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Zomi Identity and Autonomy: A Scope for Ethnic- Sensitive Social Work Practice

Social Work Seminar Paper

Submitted by

Liangousang Vualnam

Roll No. 20 (Twenty)

Seminar Guide: Dr. M. Suresh

School of Rural Development

Tata Institute of Social Sciences

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Zomi Identity and Autonomy: A Scope for Ethnic- Sensitive Social Work Practice

Abstract

Ethnicity is becoming a recognizable constituent of Social Work. In order to break the historical silence and the neutral or passive attitude to ethnic differences, it is necessary to fight for institutional changes in social work and the transcendence of institutional, cultural and personal ethics. It is my intention and immense interest that I have drawn my attention on the issue of ethnic issues and focus on the ethnic groups of Zomi of . I drawn the history of Zomi and how the real situation of this ethnic group in Manipur in this contemporary world. The paper is concerned with the Manipur ethnic groups of the “Zomi” in the North East about their identity and their pursuit for autonomy. It analyse the historical background of the “Zomi” and other various ethnic groups of the state. Finally it tries to identify the areas for professional workers among the ethnic groups.

Introduction This paper uses the term “ethnic-sensitive practice” to capture practice with, or on behalf of, ethnic/racial minority individuals and groups. Ethnicity and identity are crucial issues in the contemporary world. Crisis resulting from the expression of these phenomena have cut across regions, religion, political and other ideologies. And an understanding of the construction of the ethnicity and identity is imperative in a world that has witnessed the resurgence of ideologies which emphasise the perceived inherent superiority of some group over others. These ideologies have provided the foundation for political groups that have recently catapulted into popularity. While ethnicity have already formed an area of discourse in society, anthropology and other social sciences, these phenomena have remained largely peripheral to, for instance, social work, archaeology, music and art. While referring to „ethnicity‟ I am indicating the overall beliefs and characteristics of a community, or of a culture or a particular social or cultural group; and the accepted norms or code of values by which a particular social unit or recognised entity lives and express itself.

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Ethnic refers to distinct population group bound by common traits and customs. It also involves cultural differences and emphasizes a cultural ethos- the values, expectations, and symbols of a group. The factors that bring together ethnic group together include the social lies of a common origin, a distinct ethnic identity, a shared values, beliefs and behaviours. The terms “ethnic groups”, “ethnicity” and “ethnic conflict” have become current topics of interest because of the challenges they pose before the nation- state. The word “ethnic” is now being increasingly used to identify groups of people who have evolved from their primitive stages of tribe and clan identity into a more cohesive group looking for a coherent political identity. Sometimes the terms are loosely adopted and do not actually their weight in words. But it should also be known that Ethnicity or ethnic identity have different connotations for scholars and are different from what the ethnic communities understand them.

The People of Manipur

The 2001 census recorded the state‟s population as 2,166,788, with the tribes constituting 34.2 per cent of the total. Thus, Manipur manifests a high degree of ethnic and geographical diversity and heterogeneous societal systems. Some of its more than 35 distinct communities can be categorised further as Hill tribes and others as Valley-based groups. The valley communities are the Meteis and Pangal (Muslim), both of them non-tribal. The (GoI) recognises 29 Naga and Kuki-Chin-Zomi groups as “Scheduled Tribes”. They comprise : Anal, Angami, Chiru, Chothe, Kabui, Kacha Naga, Koireng, Lamkang, Mao, Maram, Maring, Monsang, Moyong, Sema, Tangkhul, Chin- Zomi groups, Aimol, Gangte, Hmar, Koirao, Kom, Purum, Ralte, Suhte Thadou (Kuki). According to the 2001 Census, the Meiteis, constituting the majority group and inhabiting 10.02 percent of the total population of the state, account for about 65.8 percent of the total population of the state. Conversely, the Nagas and combined occupy 89.98 percent of the total geographical area and account for 34.2 percent of the total population of the state. Manipur comprises a enormous mosaic of numerous ethnic groups having distinct social and cultural practices. The ethnic groups inhabiting the state can be segmented into hill communities and valley-based communities. The valley communities are Meiteis Pangal (Muslim) who is known as non-tribals as well as the immigrants from other states of India. The tribal groups from the hill are generally categorised as the Naga groups and Kuki- Chin-Zomi groups. It had been observes that the domination of a particular ethnic group has

3 always aroused ailing feelings on the part of others. In every respect the various ethnic groups challenge keenly whether it is over jobs, politics, etc, which has often aroused communal jealousy, hostility and thus widened the gap in their relationship. Every groups, either the Meiteis, or the Nagas or the Kukis or the Zomis, etc, are very much conscious and aware of their identity. Introduction of the concept of 'tribe' through the Constitution Schedule Caste and Schedule Tribe Lists (Modification) Order, 1956 has been detrimental to the Kukis in Manipur. It has recognised the various clans and groups as separate tribes, effectively resulting in further divisions of the people of the ethnic groups and the disintegration of their identity.

The Term “ZO”

The term 'Zo' had been known from the antecedent name “ZO”. The Zo Re- Unification Organisation (ZORO) used as a joint identity for the people who are referred to by a range of names. Some of these names are Chin, Kuki, Mizo, Zomi, Asho and Bawm. These people not only bear differentiating identities, but are separated also by the three international frontiers of India, Burma and . Their land is contagious and lies along , Northwest Burma and the in Bangladesh. In 1909 Gereni wrote: ' Kuki is one of the terms by which the Chin-Lushai tribes are collectively designated, whereas they call themselves ' Zho'. Literally, 'Zo' means ' the highlands'. In other words 'Zo' are 'highlanders'. 'Zo' as a word, is present in the various dialects of the people, with identical meaning. The ideology and objectives of Zo reunification includes bringing jointly the people who are presently known by names, such as Chin, Kuki, Mizo, Zomi, Asho and Bawm under a single identity and as one nation. The deliberations of ZORO will optimistically turn the tide against any divisive trend and instil a sense if affinity and commonality among the entire people that it represents.

Who are the Zomi's? Zomi and Kuki

The term Kuki is given by outsiders to the group of Chin in India who migrated more northwardly and in advance than the Paite. The word has no connotation locally. The earlier groups of immigrants from and to and Manipur were known as Old Kukis. Kuki is a discarded term of nomenclature as it is not suitable to the people themselves. Zou, Hmar and Paite were too late to arrive in the region to recognize and to be included under

4 the terms either Old Kuki or New Kuki although all these three also belong to the same ethnic group. Das (1945) quotes that the New Kuki includes a single thrive called Thadou who are found in Cachar, and Manipur. Also Khamhentang (1988) in the book “Paite: The Transborder Tribe of India and Burma” took the quotes of Pudaite (1963) where he said that of the 21 clans of Hmar tribe only two clans were included in the Old Kuki group in the anthropological literature. Other clans of the Hmar do not accept the term. They are more prone to accept Mizo than Kuki. Kuki is a vague term. The tribes who are supposed to be Kuki never call themselves by that name. They are regarding it as a name contemptuously used by the Plainsmen and not by the indigenous group. Many so- called Kuki tribes in Manipur rather resent to be labelled as Kuki. The non- Thadou groups think that it is a term appropriate for the Thadou for their identification in relation to outside world. However, consistently in the use of the term Kuki is also not maintained among the Kuki themselves. The Thadou prefer to be known at different levels either as Thadou or Kuki. At political level the Thadou are Kuki. All India Radio station has Thadou programme at Imphal and Kuki programme at Kohima station in Thadou language.

The Thadou initially accepted the nomenclature 'Kuki' for their ethnic identification. They however wanted to comprise other Chin tribes who come to Manipur after them in the fold of Kuki. At the same time the Thadou held an hesitant attitude towards the Paite while appealing them to join them. Several, meetings of the Non- Naga or Chin tribes of Manipur had been called in the name of and by the Kuki National Assembly in 1940's. But there had never been a agreement over the term 'Kuki' as the Paite and other tribes could not accept it at all. The meetings ended in a fiasco instead of linking up the hill people of Manipur. The Thadou group regarded themselves as 'Kuki proper' as the term was first applied to them as ' New Kuki' and the Paite and other tribe a ' Pseudo- Kuki' or 'Half -Kuki' as they are late comers in Manipur. Beside this, many other controversies like language, its foreign origin and its insignificant and absurdity in local view repelled the Paite and other tribes from identifying themselves as Kuki.

The term 'Zomi' meaning, 'Zo People' is derived from the generic name 'Zo', the progenitor of the Zomi. In the past they were little known by this racial nomenclature. They were known by the non-tribal plain peoples of Burma, Bangladesh and India as Chin, Kuki, or Lushai. However, they were known as Zomi since time immemorial. They are Zomi not because they live in the

5 highlands or hills, but called themselves Zomi since they are the forebear of the great Zo. In this regards, F.K. Lehman, Professor of Anthropology and Linguistics, University of Illinois (USA), who had done wide-ranging study on the Chin of Burma, said:

„No single Chin word has explicit reference to all the peoples we customarily call Chin, but all or nearly all of the peoples have a special word for themselves and those of their congeners with whom they are in regular contract. This word is almost always a variant form of a single root, which appears as Zo, Yo, Ysou, Shou and the like‟.1

Another early use of the name ZO with indication to the Zomi (Kuki-Chin-Lushai), the first on the Lushai Hills side which till then was a terra anonymously, was by Col. T.H. Lewin, the first white man to know the inhabitants of Lushai Hills (Mizoram). The fact that the Zomi were known as ZOU or YO or YAW, before their society evolved into clan based organisation and ancestry segmentation, was pointed out by Dr. G.A. Grierson in his survey, thus,

„The name (Kuki and Chin) os not used by the tribes themselves, who use titles such as ZOU ot YO or CHO‟2.

Two British administrators, Bertram S. Carey and H.N. Tuck who place Zo people under modern system of administration record as thus:

„Those of the Kuki tribes which we designate as “Chins” do not recognise that name...they call themselves YO (ZO) is the general name by which the Chins call their race‟.3

Also European writer, Sir J. George Scott also claimed that, the Zomi never called themselves by such names as Kuki or Chin or Lushai. He wrote:

„The names like Kuki and Chin are not national, and have been given to them by their neighbours. Like others, the people do not accept the name given by the Burmese and ourselves; they do not call themselves Chins, and they equally flout the name of Kuki which their Assamese neighbours use. They call themselves Zhou or Shu and in other parts Yo or

1 Lehman, F.K, the Structure of Chin Society, Urgan, University of Illinois Press, 1963, p. 5

2 G. A. Grierson, Dr., ‘ Linguistic Survey of India’ Vol. III, Part 3, p.2

3 Carey, B. S. & Tuck, H. N, The Chin Hills Vol. I, Delhi’s Cultural Publishing House, 1986 (first), p. 3, 23

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Lai‟.4

As far as the Kuki-Zomi identity formation is concerned, it is inclusive as well as exclusive at the same time. It is inclusive in sagacity that both the Kuki and Zomi identity formations include many smaller ethnic groups or sub-groups. It even includes some of the ethnic groups who have already affiliated to and identified themselves as the Nagas. There are also no basic differences between the Kuki identity formation and the Zomi identity formation apart from on the issue of nomenclature. Otherwise, both are inclusive of each other. The only major hitch is the struggle for power and domination between the Thadou elites and the Paite elites. But in spite of its inclusive pattern of political mobilisation, the Kuki-Zomi identity formation is also equally exclusive on account of the fact that it excludes all those communities which lie outside the fold of the Chin-Kuki-Zomi group. Bhaumik S. (2009) in the book „Troubled Periphery: Crisis of India‟s North East‟ also write that the Zomi were different with that of the Kuki in their nomenclature and want for other political sphere as well.

Mizo and Zomi Synonymously and literally, Zomi and Mizo are the same, having the etymological root, „Zo‟. The term Mizo covers all Zo peoples as does Zomi according to their personal users. It is only a subject of pre-fixation and suffixation of „MI‟, meaning man or people to „ZO‟. If „MI‟ is prefixed to Zo, we get Mizo, whereas if it is suffixed, we get ZOMI. According to K. Zawla, Mizo is a poetical form of Zomi. Pu K. Zawla believes that the Zo people had called themselves „Zomi‟ around the 14th century AD whereas „Mizo‟ became the official name of the people of Mizoram in 1954 only when the Lushai Hills was changed to „Mizo Hills‟.

Adoption of Zomi Nomenclature There is a lucid realization among diverse sections of the people like students, cultural organisations, social units, church groups, political segments and various organisations about the nonexistence of a widely accepted nomenclature for the Chin-Kuki-Lushai people. One name after an additional was propounded but failed to get popular acceptance. So the terms, Kuki, Chin, or Lushai, or their combinations like Lusei-Kuki, Kuki-Chin, Kuki-Lusei-Chin or even

4 George Scott, J. Sr. Burma: A Handbook of Practical Information, 1911, p. 104 and Burma and Beyond, 1932, p. 187

7 acronyms like CHIKUMI( for Chin-Kuki-Mizo) or CHIKIM (for Chin-Kuki-Mizo) might not be strongly in the minds of the individuals, who intrinsically recognize that they are overseas terms having no meaning in any local dialects. Two wrongs or three wrongs cannot make exact. They cannot but help defy because they were forced upon them by rulers and outsiders to be their identity, without their knowledge and willingness to admit them. It is a fact of modern history that in the past Zo people acknowledged themselves willy-nilly either as Chin or Kuki or Lushai in order to be accepted in Military services. The seek out for an acceptable name that is not only accepted, suitable and momentous but is the original name for a common identity of the Zo ethnic group ends with Zomi after the progenitor, Zo.

In Burma, a Committee was formed in 1953 to eradicate the existing misunderstanding over names for a familiar racial nomenclature. After careful research, the Committee realised that they were indeed descendants of Zo, and realised they had always called themselves - Zo, Yo, Yaw, Shou, Jo and the like beginning time immemorial. Thus, they collectively recommended the term „Zomi‟ for their racial nomenclature .This was consequently adopted in a general meeting at Saikah village at Thantlang, Chin State. In 1983, after a gap of thirty years, the name Zomi was reviewed in a Convention held at Thantlang, where out of 434 delegates from different areas of the region, 424 voted in support of the previous 1953 recommendation. Nowadays the term Zomi is extensively used by varied organisations like Zomi Baptist Conventions, Zomi Christian Literature Society, Zomi Baptist Press, Zomi Theological College, Rangoon University Zomi Students‟ Association, Zomi Literature Upliftment Society, etc.

In 1988 the Burmese Government legitimately recognised the name Zomi as an ethnic group of the country, and officially accepted Zomi National Congress as a political party in Burma. In their declaration, the Zomi National Congress wrote:

“We proclaim that the racial name „Chin‟ should be done away with and Zou(Zo) must be re- instated to its proper place and status of racial identity‟.5

On the Indian administered areas, the Zo people rejected the name Lushai and changed it to Mizo (People + Zo) in the 1940s on realising the fact that their progenitor was Zo. All sections of

5 Zomi National Congress: the Proclamation of the name Zomi and the Hornbill Emblem,Rangoon, Dec, 1988, p. 13

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Zomi were enthusiastically involved in Mizo Union movement at its early period. However, some sections slowly disassociated from the movement on the ground of linguistic obligation, and their notion was justified by the Peace Accord signed in 1988 which covered only Lushai speaking areas. Today Mizoram stands as one Zomi state within Zoland, the Zomi inhabited areas of the region.

In Manipur, in 1971, a political organisation called Zomi National Congress (ZNC) was formed at Daizang, Manipur. It was at the initiative of the party that the First World Zomi Convention was held at Champhai, Mizoram from May 19 -21, 1988. Thousands of delegates from around the world attended the Convention and affirmed that the people of Zo ethnic group are descendents of one ancestor, Zo. In early 1980s an awakening for common identity was aroused among Zomi intellectuals of Manipur. A broad ranging consultation was organised by Kuki-Chin Baptists Leaders during1981-83.6

The Zomi Tribes, which is recognised as Schedule Tribe in the Indian Constitution ought to be known as Zomi. Zomi as the original name, seven tribes from Manipur State – Gangte, Hmar, Paite, Simte, Tedim-Chin, Vaiphei, Zou adopted the name “Zomi” on June 26, 1993 at Pearsonmun, Churachandpur. One of the vital resolutions read that they adopted the name ZOMI for common identity which will take instant effect from that date.7

Zomi Re- Unification

The Zomi National Congress of Manipur under the leadership of Pu. T. Gougin and the People's Convention of Mizoram under Brig. T. Sailo, jointly organised the First World Zomi Convention was held at Champhai from May 19- 21, 1988 and was attended by representatives from all Zomi inhabited areas the world. The delegates resolute to form a wobbly political forum called the “Zomi Re- Unification Organisation. As there is gradually lost its masses appeal once the constituent party, ZNC and PC, fought state elections in Manipur and Mizoram respectively. This was against the charter of Agreement, 1988 and let to another vacuum in the process of

6 Dr. H. Kamkhenthang, ‘Identity Crisis among the Tibes of Manipur’ in B. Pakem ( Ed.). ‘Nationality, Ethnicity and Cultural Identity in North East India’, 1990. P. 287

7 Nehkhojang, TR, ‘ Zomi Coordination Committee, Resolution’, Personmun, Manipur (June 26, 1993)

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Zomi Re-Unification. Zomi Re-Unification Organisation (ZRO) was established in 1993 by Mr. Khaizasong Guite, President and Mr. Daniel Thang, Vice President. The ZRO plea to all brothers and sisters to keep in mind that we are all Zomis, the descendants of 'Zo'. And they are fighting for the / Zoland/ Zoram.

The Paite National Council (PNC) underway the re-unification of the Zomis, the ZRO bring up all these politically. The PNC already submit to the Prime Minister of India subject Re- Unification of the Zomis of India, Burma and Pakistan under one country on 30th May, 19608. Over again the Zomi National Congress submitted a memorandum to the President of India V.V. Giri for unleash the political chain that binds Zomi. Also the ZRO submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of India subject with Re- Unification of all Zomi of Burma and India into one political entity dated 06th September, 19939. With the interest of safeguarding and protecting the Zomi community under the ZRO its armed wing the (ZRA) was formed in 1997 following an escalation of ethnic violence between the Kukis and Paites in the Churachandpur Distict of Manipur. The purpose is to protect the interest of the Zomi community from the onslaught of any community or groups.

Zomi Council

The Zomi Council was set up in the year 1997 for the purpose of integrating and serving for the purpose of the Zomi politically. The Zomi Council is an apex body of nine Zomi tribes consisting of the Vaipheis, Zous, Simtes, Paites, Thangkhals, Tedim-Chin, Mates, Koms and a recent entrant, the Gangtes. Under the Zomi Council were Paite Tribe Council (PTC) founded on June 27, 1949, Vaiphei Peoples‟ Council(VPC), United Zou Organistion (UZO), Tedim Chin Union (TCU), Mate Tribe Council (MTC), Thangkhal Peoples Organisation (TZO), Simte Tribe Council (STC), Kom Union Manipur (KUM) and Gangte Tribe Council (GTC). The Zomi Council also had frontal organisations like the Zomi Youth Association (ZYA), Zomi Student Federation (ZSF), Zomi Mothers Association (ZMA), Zomi Human Rights Foundation (ZHRF), Zomi Economic Planning and Development Agency (ZEPADA), Zomi Artist Association (ZAA)

8 "Memorandum Submitted by the Paite National Council to Indian Government - 1960," in Zomi Online Library, Item #395, http://www.zomilibrary.com/main/items/show/395 (accessed September 29, 2011).

9 http://www.zogam.org/documents.asp?article=documents_246

10 and ZOYCA.10

Autonomy and Totalizing Identity Project of the Zomi

Suan, H. K. K (2009) argues in the book „Beyond Counter- Insurgency: Breaking the Impasse in Northeast India‟ write that at present there are 32 (Thirty Two) recognised Tribes in the state of Manipur, majority of which were recognised during the 1950s. Although there are no major racial and cultural differences amongst the tribes, official recognition on the basis of minor differences, unfortunately generated tribe- based mobilisation in diversified fields. Such unhealthy contestation could be seen even in the Churches, Literatures, Electioneering, sports, etc. The continued tribe- based mobilisation led to bitter inter- tribal conflicts in the past; for instances, Kuki- Hmar (1960s). Kuki- Naga (early 1990s), Kuki- Zomi(mid- 1990s) conflicts. It had also been observed tribe- based or clan- based armed- mobilisation which often led to internecine skirmishes between the warring groups. Subsequently, different armed organisations raised diverse political demands. Giving favourable consideration to such exclusive communal agenda or diversified demands and dealing them differently would be a never ending process. It is bound to create more troubles, confusions, and simply multiply the problems. There is also the danger of fuelling inter- tribal conflicts that once led to a bitter conflict in the past.

Suan, H. K. K (2009) argues in the book „Beyond Counter- Insurgency: Breaking the Impasse in Northeast India‟ that it is a little wonder that the demands of the Zo peoples for curving out a separate autonomous homeland for themselves have poised uneasy questions and challenges for the Meiteis totalizing project. He also make more argument that the problem aggravated not only by the parallel ethnos cape engendered by such a demands but more importantly by the fact that the term autonomy itself is couched in the quagmire if international legal complexities. The Zo people have painstakingly put forward their totalizing project since 1947 when they (under the banner of the Mizo Union) submitted a memorandum which, inter alia, demanded „territorial integrity and solidarity and self determination‟. Their identity and totalizing project is an attempt to retrieve the spirit which informed the Chin-Lushai Conference of St Ford William 1896 (in Calcutta). Convened by the British, the conference is credited as the first serious attempt of the

10 http://zolengthe.net/2011/06/11/zomi-council-press-statement/

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Zo people to find ways to bring about administrative and political unification to territories occupied by them and which are by now apportioned between the independent states of Bangladesh, India and ( Go 1996; Khai 1995; Vumson n.d.)11. The common seam which waves together these totalizing projects is that is stepped in a relatively modern historical exigency wherein they had been, via colonial politico- administrative flat, dismembered into a separate and distant borderlands. The „unity and integrity‟ of Zo people are therefore central to and lie at the very heart of such autonomy and identity project.

At this present scenario, the process of healing and reconciliation is going on smoothly and the signing of Ceasefire and SoO (Suspension of Operation) Agreement among the armed groups and the Indian Government facilitate to a large extent. Yet, despite of their differences, all the tribes experienced the same administrative atmosphere, generate similar aspiration, if not shared destiny, and had expressed their desire to grow and develop peacefully. And it is also been seen that the Indian Government is playing divide and rule policy to the different ethnic groups. The SoO is also just like a trap for the Zomi to suppress the movement for their identity and rights among the armed groups. In order to avert future discord and arrived at a durable peace, it is imperative to adopt non-communal approach to the ethnic issues. The shared aspiration could take us to a shared solution, for the Zomi Council make up of nine Zo Tribe proposed a non- communal Autonomous Tribal State, under the Art. 244A of the Indian Constitution and submitted a memorandum to the Home Minister of India on the 26th March 2011. The Council is convinced that creation of Autonomous Tribal State is an answer to the diverse demands raised by different groups. It will also solved inter- tribal conflicts and immensely neutralised inter- tribal discord in the state of Manipur as it requires a mere administrative re- arrangement within the state itself.12 Even in the issues of nomenclature with the Kuki, during the seminar cum felicitation of the newly elected member of MDCs hosted by the Zomi Council at Mualnuam village in Thanlon sub-division of Churachandpur district on October, 2010 the Vice Preseident of Kuki Innpi Manipur (KIM), Mr. Jangngam Hoakip in his speech stressed out on the necessitate to narrow down the tribal-divide on the lines of nomenclature, which merely was

11 Details on Suan, H. K.K. (2009). Hill Valley Divide as a Site of Conflict: Emerging Dialogue Space in Manipur. In S. Baruah (Ed.), Beyond Counter- Insurgency: Breaking the Impasse in Northeast India.

12 Memorandum Submitted to the Home Minister by Zomi Council.

12 assigned by others or of our own creation, for a common objective which he dubbed as the corner-stone of the tribal‟s political survival13.

While pursuing the Autonomy for the Zomi, the Zo people in Churachandpur strongly protested what they considered „selective ethnic cleansing‟ undertaken by the majority Meitei community in the wake of a chain of assassinations of a „high ranking Zo officers‟ which culminated in the killing of T. Thangthuam, the inspector general of police (Intelligence Bureau) on 31st December 2005 by the Peoples Liberation Army. The protest vigorously renewed the solidarity and the resolve of the seemingly fragmented Zo people as the agreement signed by the representatives of the Mizo, Hmars, Kuki and Zomi on 7th January 2006 at Lamka public playground convincingly showed.

Theoretical Concept of Ethnic – Sensitive Social Work Practice

It has been more than twenty- five years since the first edition of Ethnic Sensitive Social Work Practice was published by (Devore & Schlesinger, 1981). The first formal review in Social Work supported that view (Chestang, 1982). Within the first few months of the book‟s publication, “ethnic sensitive” seemed to have become a part of a professional lexicon. Over the years, it had been applied the basic concepts to work on the family (Devore, 1983), to health care (Devore & Schlesinger, 1981), to Black/Jewish Relations Devore & Schlesinger, 2001), and the new immigrants (Devore & Schlesinger, 2006)14. According to Devore & Schlesinger in the “Encyclopedia of Social Work” ethnic- sensitive Practice is based on the view that practice must be attuned to the values and dispositions related to clients‟ ethnic group membership and social- class positions. Attention to the oppression of members of racial and ethnic groups is an essential component of ethnic- sensitive practice and guides the identification of practice models that are thought to be the most consonant with the approach developed.

Ethnic- Sensitive practice seeks to incorporate understanding of diverse ethnic, cultural, and minority groups into the theories and principles that guide social work practice. It is also based

13 http://thesangaiexpress.manipur.us/2010/11/24/fullstory.php%3Fnewsid=422.html

14 Schlesinger, E.G., & Devore, W. (2007). Ethnic Sensitive Social Work Practice: Back to the Future. Journal of Ethnic And Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 16(3-4)

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on the view that practice must be attuned to the values and dispositions related to clients‟ ethnic group membership and social class position. Ethnic- sensitive practice requires that social workers have an in-depth understanding of the effects of oppression on racial and ethnic groups.

Zastrow, C. (2004) in „Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare: Empowering People‟, he emphasize on another important conceptual framework is the “dual perspective”. This concept is from the view that all people are a part of two systems: (a) the dominant system (the society that one lives in), and (b) the nurturing system, composed of the physical and social environment of family and community, the dual perspective concepts asserts that the adverse consequences of an oppressive society on the self- concept of a person of a colour can be partially by the nurturing system.

Zastrow, C. (2004) in „Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare: Empowering People‟, he also write that Ethnic- sensitive practice requires that social workers must be aware of and seek to redress the oppression experienced by ethnic groups. He assumes that each ethnic group and its members have a history with roots in the past that have a bearing on the members‟ perceptions of current problems. Ethnic- sensitive practice, however, assumes the present is the most important. Ethnic- sensitive practice introduces no new practice or approaches. Instead, it urges the adaptation of the prevailing therapies, social work principles, and skills to take account of ethnic reality. According to Zastrow, C. (2004) in „Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare: Empowering People‟, write that regardless of which practice approach is used, three concepts and perspective that are emphasized are empowerment, the strengths perspective and culturally competent practice. These three practice approaches were discussed below.

Empowerment

This concept has been defined as “the process of helping individuals, families, groups, and communities increase their personal, interpersonal, socio- economic, and political strength and influence towards improving their circumstances.” In working with an ethnic group or racial group, empowerment counters the negative image or stereotypes of a group, which have been rendered through a long history of discrimination, with a positive value or image and an emphasis on the ability of each ethnic group member to influence the conditions of his or her life. Empowerment counters hopelessness and powerlessness with an emphasis on the ability of each person to address problems competently, beginning with a positive view of oneself. Empowerment counters oppression and poverty by helping ethnic groups and their members to increase their ability to make and implement basic life decisions.

Strength perspective

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The strength perspective is closely related to empowerment. The strengths perspective seeks to identify, use, built, and reinforces the abilities and strength that people have in contrast to the medical perspective, which focuses on their deficiencies. It emphasizes people‟s abilities, interest, aspirations, resources, beliefs, and accomplishment.

Culturally competent Practice

Social workers will be dealing with people who are increasingly diverse, politically more active, and more aware of their rights. It is therefore incumbent upon social workers to become increasingly competent. In order to become culturally competent social workers needs to: (a) become aware of culture and its pervasive influence, (b) learn about their own cultures, (c) recognize their own ethno centricity, (d) learn about other cultures, (e) acquire cultural knowledge about their clients, and (f) adapt social work skills and intervention approach accordingly core social work function is to help people learn about, gain access to, and use a range of social service.

Scope of Ethnic- Sensitive Social Workers

The major professional social work organisations have in the past few decades taken strong positions to work together ending racial and ethnic discrimination and violence and oppression. The NASW Code of Ethics has an explicit statement that:

Social workers should act to prevent and eliminate domination, exploitation, and discrimination against any person, group, or class on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, colour, age, religion, sex, sexual orientation, marital status, political beliefs, mental or physical disability, or any other preferences, personal characteristics, or status.15

As far as the situation and the issues is concerned there a great dilemma for the social worker. While looking at the present status of Zomi especially in Manipur it is absolutely a political and identity issue. As far as the social work intervention is concerned there is a little scope. But it might be wrong to say that there is no place for social work with ethnic- sensitive in the issue. For all this it is needed to incorporate the above three perspective where the social worker can work with the ethnic group. These three perspectives will play a great role in the social work intervention which the social worker need to be more sensitive about the ethnic and identity issue

15 The said paragraph taken from Zastrow, C. (2004). Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare: Empowering People, United States of America: Brooks/ Cole- Thomas Learning.p.434.

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as well. There the ethnic- sensitive social worker can also work together with the Church Organisation, Various voluntary organisations, Philanthropic organisation; Community based organisation as well as civil society as well. The social worker can also work together with the various frontal organisations of the Zomi Council in the helping of individual, groups and community.

Baum, N. (2007) in the British Journal of Social Work under „Social Work Practice in Conflict- Ridden Areas: Cultural Sensitivity is not Enough‟, he argue that since political conflict between two ethnic groups with different cultures, the well developed literature on ethnic- sensitive social work can be some help in enhancing professional work with persons on the side of a political conflict. Thus, there is a need for more experts in the conflict situation like Manipur where there are different ethnic groups like the 'Zomi', Nagas and Meiteis. Also the presence of people with their own ethnicities encourages social workers to do several things: challenge the supposedly discrete categories of ethnic groups; question the power dynamics within the ethnic groups; account for more complex patterns of cultural exchange and influence on identities.

Conclusion

There is a little scope for the social work practitioners, but voicing for the ethnic groups for their land rights, discrimination against the individual and groups, against the human rights violations among the civilians by the army through the AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Power Act) and ethnic cleansing done to the ethnic groups by the majority groups. In the context of the Zomi identity and Autonomy, it is imperative for an emerging dialogue space to transcend normative understanding of autonomy which puts a premium on the institutional efficiency of „law and order‟. There is an increasing urgency to look beyond the Westminster model of democracy and a willingness to craft institutions outside the existing constitutional framework which will envision expensive sharing of powers and the nomenclature of Zomi should also be recognised. One is to incorporate an indigenous constitutional framework of the Zomi and alongside the Constitution Art. 244A of the state. The parallel model of bottom-up of the Zomi Council among the Zo people as well. This bottom- up model may be legitimized and given a larger quasi- political role in deciding matters pertaining to Zo culture, identity, and land with the provision of the Constitution under Art. 244A.

I want to conclude with the quote of Dr. H. Kamkhenthang;

„To me Zomi is an indigenous term having its own meaning to the people. This term remained buried in the stratum of socio- cultural layers of the people that is taking its own germination though retarded by the imposition of foreign terms to which the people respond externally‟.

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Baum, N. (2007). Social Work Practice in Conflict- Ridden Areas: Cultural Sensitivity is not Enough. British Journal of Social Work, 37, 873- 891. doi 10.1093/bjsw/bcl050

Bhaumik, S. (2009). Troubled Periphery: Crisis of India‟s North East. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd.

Buman, B.K.R, (1992). Ethnicity and Ethnic Tensions some theoretical Issues and Illustrative. In B. Chaudhari (Ed.), Ethnopolitics and Identity Crisis, (pp.421- 433). New Delhi: Inter- India Publications.

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Suan, H. K.K. (2009). Hill Valley Divide as a Site of Conflict: Emerging Dialogue Space in Manipur. In S. Baruah (Ed.), Beyond Counter- Insurgency: Breaking the Impasse in Northeast India (pp. 263- 289). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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