, rather to express the old anti-russian feelings in the country. Russia was described as the great undemocratic and oppressive country in the east, while the image and the memory of king Charles XII was used to show that even though he was defeated at Poltava in 1709, he still remained a great hero since Sweden continued to be a free country. Here, again, I would argue that the eagerness to describe Russia as the great enemy and to more or less sanctify the heroic deeds of Charles XII could be seen as a way of propagating a more aggressive, military Scandinavian union. Thus, the fact that Poland since a long time had been oppressed by Russia fitted well with the message that the Swedish radicals, such as August Blanche, August Sohlman, J.J Nordström and Emil v. Qvanten, wanted to spread in order to arouse public opinion in favour of declaring war against Russia. The fact that some ardent Finnish radicals, such as J.J Nordström and Emil von Qvanten who were living in Stockholm, were among the central figures of this pro-Polish propaganda could be a clear sign that a war with Russia also was expected to free Finland from Russian domination and reunite it with Sweden. I shall first give a general description of Charles XII taken from Ny Illustrerad Tidning that was edited by August Blanche. The following poem emphasizes the greatness of the king, and he is presented as a great personality that lead a whole country and its people:

He was a man and that was enough, We will no more see his equal!38

After this description of the great Swedish warrior king I will continue with some examples from the Poltava ceremony at the Cirkus in Stockholm. The festivity in the evening of the 9th July started with the music corps playing “Yield you fugitive memories of time” (Viken tidens flyktiga minnen), a musical piece that was played at most of the Poltava celebrations around the country. Other pieces that were played by the music corps during the evening were, for example, “the march of Björneborg” (Björneborgarnas marsch), “Hail to thee, you high north” (Hell dig, du höga nord) and “King Charles, the young hero” (Kung Carl, den unga hjälte). Therein we notice a general national romantic theme where the North with one of its glorious heroes, Charles XII, (also through the music) was being described as destined to great deeds.

38 N.Y.T, 2/8, 1862. During the evening many speeches were held by various prominent persons. However, I will here only refer to some interesting parts in the speeches held by J.J Nordström (the director-general of the central board of the Swedish national antiquities), August Sohlman (the editor of Aftonbladet) and Sir P.R Tersmeden. J.J Nordström emphasized the importance of commemorating and honouring these brave men. Because even though Sweden lost much in the defeat at Poltava, “what we, thanks to them, have kept is much more – our ancestors faith, the sacredness of our laws, our nationality, our[...] freedom.”39 Furthermore, it was pointed out clearly that Russia was our natural enemy in the days of the great power, partly, because their motto was “(t)o the Baltic sea” and thus Sweden’s motto had to be “(n)ot to the Baltic sea”. 40 Continuing, Nordström states that the battle of Poltava could be considered as a day of misfortune, not just for Sweden, but for the whole of Europe when one was then looking back at the political events that had followed Poltava. Here he probably was thinking of Poland and their different partitions during the 18th century when Russia and the Habsburg Empire splitted it between them. Then he ended the speech with talking about Charles XII as the great and noble warrior who was loved and respected by his heroic soldiers and by the whole Swedish people. Therefore he hoped that the warrior king would be remembered as such also in the future through the statue that was to be raised to his memory. August Sohlman read the poem “To the Fatherland” in his speech and I will here quote one stanza, where the importance of the period when Sweden was still a great power is emphasized.

Fatherland! The land of great deeds! Mother for the fighters and jarls of the sagas Mother for Sturar, Gustafver and Carlar! Feel what you once were; Still you have Strengths for dawning days in the future. 41

Noticeable here is the last three lines that says that we should remember the strength and power we once had as it may be needed in the future. The reason for organizing this festival was very much due to the influence of the Polish agents and of some radical liberals in Stockholm such as J.J Nordström, E. von Qvanten, August Blanche and August Sohlman. Therefore it could be assumed that poems like this one hoped to convince the people at the festival of the importance of giving support to Poland in their struggle against Russia.

39 AB, 10/7, 1862. 40 AB, 10/7, 1862. 41 AB, 10/7, 1862. This poem was written by doctor Herman Sätherberg. P.R Tersmeden, at his turn, mentioned that we have a monarchical family that is loved by the people, we have an ancient people’s freedom “even though still limited by a good deal that is strange to its nature and have a checking effect on its development.” 42 Tersmeden further said that, even though Sweden lies a bit distant from the center of Europe, the other European countries have not forgotten our past greatness and that they still look at us with interest regarding future developments. Here Tersmeden mentioned the coming resolution of the proposal for a new democratic representation, and the great thought regarding a Scandinavian union that would bring a prosperous future to all the nordic countries. Here, I would argue, it becomes quite clear how the wishes for a reform and a union lay as a symbolic motive behind the organization of this festival. This even though the official reason was to express a support to Poland after that they had failed with their uprising against Russia. Finally, I refer to the last part of the festival, that according to Ny Illustrerad Tidning, should have been the highlight of the evening as August Sohlman made his speech dressed up in his uniform as commander of the 9th company of Stockholms sharpshooting corps. The article says that Sohlman emphasized Charles XII:s importance as a national hero. Furthermore, he got tears in his eyes when thinking of “this august Swedish figure raising himself in all his splendid simplicity, alone with his sword and his bible, with his pure morality, his sincere godliness, when I see this courage, this calmness, this never-failing strength of mind during the most severe misfortunes, when I see this heroic personality, that could not give in, only fall.”43 This performance by August Sohlman as a commander of the sharpshooting corps while making his speech could be taken as an example of how he here acted in a symbolic way. He probably wanted to express the need of a voluntary national defense that should be ready to defend its fatherland in case of an attack from the great enemy in the east. The festivity ended with the singing of the national anthem (folksangen) and afterwards the music corps continued to play various pieces from the balcony of the Cirkus until around 10 o’clock in the evening. 44

Denmark

The Danish Question

42 AB, 10/7, 1862. 43 N.Y.T, 2/8, 1862. 44 AB, 10/7, 1862. Let us now finally turn our focus towards Denmark, where in the beginning of 1863 the government, by means of the March patent, declared that Slesvig was to be incorporated while Holstein could receive a certain degree of independence. From these arrangements the Swedish pro-Scandinavians also saw before themselves the possible future shape of a „dynastic federation“. However, the German Confederation reacted immediately and threatened to declare war if the patent was not withdrawn within six weeks. It was in this period that Charles XV and the Danish king, Fredrik VII, had their meeting at Skodsborg where the Swedish king promised military support in order to defend the Danish border at Ejder.45 The Swedish cabinet of ministers, especially J.A Gripenstedt and Louis De Geer, were very much opposed to this military alliance with Denmark and thus they decided, at a meeting in Ulriksdal in September 1863, that Sweden would not intervene in the Danish- German conflict unless they had the support from France or Great Britain. Although this was unlikely to happen, Denmark still felt very optimistic about Swedish military support.46 At the end of 1863 Germany occupied Holstein and in 1864 it also crossed the Ejder line. After this a peace was declared in Vienna that forced Denmark to give up Slesvig, Holstein and Lauenburg to Prussia and Austria. Previous research has described Swedish foreign politics of Charles XV and his minister in Copenhagen in these years as fantastical and without a concrete base. A common explanation of why Sweden did not form a military alliance with Denmark has been that the government thought it would have delayed the possibilities of parliamentary reform. The government therefore would have put domestic reforms ahead of foreign political affairs.47 Furthermore, a Scandinavian union, as Charles XV and the group of ardent radicals in Stockholm wished, could have forced Sweden into wars with great powers such as Prussia and Russia.48 Also the military elite in Sweden was very critical towards an active intervention in the Danish-German war. The military officers accused the Scandinavian liberal movement of

45 Skodsborg was a royal castle situated at Själland. 46 Ulriksdal is a royal castle outside Stockholm. J.A Gripenstedt was the minister of finance and Louis De Geer was prime minister in that period. Here it should also be mentioned that the Swedish military defence was in a precarious condition and in the end it became obvious that Sweden could hardly defend its own borders. Thus it would not be able to send 20 000 men, as the king had promised, to Denmark. This was another reason why the Swedish government said no to the royal plans of a military alliance with Denmark. See Lundh, H.L., 1951, p. 57. 47 Hellstenius, M., 2000, p. 143f. 48 Carlsson,S., 1961, p. 329f.;Eimer, 1978, p. 417f.; Furlani, S., „La Svezia, lo Scandinavismo e il Risorgimento Italiano“, 1976, p. 291.; Hallendorff, 1914, p. 132ff.; Holmberg, 1946, p. 370ff.; Postén, 1982, p. 227f. Further it should here be mentioned that according to H.L Lundh, Charles XV did not pursue an open Scandinavian policy aiming towards a union as Oscar I had done, but that Charles XV, however, pursued a policy of a military alliance between Sweden-Norway and Denmark very strongly. Then the question could be asked of whether there was a great difference since the military alliance with Denmark in a sense would become a union relationship. See Lundh, H.L., 1951, p. 54f. spreading dangerous propaganda in favour of an active war policy. They were convinced that the German Confederation would win the war, as the Danish army was in a rather bad shape. Furthermore, the military elite made it clear that it was contrary to a military intervention in the Schleswig-Holstein conflict. The officers argued that Sweden ought to have learned by then that its military status was too weak to be able to enter a war with a great European power. At the same time, the military elite was expressing the need of modernising Swedish warfare in case the real enemy, Russia, would attack.49

Denmark in the sources Regarding the Danish case I will give examples of the discussion that went on in the newspaper articles in connection with the celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the union between Sweden and Norway in 1864.50 There existed no real festivities for the Danish case but rather meetings in order to raise money for the Danish soldiers and their families. (These meetings were often organized by women.) However, I find it more interesting to quote some parts that will help you get a clearer view of public opinion in Sweden towards the German- Danish war and the union. An article in Fäderneslandet of the 9th November 1864, points out that something was missing at the union day since only Sweden and Norway were celebrated even though the festivities should have had a “Scandinavian significance[...], and then poor Denmark should not, in all this joy, have been so totally forgotten as it was this time.” The article also argues that it seemed as if Denmark no longer existed as a third country that was to take part in a future Scandinavian union, but that Sweden and Norway seemed to be satisfied with themselves in their brotherly relation. Here we notice that Fäderneslandet was quite contrary to a more dynastical Scandinavian union and that they wanted a union with Denmark included.51 Regarding the war between Germany and Denmark in those years, Fäderneslandet already the 5th November 1864 said that the war was directed towards the people’s freedom in Denmark. Since Germany was led by the nose by Russia, the latter one was the real enemy. The article further says that the task of Russia is “to trample upon the freedom wherever its sprout shoots up from the ground and to again forge the liberated people in the bonds of despotism and ignorance.” Thus, if Russia and Germany would succeed in their efforts to

49 Hellstenius, M., 2000, p. 169f. 50 The 50th anniversary of the Union Day was celebrated the 4th November 1864, in towns as well as on the countryside in Sweden. 51 Fäderneslandet was the quite rabid radical organ of the lower working classes in Stockholm and its editor in the 1860s was C.G Uggla. However, it also had many readers on the countryside. make Denmark into a vassal state, then Sweden would be next on the list. Hereby the article express the conviction that “we probably already next year will notice how Russian intrigues, Russian gold and perhaps also Russian threats will be spread in order to keep Sweden, for so long the chosen prey, in the straitjacket of the four Estates, that for centuries have curbed our political development, from which our state of humiliation Russia have been benefiting enormously.” We can notice that Fäderneslandet saw a clear connection between Russia, the Danish-German war and the Swedish strive for a democratic reform that would abolish the four Estates in favor of a two chamber parliament. Sweden was further considered to be interesting to these two great powers, as it would be the last obstacle in their struggle to control the Scandinavian peninsula. These thoughts were the main propaganda tools for those political groups, to which side Fäderneslandet belonged, which urged the need of a politically and military united Scandinavia. This future Scandinavian union would then become a new great power and the sharpshooting movement would be an important part of its national defence in case of war. The conservative newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda published a long article some day before the union day regarding the above discussed question of a political Scandinavian union. In this article of the 2nd November 1864, Nya Dagligt Allehanda started by saying that the 4th November should be considered as a day when the Swedish people would have the opportunity and the will to sympathize with a kind of union that would imply a “prosperous future for the united kingdoms, if they apprehend and develop the idea of the union in the same spirit as the founder.” This original idea of the union is explained to have been to unite the countries in order to maintain peace and to not be involved in the wars fought on the continent. However, the article points out that the political Scandinavianism is something completely different and opposed to the idea that was to be celebrated at the 50th anniversary of the union formation. The political Scandinavianism was started by a Danish group of politicians who wanted to save their “fatherland” by taking advantage of the sympathies towards Denmark that existed in Sweden and Norway. Therefore such a political union would have been a negative thing because it would have forced Sweden to, again, take part in the conflicts on the continent. According to Nya Dagligt Allehanda, the “Eiderdanes” still managed to attract people in Sweden to their political idea of a union. These Swedish persons are, however, described as lacking political common sense and therefore they continue to try and realize “their hazy ideas of a political Scandinavianism, or with other words, a political union with Denmark.”52

52 In Denmark there existed since the beginning of the 19th century two different opinions regarding the relationship between Denmark and the two duchies Slesvig and Holstein. The Danish king and his government Nya Dagligt Allehanda regretted that these “shortsighted politicians” had such a “lack of judgement,[...] as opinions like that do not have and never will have many followers among the thinking population of Sweden.” The article continues to attack and criticize the idea of a political union, and says that the persons involved in these ideas are keeping it as a “public secret” within their Nordic National Association. Most members of this association are, however, described as not really interested in the general goal of a political unity with Denmark, but as content just to “participate, hear speeches and cheer”.53 This would then be an accentuation of the opinion that a group of radicals were very keen on organizing festivities and dinners with cheering and speeches, which in the end had only a symbolic but no real political value. The Swedish historian Carl Hallendorff calls these radicals “professional political demonstrants” that had too much of “warm feelings” and “exuberant words” but lacked a great deal of knowledge about the political reality in Europe. According to Hallendorff, the inner group of these radicals in Stockholm were the representatives of the House of Nobility A.C Raab and P.R Tersmeden and further the newspaper editors August Sohlman and August Blanche.54 Nya Dagligt Allehanda further expresses a general doubt of the ideas of the political Scandinavian movement: its general aims did not seem clearly defined, since this movement only had the “hatred towards Russia” and the Kalmar union as a historical base to build upon. Therefore, the article questions whether any of the political Scandinavians would be able to explain more precisely how they wanted to construct their union, i.e, if it should be an offensive or defensive union, a military, diplomatic and economical unity with two different royal families or, perhaps, a dynastic union. Nya Dagligt Allehanda considered most of the alternatives impossible since Scandinavia would not be able to have a military power as strong as the great powers they would meet in case of war. Thus, it emphasizes that “Denmark-Sweden-Norway, is and cannot be a great power.“.55

wanted to continue the union between Denmark and Slesvig-Holstein with a common king, a common defence and foreign politics and so forth. This was called the politics of the „whole state“ (helstaten). However, the young generation of students and politicians in the 1840s were very anti-German and also afraid of German domination. Thus they wanted Denmark to manage to keep at least Slesvig by drawing the new border along the river Ejdern that divided the two duchies. (Ejderpolitiken). See Lundh, H.L., Skandinavismen i Sverige, Stockholm, 1951, p. 29f. 53 NDA, 2/11, 1864. 54 Hallendorff, C., Illusioner och verklighet. Studier öfver den skandinaviska krisen 1864, Stockholm, 1914, p. 127ff. 55 NDA, 2/11, 1864.