CSS Analyses in Security Policy CSS ETH Zurich N0. 230, September 2018, Editor: Matthias Bieri

Contracting Out – the EU’s Migration Gamble

Although irregular migration to Europe has declined, avoiding a recur- rence of events in 2015 is seen as paramount. The EU is increasingly relying on cooperation with third countries to reduce migration pres- sure. Such cooperation, however, often fails to sufficiently consider the political and economic contexts of partners, which could ultimately compromise the EU’s own migration aims and values.

By Lisa Watanabe

Irregular arrivals in Europe have been de- clining over the past three years. Whereas over one million people arrived irregularly in 2015, the figure had dropped to 382,000 in 2016, and fell further in 2017 to roughly 186,000. With approximately 58,000 ir- regular arrivals during the first half of 2018, the downward trend could be set to con- tinue this year. The overall reduction in numbers is mainly the result of fewer mi- grants and refugees taking the Eastern Mediterranean Route (principally from to Greece), due in part to increased cooperation on migration between the EU and Turkey, as well as the near-closure of the Western Balkan Route (mostly from Greece to Hungary or Croatia via Mace- donia and Serbia). The Western Mediterranean Route has been more frequently used since 2017. In the picture: Migrants rescued by NGO Proactiva Open Arms in front of the rock of Gibraltar. Juan Medina / In addition to the reduction in the total number of irregular arrivals, the relative importance of the Mediterranean migra- tion routes has been shifting. From late management between Morocco and . larger proportion of those arriving irregu- 2015 to the end of 2017, as the Eastern The relative weight of these routes could larly in Europe tend to come from countries Mediterranean Route gradually became change yet again in 2018. in North, West, and East Africa. The Afri- less significant, the Central Mediterranean can continent has thus become an increas- Route (mostly from to Italy), which The nationalities of those attempting to en- ing source of irregular migration to Europe was the main route in 2014 (see CSS Anal- ter Europe irregularly have also been for a variety of reasons, including lack of ysis No. 162), once again became the prin- changing. When irregular migration to Eu- economic perspective and instability. cipal route for those trying to reach Europe rope peaked in 2015, Syrians, Iraqis, and irregularly. 2017 also saw a revival of the Afghans tended to be the most heavily rep- Internal Migration Management Western Mediterranean Route (mostly resented nationalities, especially along the Although irregular arrivals have declined from Morocco to Spain), which was once Eastern Mediterranean Route. However, as since 2015, crises in Europe’s neighbor- considered largely closed as a consequence the Central and Western Mediterranean hood could see them peak again. Were this of longstanding cooperation on migration routes have taken on greater importance, a to happen, the EU could still struggle to

© 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich 1 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 230, September 2018

cope. At the heart of the problem are defi- Switzerland and European Migration Cooperation ciencies in its Common European Asylum System (CEAS), notably the Dublin Reg- Switzerland contributes to developments in response to events in 2015 through its Schengen/Dub- lin Association Agreements, as well as through its voluntary participation in some EU agencies and ulations, which were initially created out- initiatives. In solidarity with other Dublin states, Switzerland agreed to take in 1’500 people from side the EU framework in 1990 and later Italy and Greece under the EU’s Relocation Programme, and Swiss asylum specialists have been incorporated into EU law in 1999. They deployed to the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) to assist with operations in hot spots established in Greece and Italy. Switzerland also intends to contribute personnel to the European now apply to all 28 EU countries plus Ice- Border and Coast Guard Agency (EBCG) and to help it improve the rate of returns of third-country land, Norway, and Switzerland. According nationals irregularly staying in the Schengen Area. Switzerland has also adopted the amendment to these rules, the first country in which an to the Schengen Border Code that introduced systematic checks of all people crossing the asylum seeker arrives in the Dublin Area is Schengen borders, including those from Schengen countries, and will be bound by any further modifications to the Schengen Border Code. usually responsible for processing his or her While most of the proposed changes to the EU’s common asylum system do not relate to asylum application. Hence, a dispropor- Switzerland as a non-EU country, some do. Switzerland’s current contribution to EASO means that tionate burden is placed on the main coun- it would likely choose to participate in the proposed European asylum agency. Any changes to the tries of arrival along the common external Dublin Regulations would also be of relevance to Switzerland. If a mandatory solidarity mecha- nism is agreed, which seems unlikely, Switzerland would be obliged to participate in it. However, if border, such as Greece and Italy. Placing a voluntary solidarity mechanism transpires, Switzerland would not be obliged to participate in it, these countries under too much pressure but would probably choose to out of solidarity. increases the chance of secondary migra- To advance its migration objectives, Switzerland has bilaterally concluded migration partnerships tion movements on to other Dublin states, with non-EU third states, some of which are relevant to the Central Mediterranean Route (e.g., due to a failure to register every new arrival Tunisia and Nigeria), and also cooperates with international organizations, including the UNHCR and IOM. While some of these actions are informally coordinated with the EU on a local level, they and variations in the treatment of asylum remain distinct from the EU’s external dimension of migration management. seekers in EU/Dublin states that can en- courage asylum seekers to try to reach countries where they believe their asylum chances may be high.

Secondary movements not only undermine gerprints entered into the data- untary basis. They also intend to explore the the Dublin system, though. They can also base, which Dublin states can consult to possibility of regional disembarkation cen- compromise the EU’s principle of free determine where asylum seekers first ar- ters in third countries. Negotiations are also movement of people by making one of its rived. A European Border and Coast Guard progressing on less controversial measures, Agency (EBCG) was also cre- such as reinforcing the Eurodac database, The Schengen Border Code ated from Frontex (the EU’s further harmonizing the treatment of asy- was modified to allow for checks border management agency) to lum seekers and reception conditions and increase oversight of Schengen transforming the European Asylum Sup- on all individuals crossing the countries border management, port Office (EASO) into an asylum agency common external border. boost operational support avail- to facilitate the implementation of reforms. able to them, facilitate action in urgent situations, and improve Cooperation with Turkey elements, namely border-control-free trav- coordination between EU member states In contrast to the slow pace of reforms in el, less feasible. The latter is based on the and third countries on the return of those the EU’s CEAS, particularly those that 1985 and 1990 Schengen Agreements. who do not qualify for asylum. In addition, would modify the Dublin Regulations Like the Dublin Regulations, they were the Schengen Border Code was modified to and affect how many asylum seekers EU/ initiated outside the EU and subsequently allow for checks on all individuals crossing Dublin countries would receive, coopera- integrated into EU law in 1999. Today, the the common external border, including na- tion with third countries to reduce irregu- Schengen Area consists of 22 EU countries tionals of EU/Schengen countries. lar arrivals has advanced apace. To reduce as well as Lichtenstein, Iceland, Norway, departures from Turkey to Europe, the and Switzerland. In 2015, fears of irregular To alleviate pressure on Greece and Italy, EU concluded a Joint Action Plan with secondary movements prompted Hungary the EU established a relocation program to Turkey in October 2015, under which and Slovenia, two EU Schengen states, to redistribute those likely to qualify for asy- Turkey agreed to align its visa require- construct fences. Additionally, a number of lum to other countries within the Union, as ments with those of the EU, especially EU/Schengen states (Germany, Denmark, well as to non-EU Dublin countries that with regards to countries that constitute a Norway, Sweden, and Austria) temporarily choose to participate. However, progress has significant source of irregular migration to re-imposed border controls on the grounds been slow, and some EU states have refused Europe, notably Syria; increase the inter- of either anticipated secondary migration to accept mandatory quotas of people in ception of those trying to enter Greece ir- movements or resultant threats to public need. Diverging positions regarding the regularly from Turkey; improve coopera- policy. question of burden-sharing have similarly tion on the readmission of migrants who deadlocked discussions on modifications to passed through Turkey but do not qualify In order to restore the normal functioning the Dublin Regulations. In a gesture to- for asylum; and combat smuggling net- of the Schengen Area, the EU has taken a wards greater solidarity that falls short of works. In return, the EU agreed to im- number of measures to improve security at the European Commission’s proposed auto- prove exchange of information on smug- the external Schengen border. So-called hot matic relocation mechanism, EU member gling networks with Turkey, as well as to spots (special processing centers) were es- states have agreed that secure centers for provide financial support for both Syrian tablished in Greece and Italy to ensure that processing those rescued at sea should be refugees hosted in Turkey and capacity- all new arrivals are registered and their fin- established in EU countries, albeit on a vol- building for the Turkish Coast Guard.

© 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich 2 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 230, September 2018

Main Migration Routes to Europe in 2017 The resultant increased control of Libya’s maritime border in particular has led to a decline in departures from Libya to Italy, seemingly vindicating initiatives undertak- en or endorsed by the EU. However, the measures taken by the EU and Italy have also heightened the vulnerability of mi- grants and refugees in Libya by increasing the length of time spent in “safe houses” provided by smugglers, as well as exposure to the risk of kidnapping, extortion, and abuse in both official and unofficial deten- tion centers. As their plight has become apparent, the UNHCR and the Interna- tional Organization for Migration (IOM) have stepped up operations to evacuate mi- grants to their countries of origin and re- settle refugees in safe third countries, which the EU obviously supports.

Cognizant of the need to engage a wider set of origin and transit countries to reduce transit to Libya, the EU has since mid- In order to further reduce irregular arrivals the Central Mediterranean Route. As the 2016 entered into country-specific, non- from Turkey to Greece, the EU and Turkey main departure point for Europe on this legally binding political agreements or so- issued a joint statement in March 2016. In route, Libya would have been a prime can- called compacts with Ethiopia, Mali, Niger, it, Turkey pledged from that time on to re- didate for such a deal. However, the lack of Nigeria, and Senegal. The compacts are admit all those who crossed from Turkey to a reliable governmental partner has cir- largely financed by a new funding instru- Greece and either do not apply or qualify cumscribed the scope of EU-Libyan coop- ment, the Emergency Trust Fund for Af- for asylum, as well as all of those rescued in eration. The EU remains limited to train- rica, created in 2016. To maximize leverage Turkish territorial waters. In recognition of ing the Libyan Navy and Coast Guard to vis-à-vis third countries, they draw on a this, the EU agreed to reinvigorate Turkey’s combat people trafficking and smuggling range of policy areas (development, trade, EU accession process, accelerate the lifting in Libyan waters through its operation security, education, and mobility), as well as of visa requirements for Turkish citizens, EUNAVFOR Med Sophia, and the gradu- existing bilateral migration cooperation and resettle one Syrian from Turkey to the al re-establishment of its border manage- between third countries and individual EU EU for every Syrian returned to Turkey. ment mission, EUBAM Libya. member states, and employ positive and negative incentives. The EU’s stated short- Measures taken by Turkey do appear to Given the limits to what the EU itself can term aim is to combat people smuggling have contributed to a reduction in the do in Libya, the Union endorses and par- and trafficking, increase the return of those number of irregular arrivals via the Eastern tially finances Italy’s efforts to work with a staying irregularly in the EU to countries Mediterranean Route. However, coopera- number of Libyan actors to curb irregular of origin and transit, encourage migrants tive arrangements with Turkey are not le- migration. The basis for this cooperation is and refugees to stay close to home, and in- gally-binding international agreements. As a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) crease the possibilities for resettlement in such, they leave the EU vulnerable to signed by Italy and the UN-backed Libyan the EU for those qualifying for protection. threats by the Turkish government to cease Government of National Accord in Febru- Over the long term, the compacts are also cooperation, which has continued despite ary 2017. In the MoU, Italy agreed to work supposed to address the drivers of irregular tensions in EU-Turkey relations following with Libyan institutions responsible for migration. the attempted coup in 2016. Doubts also tackling irregular migration and securing exist as to whether the EU-Turkey state- Libyan borders, as well as to provide devel- So far, the compacts have led to some prog- ment in particular upholds international opment assistance to help create alternative ress in the area of combating people smug- protection standards. Turkey’s status as a revenues for communities reliant on people gling and trafficking, and also in improving safe country to which Syrians can be re- smuggling and trafficking. From this start- border security. However, they are generally turned is disputed, since Turkey only grants failing to deliver on the EU’s full asylum to non-European refugees and The lack of a reliable governmen- goal of increasing readmission. is believed to have violated the non-refoule- Sub-Saharan African countries ment principle by turning Syrian asylum- tal partner has circumscribed the tend to rely heavily on remit- seekers away at the Turkish border. scope of EU-Libyan cooperation. tances from diaspora communi- ties in Europe and are thus re- Reducing Transit through Libya luctant to cooperate on this Despite the shortcomings of the so-called ing point, cooperation has expanded to in- issue. The compacts have also been criti- EU-Turkey deal, its impact on irregular ar- clude engagement with a number of addi- cized for subordinating development aid, rivals has encouraged the EU to seek simi- tional intermediaries, including tribes and trade relations, and other policy areas to the lar arrangements with countries relevant to mayors. EU’s migration agenda, which could be

© 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich 3 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 230, September 2018

counter-productive over the long run. promised benefits of such cooperation pri- is offering may not be enough to encourage Moreover, the heavy focus on keeping mi- marily include visa facilitation for select progress on readmissions and return. It is grants and refugees close to home is not categories of people, such as students and also unlikely to extend to hosting regional complemented by measures to ensure that businesspeople, and enhanced legal path- disembarkation centers. Egypt, Morocco, the rights of migrants and refugees will be ways for labor migration to the EU. and Tunisia have already refused to host respected. In addition, the promise of great- such centers. er pathways to resettlement to the EU may Nevertheless, so far, Morocco and Tunisia not materialize, given how contentious ac- are the only North African countries to A Sustainable Approach cepting refugees has become in Europe. have concluded Mobility Partnerships, in To be sure, cooperation with third coun- 2013 and 2014 respectively, and coopera- tries does need to form part of the EU’s ap- Partnering North Africa tion on readmission and return has been proach to migration. However, cooperative A similar mismatch of agendas has also slow. As with sub-Saharan African coun- arrangements that are too heavily weighted marred cooperation between the EU and tries, remittances are very important to in favor of the EU’s short-term aim of dis- North African countries, and couraging migrants and refugees from at- The promise of greater pathways returns of third-country nation- tempting to reach Europe and that neglect to resettlement to the EU may als are contentious, as it could be third countries’ migration interests are like- difficult to repatriate them to ly to lead to disappointing results, even not materialize, given how con- their home countries. The anti- with the application of penalties for poor tentious accepting refugees has immigration climate in EU cooperation. Worse still, they are likely to member states has also made it consciously compromise the rights of refu- become in Europe. hard for the EU to deliver on gees and migrants. The EU needs to devel- visa facilitation and increased op a more sustainable approach to manag- North African countries with which the mobility, reducing the EU’s leverage and ing migration that adopts a more long-term EU would like to cooperate more closely generating cynicism among its partners. and realistic view of partners’ local contexts. on migration in order to prevent them This should not, however, be seen as a sub- from becoming key departure points to The EU is now hoping to use the added stitute for a unified and effective way of Europe in Libya’s place. Migration coop- flexibility provided by the Emergency coping with irregular migration within the eration with them has traditionally oc- Trust Fund for Africa to provide a new im- EU itself, if the Union and wider Europe curred within the framework of the Euro- pulse to migration cooperation with North are to avoid a repeat of events in 2015. pean Neighbourhood Policy through African countries, especially Egypt, Mo- Mobility Partnerships, where partner rocco, and Tunisia. This does seem to have countries agree to strengthen their border paid some dividends. In 2017, Egypt began controls and readmit nationals who are ir- a dialog on migration with the EU, and Dr. Lisa Watanabe is Senior Researcher at the regularly staying in the EU, as well as to new migration-related projects have been Center for Security Studies (CSS) at ETH Zurich. take back third-country nationals who started with Morocco and Tunisia. How- She is the author of i.a. Borderline Practices – Ir- transited through their territories. The ever, the additional assistance that the EU regular Migration and EU External Relations.

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