The Iran Nuclear Agreement and the Separation of Powers
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December 2012
Commencement Exercises THURSDAY, DECEMBER 20, 2012 ALMA MATER “The Netherlands” (first stanza) O Hofstra, to honor thy name we foregather, Rejoicing in voicing thy praises anew; By thee we are guided, with counsel provided; Sustain us with thy strength in the paths we pursue. DRAFT Commencement Exercises THURSDAY, DECEMBER 20, 2012 This is the unofficial program of the December 20, 2012, commencement. The official program will be archived on August 20, 2013. History of Hofstra n 1912 William Hofstra had booked passage on the Titanic for his return voyage from Europe. However, a business proposition in Canada forced him to change his plans. Instead he took a ship to Halifax, and the events of his personal history took their rightful course. Information reported in the newspapers of the times allowsI us to look back at the history of the Hofstras and view their lives in a more personal and intimate light. The Hofstras enjoyed a lifestyle filled with social engagements, travel and business ventures. The society pages and gossip columns of the local papers such as the Hempstead Sentinel as well as papers such as The New York Times reported on these events on a continuous basis. From 1894 through the 1930s, both Mr. and Mrs. Hofstra appeared in print for participation in charity events, departures for vacations, hosting wedding receptions at their estate, and attendance at various recreational activities. The earliest report of the Hofstras abroad is 1894, when William and Kate Hofstra departed for Liverpool on the ship Majestic. In 1902 a New York Times reporter in Paris reported that “American visitors in Paris are preparing to return in September,” and included the Hofstras among those who had been to Carlsbad, and were headed for the Hotel Ritz. -
RICE's DERBY CHOICE JOURNAL 2012 33St Edition
RICE’S DERBY CHOICE JOURNAL 2012 33st Edition “Now there is a languor … I am fulfilled and weary. This Kentucky Derby, whatever it is — a race, an emotion, a turbulence, an explosion–is one of the most beautiful and violent and satisfying things I have ever experienced. And, I suspect that, as with other wonders, the people one by one have taken from it exactly as much good or evil as they brought to it… I am glad I have seen and felt it at last.” ‐John Steinbeck (1956) Copyright © 2012 Tim Rice All Rights Reserved 1 I think you will soon agree with me that there is a great deal more annoyance and vexation in race horses than real pleasure.” - August Belmont writing to his son August Belmont, Jr. Rare was the voting-age American ignorant of that colossus, Secretariat, and his supra- equine achievement in the third leg of the 1973 Triple Crown. That thirty-one length score, in still world record time for a mile and a half, completed the colt’s sweep of the three-year-old classic fixtures. He was acclaimed from sea to shining sea including the covers of Time, Newsweek, and Sports Illustrated. And, no small task that because 1973 was not without many headline grabbers including the Watergate Hearings and the departure of the last U.S. soldier from Viet Nam. Of lesser note were the declaration of Ferdinand Marcos as President for Life of the Philippines, the sale of the New York Yankees to George Steinbrenner for ten million dollars, and O.J. -
1 Tilden, Samuel J. Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J
Tilden, Samuel J. Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden. 2 vols. Edited by John Bigelow. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1908. Volume I Speech at Cooper Union, old Whigs, Free Soilers, article disparaging Democrats, 132-35 New York Democratic organization, newspapers, 135-36 John Bigelow, desires copy of Tilden speech for the Post, 137-38 Tilden pamphlet on the Union and its dangers, John M. Mason, 138-39 Seward, 140 Election returns, 1860, 140-41 Railroad charter, 141-47 Expectations for Lincoln, reality of disunion, nature of the crisis, 147-48 Copies of his recent address, 149 S. L. M. Barlow on new administration, 149 Lincoln administration, meaning of the vote, patronage, convention of the states, amendments, Crittenden compromise, 150-51 New York Democrats, Lincoln and patronage, need to defeat Republicans in coming elections, Confederate experiment will fail, proposes a national constitutional convention, 152-55 Border state opinion, 156 Winfield Scott to Seward, policy, Union party, 156-57 J. L. O’Sullivan, minister to Portugal, Fort Sumter, Republicans, 157-59 Copper, 159 Martin Van Buren, 159-60 Tilden address to regiment, 160 J. L. O’Sullivan, northern Democrats, heartened by some of the press reports, 160-62 Lincoln, Seward, Chase, 163-64 European intervention, 164 Loan, 164 John A. Dix, McClellan, Lincoln, Sumner, John Cochrane, emancipation, promised protection of persons and property, 164 John Van Buren, the war, Tilden, 1862 elections, Democrats do not accept disunion, 166-67 John A. Dix, Judge Pierrepont, New York governorship, 167-68 Horatio Seymour, 168 Tilden’s internal revenue tax, 168-69 August Belmont, need for a conservative demonstration in the city, 169 Society for the Diffusion of Political Information, 172 Advisory committee on soldier relief, 174-75 George T. -
1 Russell, William Howard. William Howard Russell's Civil War: Private
Russell, William Howard. William Howard Russell’s Civil War: Private Diary and Letters, 1861-1862. Edited by Martin Crawford. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992. London, voyage to the United States, 3 South Carolina diplomat, secessionist, going home, war and possible blockade, 3-4 Lincoln, Olmsted book on slavery, 5 Americans refuse to pray for the royal family, 9 American women, 10 New York, 16ff Republicans, the South, Sumter, 17 Horatio Seymour, 17 Washington, 22ff Willard’s Hotel, 22 Seward, Lincoln, 22 Chaos opinions in New York, 23-25 George Bancroft, Horatio Seymour, Horace Greeley, August Belmont, James Gordon Bennett, 25 Dinner with Lincoln and cabinet, 28 Dinner, Chase, Douglas, Smith, Forsyth, 29 Seward, 31 Wants to know about expeditions to forts and pledges to Seward he could keep information secret, 32 Portsmouth and Norfolk, 36 Naval officer Goldsboro, 37 Charleston, Fort Sumter, 39 Report to Lord Lyons, Charleston, Beauregard, Moultrie, Sumter, 42-43 Seeks to have letters forward to Lord Lyons, 46 Complains of post office and his dispatches, 50 Montgomery, Wigfall, Jefferson Davis, Judah Benjamin, 52 Mobile, 53 Slaves, customs house, 55 Fort Pickens, Confederate determination, Bragg, 56-57 Wild Confederate soldiers, 58 Slidell, 62 Crime in New Orleans, jail, 63-64 New Orleans, traveling on Sunday, 65-66 Louisiana plantation, slaves, overseer, 67-70 Plantation, 71 Chicago Tribune, Harper’s Weekly, 74 Terrible war that will end in compromise, south is strong, 75-76 Winfield Scott vs. Jefferson Davis, 76-77 Deplores -
August Belmont and the Atlantic Trade in Cotton 1837‒1865
‘A mystery to the future historian…’? August Belmont and the Atlantic Trade in Cotton 1837‒1865 Kathryn Boodry explores how the House of Rothschild and the financier August Belmont spearheaded a new phase of enterprise in America. In a letter to the London house in 1863 August Belmont commented acerbically: ‘It will always remain a mystery to the future historian to explain the sympathy which a large portion of civilized Europe gave in the nineteenth century to a rebellion the principal aspect of which was the extension & perpetuation of the odious system of slavery.’¹ Belmont’s disingenuous claim belies the fact that he, like most agents of Anglo-American financial houses, was well aware that the American Civil War, at least in part, was about the revenue generated from agricultural goods produced in the south. Tobacco, sugar, cotton and rice, all commodities produced in the southern United States with slave labour, were vital exports for the emergent nation. After 1815, the United States was the largest producer, and Great Britain the largest consumer of American cotton.² The economic undercurrents that influenced political allegiances during the Civil War were well understood in the nineteenth century, particularly by merchants and bankers, as was noted in Punch: Tho’ with the North we sympathize, It must not be forgotten That with the South we’ve stronger ties Which are composed of Cotton.³ In the nineteenth century cotton literally wove together an Atlantic world of factors, agents, merchants, financiers, slaves, stevedores and spinners. It was a vital source of revenue for northern coffers and no doubt coloured perceptions of the need to ‘preserve the union.’ Trade in cotton also fostered the development of sophisticated financial relationships between the southern United States, New York and London. -
1848, European Revolutions Of, 14, 137 Beginnings Of, 94 And
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87564-6 - The Young America Movement and the Transformation of the Democratic Party, 1828-1861 Yonatan Eyal Index More information Index 1848, European revolutions of, 14, Allen, William, 13, 84–6, 89, 103, 110, 137 144, 234 beginnings of, 94 on the 1846 rivers and harbors bill, 61 and coinage of the phrase Young as ally of Marcus Morton, 197 America, 6 as Chairman of Senate Foreign and Democratic views on race and Relations Committee, 8 immigration, 162 and Cumberland Road, 44 failure of, 104, 107 and Greenbacks, 85–6 and George Law, 87 instructions from constituents to, 51, and Margaret Fuller, 100 55, 56 related to Cuba movement, 135 and internal improvements funding, related to New Democratic economic 50 outlook, 65, 68 later career of, 8 relevance to the American situation, as lifelong Democrat, 200 102 and monopolies, 77 role in party competition, 67 and Monroe Doctrine, 120 socioeconomic aspects of, 106 as Ohio governor, 7 Young American interest in, 94 and Oregon crisis, 121–7 Abolitionism, 185, 196 pro-French resolution of, 103 and Arthur and Lewis Tappan, 183 views of commerce, 40 and context of northern reform, 145 views of slavery, 192 and John L. O’Sullivan, 75, 198–99 voted out of the Senate, 231 relationship to Democratic Party, as western representative, 124 184 American Anti-Slavery Society, 26, 185 Adams, Charles Francis, Sr., 186, 207 American Colonization Society, 26, 34, Adams, John, 17, 21, 31 190, 192–3 Adams, John Quincy, 18, 23 American System, 18, 23, 71, 176, 218 Agassiz, -
Democratsdenounce
Zlbe Xextngton (5a3ette VOL. NO. 27 108, LEXINGTON. VIRGINIA, WEDNESDAY, JULY 3. 1912 $100 PER YEAR DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL TO GATHER BY THE SEASHORE TOWN PLANNING IN CONVENTIONS OF PAST DEMOCRATS AMERICA CONVENTION BOLTERS Rural Carriers to Meet in Norfolk DENOUNCE MORAL INELUENCE IS This Week The Model Town Must Be Planned IN BOTH BIG PARTIES Baltimore Has Been Place On a Business Meeting Great preparation is made PREDATORY WEALTH Basis Times being HER GREATEST ASSET Historic Many for tbe entertainment of the dele- If for no other reason, therefore, Incidents Gathered from The Democratic National Conven¬ Kates to tbe of tbe Resolution ls the model town must be considered, Past Experiences tion meeting Virgin Adopted Rebuking Educational Power ofWashington which mat io Baltimore last ia Kural Letter Carriers' Associa¬ Wall Street and Lee organized and developed on a busi¬ In pointing out what Colonel weak, was the twenty-first national tion to be held in Norfolk this week. ness basis; and tbe value of the ex¬ Roosevelt's bolting party shojld ol the assemblage Democratic party. Officers of the organization are W. perience acquired or any success expect in the light of history, the Born io the back GREAT DISORDER FOLLOWED achieved will controversy of Ls. Hamersley. Randolph, Va, pres¬ EVER TRUE TO TRADITIONS depend first and last Phildelphia Public Ledger calls at¬ 178-1, chi isteoed by Jefferson, its ident, and C. B. Conner, Lexington, on obtaining results in the face of con¬ tention to thes« historic facts ditions no founder, in 1792. and strengthen¬ secretary-treasurer. The secretary W. -
December 2010
Commencement Exercises SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2010 ALMA MATER “The Netherlands” (first stanza) O Hofstra, to honor thy name we foregather, Rejoicing in voicing thy praises anew; By thee we are guided, with counsel provided; Sustain us with thy strength in the paths we pursue. Commencement Exercises SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2010 This is the unofficial program of the December 19, 2010, commencement. The official program will be archived on August 19, 2011. History of Hofstra n 1912 William Hofstra had booked passage on the Titanic for his return voyage from Europe. However, a business proposition in Canada forced him to change his plans. Instead he took a ship to Halifax, and the Ievents of his personal history took their rightful course. Information reported in the newspapers of the times allows us to look back at the history of the Hofstras and view their lives in a more personal and intimate light. The Hofstras enjoyed a lifestyle filled with social engagements, travel and business ventures. The society pages and gossip columns of the local papers such as the Hempstead Sentinel as well as papers such as The New York Times reported on these events on a continuous basis. From 1894 through the 1930s, both Mr. and Mrs. Hofstra appeared in print for participation in charity events, departures for vacations, hosting wedding receptions at their estate, and attendance at various recreational activities. The earliest report of the Hofstras abroad is 1894, when William and Kate Hofstra departed for Liverpool on the ship Majestic. In 1902 a New York Times reporter in Paris reported that “American visitors in Paris are preparing to return in September,” and included the Hofstras among those who had been to Carlsbad, and were headed for the Hotel Ritz. -
Abraham Lincoln Papers
Abraham Lincoln papers From August Belmont to Thurlow Weed, July 20, 1862 Copy New-port. R. I. July 20. 1862. My dear Mr. Weed. I have made several attempts to see you during your fleeting visits to New-York, but have not been so fortunate as to find you in.—. Our National affairs are in a most critical position, more so than they have been at any time since the beginning of this unfortunate war.—. What frightens me more than the disasters in the field is the apathy and distrust which I grieve to say I meet at every step even from men of standing and hitherto of undoubted loyalty to the Union— You know my own feelings & convictions on the subject of our national troubles, & I am sure I can speak to you in all candor without the fear of having my thoughts mis-construed, though you may perhaps not share my views.— My firm conviction is that any other solution to our present difficulties than a reconstruction of but one Government over all the states of our Confederacy would entail upon us & our children an inheritance of the most fearful consequences which must end in the utter disintegration & ruin of the whole country.—. There are only two modes by which to prevent such a calamity, which is certainly at this moment more threatening than it has ever been before.—. The one is by an energetic & unrelenting prosecution of the war to crush the rebellion, the other would be to negociate with the leaders of the Rebellion, (to which it would be madness to withold the character of a gigantic revolution) and to see whether it may not yet be possible to reestablish a federal Union— Both alternatives present difficulties of the gravest nature & which they did not possess in the same degree at the beginning of the contest— Abraham Lincoln papers http://www.loc.gov/resource/mal.4232600 Our army has been decimated by disease & the casualities of war. -
Reconstruction: the Civil War Battle Yet to Be
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 19, Number 48, December 4, 1992 �ITillFeature Reconstruction: the Civil Warbattle I yet to be won by Fredric W. Henderson Around the world today, there is a crying need for a �rogram of economic recon struction. The newly created nations in Europe, like those of the former Yugosla via; the continents of Africa, Asia, and Ibero-Americ* which have been devastated by the genocidal economic policies of the International Monetary Fund; and the former Soviet Union, which is now facing uncontrollable chaos, must not merely I survive, but must be able to develop and contribute tt> the betterment of their own peoples and of humanity in general. The issues posed today are the same as those tqat faced President Abraham Lincoln and the congressmen and senators who camt to be known as the "radical Republicans" at the outset of Lincoln's second term. (\lthough Lincoln was assas sinated in April 1865, before he could fully elaborate and carry out a program of economic reconstruction for the South, the radical Republicans were spurred to continue the fight. They were led by the great ninetee$th-century economist Henry C. Carey, who conceived of the fightto rebuild America's South as part of a global war against the imperial policies of Great Britain then being brutally implemented in India and which had dominated the cotton-based economy of the U. S. South. Carey's principal ally in the U.S. Congress was the upfiappable, uncompromising congressman from Pennsylvania, Thaddeus Steveris, who led his allies in the Republican Party in defining the nature of the work to be completed in the South. -
The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) in 1860, the Radical
Chapter Thirteen “A David Greater than the Democratic Goliath”: The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) In 1860, the radical abolitionist Parker Pillsbury, who called Lincoln “the Kentucky clodhopper,” scoffed at his antislavery record, saying there was “no essential difference” between him and Stephen A. Douglas.1 In fact, the two Illinois rivals disagreed fundamentally about slavery, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the role of the U.S. Supreme Court, racial equality, and American history.2 Their battle served as a dress rehearsal for the presidential race two years later, when once again they clashed, with a different outcome. Herndon predicted that “the Race in Ills for 1858 & 9 -- for the Senatorial seat . will be hot – energetic – deadly; it will be broader – wider, and deeper in principle than the race in 1856.”3 But it would also be marred by Douglas’s brazen appeals to racial 1 Pillsbury to Wendell Phillips, New York, 17 March 1864, Phillips Papers, Harvard University; Pillsbury, speech at Framingham, Massachusetts, 4 July 1860, The Liberator (Boston), 20 July 1860. Some historians have echoed Pillsbury. James G. Randall, Lincoln the President: From Springfield to Gettysburg (2 vols.; New York: Dodd, Mead, 1945), 1:104-28; Morton J. Frisch, “The Lincoln-Douglas Debates and History,” Lincoln Herald 57 (1956): 17-19. 2 The best studies of the debates are Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008); Harry V. Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas and Slavery: In the Crucible of Debate (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Don E. -
The Fiscal Conservatism of Salmon P. Chase
“A Just Application of Democratic Principles”: The Fiscal Conservatism of Salmon P. Chase MARK A. NEELS One of Abraham Lincoln’s best- known cabinet ministers, Salmon P. Chase has not always fared well at the hands of historians, who have traditionally portrayed the treasury secretary as little more than a political creature—ever grasping for the reins of political power. In recent years, there has been little investigation of Chase’s principles of governance because, frankly, many scholars have assumed that he had none.1 The problem with this interpretation is that it is rooted in most Lincoln scholars’ desire to contrast Chase’s ambitious personal style with Lincoln’s endearing personality. If Lincoln was a heroic, visionary leader, then Chase and Lincoln’s other political adversaries must have lacked the very characteristics that made Lincoln great. In other words, because Chase served as a member of Lincoln’s govern- ment and yet still challenged Lincoln’s leadership, Chase must have been unprincipled in his own pursuit of power. Historian Frederick J. Blue recently argued, however, that histori- ans should reevaluate Chase’s political career through the prism of his strict morals. Chase, Blue maintains, was willing to use whatever means necessary to promote his ideals about freedom and equality. This portrayal of Chase as maintaining loose partisan affiliations— meaning that he jumped from party to party to build coalitions in sup- port of higher ideals—elevates him from the traditional interpretation 1. This portrayal of Chase as a political opportunist has been promoted by such recent authors as Doris Kearns Goodwin and David Herbert Donald, and has its roots in the recollections of biased contemporaries of Chase and Lincoln.