Where Oh Where Have the Complementizers Gone?
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Lisa Pearl LING200, Summer Session I, 2004 Syntax – Sentence Structure
Lisa Pearl LING200, Summer Session I, 2004 Syntax – Sentence Structure I. Syntax A. Gives us the ability to say something new with old words. Though you have seen all the words that I’m using in this sentence before, it’s likely you haven’t seen them put together in exactly this way before. But you’re perfectly capable of understanding the sentence, nonetheless. A. Structure: how to put words together. A. Grammatical structure: a way to put words together which is allowed in the language. a. I often paint my nails green or blue. a. *Often green my nails I blue paint or. II. Syntactic Categories A. How to tell which category a word belongs to: look at the type of meaning the word has, the type of affixes which can adjoin to the word, and the environments you find the word in. A. Meaning: tell lexical category from nonlexical category. a. lexical – meaning is fairly easy to paraphrase i. vampire ≈ “night time creature that drinks blood” i. dark ≈ “without much light” i. drink ≈ “ingest a liquid” a. nonlexical – meaning is much harder to pin down i. and ≈ ?? i. the ≈ ?? i. must ≈ ?? a. lexical categories: Noun, Verb, Adjective, Adverb, Preposition i. N: blood, truth, life, beauty (≈ entities, objects) i. V: bleed, tell, live, remain (≈ actions, sensations, states) i. A: gory, truthful, riveting, beautiful (≈ property/attribute of N) 1. gory scene 1. riveting tale i. Adv: sharply, truthfully, loudly, beautifully (≈ property/attribute of V) 1. speak sharply 1. dance beautifully i. P: to, from, inside, around, under (≈ indicates path or position w.r.t N) 1. -
Structural Expectations in Chinese Relative Clause Comprehension
StructuralExpectationsinChineseRelativeClause Comprehension ZhongChen,KyleGrove,andJohnHale CornellUniversity 1. Introduction Relative clauses (RC) are among the most well-studied constructions in the field of psycholinguis- tics. A wide variety of work explores a robust processing asymmetry such that subject relatives (SRs) are easier to process than object relatives (ORs). For example, English shows a subject advantage, as demonstrated by a number of studies involving different measures including: self-paced reading (King & Just, 1991), eye-tracking (Traxler, Morris & Seely, 2002), ERP (King & Kutas, 1995), fMRI (Just, Carpenter, Keller, Eddy & Thulborn, 1996); and PET (Stromswold, Caplan, Alpert & Rauch, 1996). A robust finding in the literature suggests that subject preference seems to be a universal processing phenomenon in RCs. Some pieces of evidence come from Dutch (Frazier, 1987), French (Frauenfelder, Segui & Mehler, 1980), German (Schriefers, Friederici & Kuhn,¨ 1995), Japanese (Miyamoto & Naka- mura, 2003) and Korean (Kwon, Polinsky & Kluender, 2006). In order to account for the universal processing pattern of RCs, several theories are proposed, such as: WORD ORDER (Bever, 1970; MacDonald & Christiansen, 2002), the ACCESSIBILITY HIER- ARCHY (Keenan & Comrie, 1977), EXPERIENCE/FREQUENCY-BASED ACCOUNTS (Mitchell, Cuetos, Corley & Brysbaert, 1995; Hale, 2001), STRUCTURE-BASED APPROACHES (O’Grady, 1997; Hawkins, 2004) and WORKING MEMORY (Gibson, 2000; Lewis & Vasishth, 2005). Chinese RCs are valuable in testing those theories and -
Linguistics an Introduction, SECOND EDITION
Linguistics An Introduction SECOND EDITION ANDREW RADFORD MARTIN ATKINSON DAVID BRITAIN HARALD CLAHSEN and ANDREW SPENCER University of Essex CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521849487 © Andrew Radford, Martin Atkinson, David Britain, Harald Clahsen and Andrew Spencer 2009 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published in print format 2009 ISBN-13 978-0-511-47924-3 eBook (EBL) ISBN-13 978-0-521-84948-7 hardback ISBN-13 978-0-521-61478-8 paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents List of illustrations page x List of tables xii Preface to the second edition xiii A note for course organisers and class teachers xiv Introduction 1 Linguistics 2 Developmental linguistics 6 Psycholinguistics 9 Neurolinguistics 11 Sociolinguistics 14 Exercises 17 Further reading and references 21 Part I Sounds 23 1 Introduction 25 2 Sounds -
Chapter 3 Rethinking Remerge: Merge, Movement and Music Hedde Zeijlstra Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Chapter 3 Rethinking remerge: Merge, movement and music Hedde Zeijlstra Georg-August-Universität Göttingen In an influential paper, Katz & Pesetsky (2011) present the identity thesis for lan- guage and music, stating that “[a]ll formal differences between language and music are a consequence of differences in their fundamental building blocks (arbitrary pairings of sound and meaning in the case of language; pitch classes and pitch- class combinations in the case of music). In all other respects, language and music are identical.” Katz & Pesetsky argue that, just like syntactic structures, musical structures are generated by (binary) Merge, for which they provide a number of ar- guments: for instance, musical structures are endocentric (each instance of Merge in music, just like in language, has a labelling head). They also argue that move- ment phenomena (i.e., the application of Internal Merge) can be attested in both language and music. While fully endorsing the view that musical structures are the result of multiple applications of External (binary) Merge, this paper argues that the arguments in favour of the presence of Internal Merge in music are at best inconclusive and arguably incorrect. This is, however, not taken as an argument against the identity thesis for language and music; rather, I take it to follow from it: the identity thesis for language and music reduces all differences between language and music to its basic building blocks. If the application of Internal Merge in natural language is driven by uninterpretable features (cf. Chomsky 1995; 2001; Bošković 2007; Zeijlstra 2012) that are language-specific and not applicable to music (the rea- son being that only building blocks that are pairings of sound and meaning can be made up of interpretable and uninterpretable features), the direct consequence is that Internal Merge cannot be triggered in music either. -
Polancec, the Invariant Relativizer in Contemporary Non-Standard Croatian
Jurica Polančec (University of Zagreb) The invariant relativizer in contemporary non-standard Croatian In this talk, we will present the invariant relativizer in contemporary Croatian with an empha- sis on non-standard language. We will briefly introduce the Croatian invariant relativizer and its four forms (što, šta, kaj, ča). These four relativizers originate in separate Croatian dialects (što and šta in Štokavian, kaj in Kajkavian, and ča in Čakavian). Regardless of the dialect, the forms are functionally equivalent and have the same source in their respective dialects (the nom/acc case of the what pronoun). In contemporary language, they differ in their sociolinguistic status: only što is standard; što, šta and kaj are used in everyday informal Croatian, which is close to the standard, but fea- tures some non-codified elements and is often influenced by dialects (Langston & Peti-Stantić 2014: 30, cf. van Marle 1997: 13–17). The form kaj is geographically confined to Northern Croatia including the capital Zagreb. We will discuss in some detail the rise of the form kaj from the dialectal status. We will also show that the form što, when used in the standard, is typical of more formal and elaborate registers, in particular the language of literature. As for the other registers of standard Croatian, such as journalistic or scientific, the invariant relativizer often figures as a mere substitute for the relative pronoun (Kordić 1995: 164). Cases in which the invariant rela- tivizer is at the same time a feature of everyday informal language as well as of the rather for- mal written registers of standard language are quite unusual. -
From Merge and Move to Form Dependency*
From Merge and Move to Form Dependency* M. RITA MANZINI 0 Introduction In this article, I shall first briefly present the minimalist framework that emerges from the recent work of Chomsky (1995). As I shall show, a number of classical problems in movement theory, concerning in particular locality in the sense of Manzini (1992), remain open under minimalism. What is more, while the operation Merge can be argued to be necessary on conceptual grounds alone, there is no analogous motivation for the operation Move, but only considerations of language use. I shall then outline a theory which substitutes Chomsky's (1995) movement rule with a rule of Form Dependency. As I shall show, this rule is sufficient to subsume Merge, thus effectively eliminating the Merge-Move dualism. Finally, I shall indicate how the classical problems in locality theory can also be solved within the version of minimalism that I propose. 1 Merge and Move In the minimalist model of Chomsky (1995), each linguistic expression is characterized by two representations, a P(honological) F(orm) representation, interfacing with the articulatory-perceptual system(s) and a L(ogical) F(orm) representation, interfacing with the conceptual-intentional system(s). This represents a clear departure from previous models, even within the principles and parameters framework, which are characterized by at least two additional syntactic representations, namely D(eep)-S(structure) and S(urface)-S(tructure). The minimalist model is obviously preferable on conceptual grounds, since in it linguistic representations are seen to simply match the interfaces between language and other cognitive systems. Furthermore, it is compatible with known empirical evidence and arguably superior in dealing with at least some of it. -
The Complexity of Narrow Syntax : Minimalism, Representational
Erschienen in: Measuring Grammatical Complexity / Frederick J. Newmeyer ... (Hrsg.). - Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2014. - S. 128-147. - ISBN 978-0-19-968530-1 The complexity of narrow syntax: Minimalism, representational economy, and simplest Merge ANDREAS TROTZKE AND JAN-WOUTER ZWART 7.1 Introduction The issue of linguistic complexity has recently received much attention by linguists working within typological-functional frameworks (e.g. Miestamo, Sinnemäki, and Karlsson 2008; Sampson, Gil, and Trudgill 2009). In formal linguistics, the most prominent measure of linguistic complexity is the Chomsky hierarchy of formal languages (Chomsky 1956), including the distinction between a finite-state grammar (FSG) and more complicated types of phrase-structure grammar (PSG). This dis- tinction has played a crucial role in the recent biolinguistic literature on recursive complexity (Sauerland and Trotzke 2011). In this chapter, we consider the question of formal complexity measurement within linguistic minimalism (cf. also Biberauer et al., this volume, chapter 6; Progovac, this volume, chapter 5) and argue that our minimalist approach to complexity of derivations and representations shows simi- larities with that of alternative theoretical perspectives represented in this volume (Culicover, this volume, chapter 8; Jackendoff and Wittenberg, this volume, chapter 4). In particular, we agree that information structure properties should not be encoded in narrow syntax as features triggering movement, suggesting that the relevant information is established at the interfaces. Also, we argue for a minimalist model of grammar in which complexity arises out of the cyclic interaction of subderivations, a model we take to be compatible with Construction Grammar approaches. We claim that this model allows one to revisit the question of the formal complexity of a generative grammar, rephrasing it such that a different answer to the question of formal complexity is forthcoming depending on whether we consider the grammar as a whole, or just narrow syntax. -
BORE ASPECTS OP MODERN GREEK SYLTAX by Athanaaios Kakouriotis a Thesis Submitted Fox 1 the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Of
BORE ASPECTS OP MODERN GREEK SYLTAX by Athanaaios Kakouriotis A thesis submitted fox1 the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of London School of Oriental and African Studies University of London 1979 ProQuest Number: 10731354 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731354 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 II Abstract The present thesis aims to describe some aspects of Mod Greek syntax.It contains an introduction and five chapters. The introduction states the purpose for writing this thesis and points out the fact that it is a data-oriented rather, chan a theory-^oriented work. Chapter one deals with the word order in Mod Greek. The main conclusion drawn from this chapter is that, given the re latively rich system of inflexions of Mod Greek,there is a freedom of word order in this language;an attempt is made to account for this phenomenon in terms of the thematic structure. of the sentence and PSP theory. The second chapter examines the clitics;special attention is paid to clitic objects and some problems concerning their syntactic relations .to the rest of the sentence are pointed out;the chapter ends with the tentative suggestion that cli tics might be taken care of by the morphologichi component of the grammar• Chapter three deals with complementation;this a vast area of study and-for this reason the analysis is confined to 'oti1, 'na* and'pu' complement clauses; Object Raising, Verb Raising and Extraposition are also discussed in this chapter. -
Title Experimental Syntax for Biolinguistics? Author(S) Fujita, Koji
Title Experimental Syntax for Biolinguistics? Author(s) Fujita, Koji Citation (2009) Issue Date 2009-11-15 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/87611 Right c Koji Fujita Type Presentation Textversion publisher Kyoto University Language evolution (and development) Experimental Syntax boils down to the emergence of: for Biolinguistics? Recursive Unbounded Merge Interfaces Lexicon Koji Fujita cf. FLN / FLB dichotomy Kyoto University 1 3 Real-time Grammar (Phillips' theses): Biolinguistics: Human language is "implementation Naturalization, or biologization, of human dependent." language faculty (biosyntax, biosemantics, etc.) Grammar is a real-time structure building system. Design Derivation proceeds mostly from left Development (top) to right (bottom). Evolution C. Phillips & S. Lewis. Derivational order in syntax: Evidence and architectural consequences. 2 4 Grammar = Parser? FLN? Competence TP What a cognitive system could achieve John 3 with unbounded resources T 3 VP FLB? Performance John3 saw3 the girl What it can achieve when it is subject to real-life resource limitations Mismatch between derivations and Phylogeny/ontogeny? C. Phillips & M. Wagers. Relating structure and time in linguistics and psycholinguistics. Oxford Handbook of Psycholinguistics. 5 7 Major Issues: Unbounded Merge "… unbounded Merge is not only a genetically determined property of language, but also unique Mismatch between Theoretical and Psycho-/ to it." Neuro-Linguistics Lack of Comparative Methods "… for both evolution and development, there seems to be little reason to suppose that there were Modularity as an end result of evolution & precursors to unbounded Merge." development - N. Chomsky 6 8 Pirahã: A Language without Recursion? Unbounded, recursive Merge: Competence Cross-linguistic variations: Performance ti gái -sai kó'oi hi kaháp -ií I say-old.info Kó'oi he leave-intention ".. -
Introduction to Transformational Grammar
Introduction to Transformational Grammar Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts at Amherst Fall 2004 Contents Preface iii 1 The Subject Matter 1 1.1 Linguisticsaslearningtheory . 1 1.2 The evidential basis of syntactic theory . 7 2 Phrase Structure 15 2.1 SubstitutionClasses............................. 16 2.2 Phrases .................................... 20 2.3 Xphrases................................... 29 2.4 ArgumentsandModifiers ......................... 41 3 Positioning Arguments 57 3.1 Expletives and the Extended Projection Principle . ..... 58 3.2 Case Theory and ordering complements . 61 3.3 Small Clauses and the Derived Subjects Hypothesis . ... 68 3.4 PROandControlInfinitives . .. .. .. .. .. .. 79 3.5 Evidence for Argument Movement from Quantifier Float . 83 3.6 Towards a typology of infinitive types . 92 3.7 Constraints on Argument Movement and the typology of verbs . 97 4 Verb Movement 105 4.1 The “Classic” Verb Movement account . 106 4.2 Head Movement’s role in “Verb Second” word order . 115 4.3 The Pollockian revolution: exploded IPs . 123 4.4 Features and covert movement . 136 5 Determiner Phrases and Noun Movement 149 5.1 TheDPHypothesis ............................. 151 5.2 NounMovement............................... 155 Contents 6 Complement Structure 179 6.1 Nouns and the θ-rolestheyassign .................... 180 6.2 Double Object constructions and Larsonian shells . 195 6.3 Complement structure and Object Shift . 207 7 Subjects and Complex Predicates 229 7.1 Gettingintotherightposition . 229 7.2 SubjectArguments ............................. 233 7.2.1 ArgumentStructure ........................ 235 7.2.2 The syntactic benefits of ν .................... 245 7.3 The relative positions of µP and νP: Evidence from ‘again’ . 246 7.4 The Minimal Link Condition and Romance causatives . 254 7.5 RemainingProblems ............................ 271 7.5.1 The main verb in English is too high . -
'Undergoer Voice in Borneo: Penan, Punan, Kenyah and Kayan
Undergoer Voice in Borneo Penan, Punan, Kenyah and Kayan languages Antonia SORIENTE University of Naples “L’Orientale” Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology-Jakarta This paper describes the morphosyntactic characteristics of a few languages in Borneo, which belong to the North Borneo phylum. It is a typological sketch of how these languages express undergoer voice. It is based on data from Penan Benalui, Punan Tubu’, Punan Malinau in East Kalimantan Province, and from two Kenyah languages as well as secondary source data from Kayanic languages in East Kalimantan and in Sawarak (Malaysia). Another aim of this paper is to explore how the morphosyntactic features of North Borneo languages might shed light on the linguistic subgrouping of Borneo’s heterogeneous hunter-gatherer groups, broadly referred to as ‘Penan’ in Sarawak and ‘Punan’ in Kalimantan. 1. The North Borneo languages The island of Borneo is home to a great variety of languages and language groups. One of the main groups is the North Borneo phylum that is part of a still larger Greater North Borneo (GNB) subgroup (Blust 2010) that includes all languages of Borneo except the Barito languages of southeast Kalimantan (and Malagasy) (see Table 1). According to Blust (2010), this subgroup includes, in addition to Bornean languages, various languages outside Borneo, namely, Malayo-Chamic, Moken, Rejang, and Sundanese. The languages of this study belong to different subgroups within the North Borneo phylum. They include the North Sarawakan subgroup with (1) languages that are spoken by hunter-gatherers (Penan Benalui (a Western Penan dialect), Punan Tubu’, and Punan Malinau), and (2) languages that are spoken by agriculturalists, that is Òma Lóngh and Lebu’ Kulit Kenyah (belonging respectively to the Upper Pujungan and Wahau Kenyah subgroups in Ethnologue 2009) as well as the Kayan languages Uma’ Pu (Baram Kayan), Busang, Hwang Tring and Long Gleaat (Kayan Bahau). -
BCGL13, 16-18.12.2020 1 the Syntax of Complementizers
BCGL13, 16-18.12.2020 The syntax of complementizers: a revised version Anna Roussou University of Patras ([email protected]) BCGL 13, The syntax and semantics of clausal complementation 16-18.12.2020 [joint work with Rita Manzini] 1. Setting the scene A clarification: why ‘a revised version’ Roussou (1994), The syntax of complementisers – the investigation of three basic constructions: (a) factive complements and extraction, Greek oti vs factive pu – a definite C (b) that-complements and subject extraction, an agreeing null C (c) na-complements in Greek and the subject dependency (control vs obviation) • Assumptions back then: -- that is an expletive element (Lasnik & Saito 1984, Law 1991) – complementizers in general are expletives -- But in some cases, as in factives, they may bear features for familiarity (Hegarty 1992) or definiteness, or license a definite operator (Melvold 1991) [that-factives are weak islands, pu- factives are strong islands] Some questions a) What is a complement clause? b) What is a complementizer? c) What is the role of the complementizer? d) How is complementation achieved if there is no complementizer? Some potential answers to the questions above a) complement clauses are nominal (the traditional grammarian view): mainly objects, but also subjects; it is a complement or a relative (?) b) not so clear: the lexical item that introduces a clause or the syntactic head C (Bresnan 1972) – in the latter reading, C can be realized by a variety of elements including conjunctions (that, oti, pu, che, etc.), prepositions