THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY
THE „WHO‟ OF THE CIGAR MAKING INDUSTRY: GENDER, ETHNICITY, & PLACE-TRADITIONS, 1757-1900
CHRISTINE ROSENFELD Spring 2010
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in Geography and Spanish with honors in Geography
Reviewed and approved* by the following:
Deryck W. Holdsworth Professor of Geography Thesis Supervisor
Roger M. Downs Professor of Geography Honors Adviser
* Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College.
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ABSTRACT
This thesis analyzes the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and place-traditions in the composition of employees in the cigar making industry. An overview of the beginnings of the
Spanish tobacco industry from the 15th-19th centuries precedes consideration of differences in the demographics of employees in the tobacco industry among Seville and three American production sites, Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit, and explores reasons as to why the differences are present. Samples of cigar industry employees were chosen from the 1870 census for Key West and the 1900 census for Ybor City and Detroit. Demographic information from the
U.S. Census allowed for comparisons to be made among the three American places. Because census data were not available for cigar makers from Seville during the 18th and 19th centuries, archival documents provide a snapshot of the city‟s tobacco industry. Key West was most influenced by the Cuban cigar industry, Detroit by the American cigar industry—which was influenced by the Seville cigar industry—and Ybor City by both the Cuban and American cigar industries, suggesting that certain features of the cigar making industry were influenced by place.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES ...... vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... vii
Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1
Research Questions ...... 4 Outline ...... 5 Sources ...... 7
Chapter 2 Place Profiles: Seville ...... 11
Overview ...... 11 Tobacco Trading Network ...... 12 The Royal Tobacco Factory ...... 15 Decline of Importance ...... 25 Conclusion ...... 26
Chapter 3 Place Profiles: Key West & Ybor City ...... 28
Overview ...... 28 Key West ...... 30 Ybor City ...... 31 Key West & Ybor City ...... 36 Faces Behind the Occupations ...... 39 Non-Cubans & Social Clubs ...... 44 Conclusion ...... 46
Chapter 4 Place Profiles: Detroit ...... 48
Overview ...... 48 Census Analysis ...... 52 Faces Behind the Occupations ...... 59 Conclusion ...... 62
Chapter 5 Comparison: Key West, Ybor City, & Detroit ...... 63
Ethnic Homogeneity ...... 63 Occupation ...... 64 Factory Location ...... 67 iii
Gender and Age ...... 68 Household Composition ...... 72 Industry Influences & City Structures ...... 73
Chapter 6 Conclusion ...... 77
Summary ...... 77 Unanswered Questions & Further Research ...... 79
Appendix A Complete Occupation Categories ...... 83
Appendix B Key West Census Data ...... 84
Appendix C Ybor City Census Data ...... 88
Appendix D Detroit Census Data ...... 93
Appendix E Molino de Tabaco Letter to King of Spain, from Archive of the Indies ...... 97
Appendix F Location of Industry, Detroit, from Zunz (1982) ...... 99
Appendix G Distribution of Ethnic Groups, Detroit, from Zunz (1982) ...... 100
Appendix H Location of Consumer Goods Factories, Detroit, from Zunz (1982) ...... 101
Appendix I Table of Cigar Companies Listed in the Thirty-First Annual Report ...... 102
REFERENCES ...... 104
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2-1 Seville, Spain...... 14
Figure 2-2 Google Earth Image of Seville ...... 16
Figure 2-3 Royal Tobacco Factory ...... 16
Figure 2-4 Layout of Royal Tobacco Factory ...... 17
Figure 2-5 Monumento a las Cigarreras ...... 19
Figure 2-6 Poster for Carmen, 1896 ...... 20
Figure 2-7 Royal Tobacco Factory & Tagerete River ...... 23
Figure 2-8 Tobacco Machine, Mexico, 1787 ...... 26
Figure 3-1 Pie Chart of Country of Origin for Ybor City Sample ...... 33
Figure 3-2 Pie Chart of Occupation Categories for Ybor City Sample ...... 34
Figure 3-3 Graph of Age of Male & Female Employees in Key West Sample ...... 36
Figure 3-4 Graph of Age of Male & Female Employees in Ybor City Sample ...... 37
Figure 3-5 Front View of Casita in Ybor City...... 40
Figure 3-6 Side View of Casita in Ybor City ...... 41
Figure 3-7 Lector Reading in Ybor City Factory, 1930 ...... 42
Figure 3-8 Cultural Districts & Social Clubs of Historic Ybor City ...... 45
Figure 4-1 Detroit, 1897 ...... 50
Figure 4-2 Distribution of Age by Gender for Detroit Sample ...... 53
Figure 4-3 Country of Origin for Detroit Sample ...... 54
Figure 4-4 Occupation Categories for Detroit Sample ...... 57
Figure 4-5 Occupation by Gender for Detroit Sample ...... 58
Figure 4-6 Occupation of Males in Detroit Sample ...... 58 v
Figure 4-7 Occupation of Females in Detroit Sample ...... 58
Figure 4-8 St. Albertus Polish Roman Catholic Church ...... 60
Figure 4-9 Woman Rolling Cigar, Ybor City ...... 61
Figure 4-10 Female Cigar Makers, Detroit ...... 61
Figure 4-11 Woman Displaying Cigars, Detroit ...... 61
Figure 5-1 Occupation Pie Chart, Ybor City ...... 65
Figure 5-2 Occupation Pie Chart, Detroit ...... 65
Figure 5-3 Graph of Occupation by Gender for Detroit Sample ...... 66
Figure 5-4 Average Age of Employees by Gender ...... 69
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 3-1 Average Household Sizes for Key West & Ybor City Samples ...... 37
Table 5-1 Children‟s Status by Ethnic Group ...... 71
Table 5-2 Household Sizes for Key West, Ybor City, & Detroit ...... 73
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my thesis supervisor, Deryck Holdsworth, for sparking my interest in historical geography in all its glory nearly two years ago. With his guidance, I have written this thesis and learned how to weave together a cohesive story of places, people, and products. I would also like to thank my sole official reader, Roger Downs, for his feedback regarding content and grammar.
Chapter 1
Introduction
French opera writer Georges Bizet crafted a sultry, exotic, and independent lead character in his 1875 Carmen. Bizet‟s portrayal of Carmen led to the perception that all
Spanish women were fiery, sensuous beauties who could attract male attention with nothing more than a nonchalant yet luring toss of a flower. But while the female lead in his opera may have behaved like an amorous courtesan by night, by day, she was something far less glamorous: a cigarette maker. She worked in the Royal Tobacco
Factory in Seville, which bordered the southern limits of the city, a stone‟s throw from a former location of executions carried out by the Spanish Inquisition. Smoke rose from the spot once again when the tobacco factory was built in 1757 and snuff, cigar, and then cigarette production flourished.
Tobacco grown in Cuba‟s mineral-rich soils in the Vuelta Abajo region in western
Cuba near Havana made its way via Spanish ships across the Atlantic and up the
Guadalquivir River to Seville. Once at the factory, the superior-grade tobacco was refined and processed into highly-coveted tobacco products and then shipped to customers across Europe. But before consumers could savor such delicacies, workers in the factory carefully constructed the snuff, cigars, and cigarettes in a piecemeal, hand- made fashion. Bizet‟s Carmen was one such employee. Perhaps overshadowed by
Carmen‟s notable male entourage in the opera, the atmosphere of the factory that she 2 faced each day was in fact dominated by women—wives, daughters, mothers, friends, lovers, and neighbors of Sevillian men who were away on one of the many ambitious
Spanish sea voyages.
The Royal Tobacco Factory‟s female employee base set precedent for future tobacco factories in the United States, where women often worked in large numbers during the fifty years bridging the turn of the 20th century. New York City, New Jersey,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Chicago, and Detroit were hubs for female cigar makers (Cooper, 1987). In Detroit the cigar making industry was laden with young, foreign-born women. Such girls came from large Polish and German immigrant families and instead of attending school, produced cigars day in and day out. The cigars were sold for a nickel and were eponymously named five-cent cigars. The five-cent cigar industry was centered in the rural tobacco-producing fields of southeastern Pennsylvania and the urban metropolis of Detroit. This type of cigar was cheap because of its inferior quality tobacco filler, which came mostly from the northeastern US instead of Cuba.
Nonetheless, Cuban tobacco was still highly prized and attainable by wealthy cigar aficionados. However, unlike the historical trend of female cigar workers, the fabricators of habanos, cigars made with only the best Cuban tobacco, were decidedly male. The production of habanos was not scattered throughout the Northeast and
Midwest but rather was concentrated in Florida and carried out by Cuban immigrants. A quick glance at a map reveals that it was geography that dictated the cigar making diffusion from Cuba to Florida. The Ten Years‟ War from 1868-78 in Cuba led 3 expatriated Cubans to choose the path of least resistance in their emigration, ending up a mere 100 miles north of their homeland and settling in Key West.
In the last few decades of the 19th century, Key West, formerly home to a thriving sponging economy, felt the impacts of the influx of Cubans on their built and cultural environment as more and more tobacco factories were opened to capitalize on authentic
Cuban cigar craftsmanship. In 1885, prominent tobacco factory owner Vicente Martínez
Ybor moved his cigar business from Key West to Tampa, where he established a neighborhood called Ybor City. Tampa had an operating port which allowed for easy importation of Cuban tobacco by ship and by the 1880s, Henry B. Plant‟s railway system extended from Jacksonville to Tampa, meaning Tampa and Ybor City could enjoy full integration into the larger railway lines in the US that were accessible from Jacksonville, facilitating trade with the northern states.
Four places that share a past cigar industry identity, Seville, Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit, are investigated in this thesis. However, the goal of this study is to illuminate the distinctiveness of these places by using sources that reveal nuances in their employee composition and place-traditions. Thus, each place was chosen because its features represent an important point along the cigar making industry time line.
The Royal Tobacco Factory in Seville represents the grandfather of the organized
European tobacco industry. It established industry norms like a female workforce that lasted into the 20th century nearly 200 years after the factory‟s creation. The attention given to the Detroit cigar making industry employees in this study serves three purposes: 4 first, to demonstrate the continued presence of a robust female workforce in the cigar making industry similar to that of the northern US, second, to represent one of the two primary types of American cigar industries, that of the five-cent cigar, and third, to serve as a contrasting place profile to Ybor City and Key West.
The focus on Key West is in an effort to understand the Cuban cigar making industry, about which resources are limited. Accordingly, Key West represents an early extension of the Cuban cigar making industry. The decline of the Key West cigar industry led directly to the birth of Ybor City—although loyal Key Westers might argue the reverse. While Detroit was pivotal in five-cent cigar production, Ybor City was the headquarters of habano production. As contrasting industry features reveal, Ybor City was acutely influenced by the Cuban cigar industry. This study reveals, however, that the nature of time eventually trumped that of place and the cigar making industry of Ybor
City was modified to more accurately reflect its position in the American cigar landscape.
Thus, this thesis argues that Detroit better represents the American cigar making industry,
Key West the Cuban industry, and Ybor City an amalgam of the two.
Research Questions
The research questions that propelled this thesis include: When, why and how did the European tobacco industry begin? Why was tobacco a particularly important commodity to Spain in the 17th and 18th centuries? What was the relationship between
Spain and Cuba regarding tobacco? Where were cigars made in large quantities in the
US? What were the prominent types of cigars? What were the characteristics of the 5 American cigar making industry during the ages of industrialization and mechanization?
What role did immigrants have in the cigar making industry? Are the demographics of cigar makers different between places? Are the demographics of cigar makers in Key
West and Ybor City different than Detroit? If so, how and why? Given these research questions, the goals of this thesis are to first, provide an overview of the beginnings of the
Spanish tobacco industry, second, establish that there are differences in the demographics of employees in the tobacco industry among Seville, Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit, and third, explore reasons as to why the differences are present.
Outline
Chapter 1 explains the purpose, research questions, outline, and sources used.
Although a substantial portion of this thesis focuses on production similarities and labor variants within the cigar making industry, using census material, the distinctiveness of place is an important aspect of this geographical study and insights are sought at a variety of spatial scales. Thus, Chapters 2, 3, and 4 are part of a series called Place Profiles, which profile employees in the tobacco industry in Seville, Key West, Ybor City, and
Detroit, respectively.
Chapter 2, Place Profiles: Seville, begins with an overview of the beginnings of the Spanish tobacco industry and explores the development of the relationships and trading networks between Cuba and Spain. Addressed next is the infrastructure, location, and employee composition of the Royal Tobacco Factory in Seville, all of which 6 highlight the importance of tobacco and also trends in the industry, some of which were carried over to the American cigar industry hundreds of years later.
Chapter 3, Place Profiles: Key West & Ybor City, focuses on the heavily Cuban- influenced cigar making industry in America, propagated by Vicente Martínez Ybor during the 1870s. This chapter marks the first use of the principal source used in this thesis, the census, which provides information regarding age, gender, ethnicity, occupation, and household composition. First, a sample of people from the 1870 census is used to profile employees in the Key West cigar making industry and second, the same is done with the 1900 census for a sample from Ybor City.
In Chapter 4, Place Profiles: Detroit, the emphasis is shifted from the Cuban- influenced American cigar making industry to a cigar landscape dominated by young
Polish and German girls, and more reflective of the larger American cigar landscape. It uses the same census research techniques that were used when analyzing Key West and
Ybor City, but yields different results, leading to a comparison between the places in
Chapter 5.
Chapter 5, Comparison: Key West, Ybor City, & Detroit, combines information and trends presented in Chapters 3 and 4 in order to compare and contrast the cigar making industry and employee composition among the cities. The chapter is broken down into sections that compare and contrast data from the census from the three places.
The chapter concludes by explaining and comparing the city structures of Key West, 7 Ybor City, and Detroit and the cigar landscapes, American or Cuban, which most heavily influenced each place.
Chapter 6 serves as the conclusion of this thesis. First, it presents a summary of the research and broad conclusions, and second, it presents unanswered research questions that were out of the scope of this thesis. These questions provide additional research possibilities that would complement the present study.
Sources
Sources used in this thesis include books, journal articles, websites, maps, archival documents, and manuscript census. There is extensive use of Olivier Zunz‟s The
Changing Face of Inequality and Frank Trebín Lastra‟s Ybor City: The Making of a
Landmark Town. Archival documents used come from the Archivo General de Indias, located in Seville, Spain.
The source that requires additional explanation with regard to methods used is the
U.S. Census. Digitized copies of the 1870 and 1900 censuses are accessible through ancestry.com and data from sample populations form the basis of conclusions made in this study. Explanation of data collection is as follows:
Non-random samples of people from Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit were chosen to represent dominant immigrant employees in the cigar industry („cigar industry‟ is used interchangeably with „cigar making industry‟ in this thesis and refers to the manufacturing of tobacco products, not the cultivation, transportation, or sale of tobacco; 8 „tobacco industry‟ is used to refer to the snuff, cigar, and cigarette making industry in
Spain). For all three samples, only people listed as having an occupation in the cigar industry were recorded. Appendix A contains a complete list of occupations. The sample chosen for Key West is of all cigar industry employees living in Key West,
Monroe County, Florida in 1870. The sample chosen for Ybor City is of all cigar industry employees listed in sheets 1-20 of District 69, Tampa Township, Hillsborough
County, Florida in 1900. The sample chosen for Detroit is of all cigar industry employees living in District 100, Ward 9, Wayne County, Michigan in 1900. Complete data for all three samples is found in Appendices B, C, and D.
The 1870 census was chosen for the Key West sample because it was taken a mere two years after the start of the Ten Years‟ War, which means it captured the earliest
Cuban cigar maker immigrants to Key West. Since an aim of this study is to examine the
Cuban cigar industry, capturing data about cigar makers „fresh‟ from Cuba, which was most likely the case for many of the recorded employees, allows for a snapshot of the
Cuban cigar making industry workforce. Additionally, the 1870 census of Key West is small enough (135 pages) that all residents of the island were recorded in a single enumeration district, avoiding the need to blindly choose a district that may not be representative of all industry employees.
The 1900 census was chosen for Ybor City because the 1890 census, the first census taken after the city‟s formation in 1885, was destroyed in a fire and therefore is not accessible. Thus, the 1900 census provides the first snapshot into the cigar makers of
Ybor City. There were four enumeration districts for Ybor City and District 69 was 9 chosen because it covers people living along several principal streets in the heart of the city, including 7th and 8th Avenues. The 1900 census was also chosen to profile Detroit cigar industry employees because this allows for a parallel comparison between Detroit and Ybor City. Also, 1900 was before the utter domination of the automobile industry in
Detroit, and thus, the 1900 census captured a snapshot of Detroit‟s earlier, less influential industries, the cigar making industry being one. Furthermore, historian Olivier Zunz
(1982) notes that by 1920, the social history of Detroit had changed such that “race and class came to replace ethnicity in dividing and reshaping [the city],” (p. 11). The 1900 census, therefore, captures the ethnically dominated social landscape. Enumeration district 100 was chosen for the Detroit sample because the location that it covers is in the center of Poletown, and thus, surely captures the role of a prominent immigrant group in the cigar industry, an aim of this study.
For the Ybor City sample, the following information was recorded for each person counted: address, name, household relation, color or race, sex, age, country of origin/nativity, nuclear household size, total household size, boarders, servants, occupation, and home tenure. The same information, except home tenure, was recorded for the Detroit sample. Country or origin/nativity was determined by the place of birth of the recorded person, except when that was in the US. In that case, the parents‟ places of birth were used to determine country or origin of the recorded person. If the mother‟s place of birth was different from the father‟s, the father‟s place of birth was used to determine country of origin. Nuclear household size is the number of people the 10 recorded person lives with, minus boarders and/or servants. Total household size includes nuclear household size plus boarders and/or servants.
The 1870 census, used for the Key West sample, requires additional explanation.
Because the 1870 census does not specify relation to head-of-household, under a given address in the Key West sample, the household relation is listed as „head‟ if the person was listed first, either with his presumed family sharing his last name following or with other residents who had a different last name. The person is listed as „not head‟ if he shared the same last name of a „head‟ above him. Almost all of these cases appeared to be a son or some other type of kin. Multiple „heads‟ in one household indicates either a relation to the „head‟ with a different last name or a lodger/boarder with a different last name than the other „head/s‟ previously listed in the household.
For the Key West sample, nuclear household size was recorded for each person including that of lodgers/boarders, except when another man with the title „not head‟ who shared the same last name as „head‟ resided in the house (i.e. presumed sons were not given a nuclear family size because they belonged to the same family as the „head‟).
Total household size reflects the total number of people listed under a single address, including lodgers/boarders and servants. Last names in household is a count of the number of last names in each household. Sometimes the same last name appeared more than once in a household, separated by differing last names, yet the residents under the second listing of the last name were quite young and appeared to be the children of the first last name listing. When this was the case, both sets of residents constituted only one last name. 11
Chapter 2
Place Profiles: Seville
Overview
Cigar aficionados all around the world praise Cuban cigars. The unparalleled hand-made quality, superior-grade tobacco, and time-honored tradition are just some characteristics that make Cuban cigars much-coveted and appreciated. Columbus is most often credited with introducing the Cuban tobacco leaf to Europe. Cuban historian Levi
Marrero (1946) writes that while in Cuba in 1492, Columbus and his shipmates saw
a cacique always with a stain on his hands and inhaling the smoke of some dried grasses, which are loaded like a musket in a particular dried leaf and from the other end, whose tip is lit, the smoke from within is puffed or taken in. The smoke makes those who puff drowsy and almost drunk, yet it is said that they do not feel tired. (p. 223)
As more and more of the novel and addictive tobacco migrated to Europe throughout the 16th century, it gained popularity not only among smokers but also among ambitious rulers. The Spanish Crown recognized and seized an opportunity and in 1637 declared a monopoly over tobacco, which began the longtime tobacco relations between
Spain and Cuba.
The Spanish tobacco industry was centered in Seville, Spain in the 17th and 18th centuries. Understanding the large scale Caribbean trading networks highlights the direct 12 connection between Cuba and Seville with regard to tobacco and explains the vital role that tobacco played in the Spanish economy. Moving to a smaller scale, La Real Fábrica de Tabacos, or the Royal Tobacco Factory, is one of tobacco‟s imprints on the Sevillian landscape. The factory‟s infrastructure, location, and policies implemented suggest the high-profile importance of tobacco to Spain.
Tobacco Trading Network
Unlike the Spanish, the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British were able to successfully build their sugar industries in the Caribbean due to large amounts of available capital, which enabled them to create large scale plantations and man them with pricey slaves. Laura Náter (2005), historian at the University of Puerto Rico, notes that
“[The Dutch merchants], moreover, were prepared to offer the colonists of any nationality capital and technical knowledge, to extend them long credits for acquiring slaves and factories, and then to buy the resulting crops,” (p. 255). In the late 1600s and early 1700s, King Philip V of Spain levied taxes on Cuban sugar coming into Spain while
French sugar could enter duty-free (Pons, 2007).
These governmental policies effectively suffocated the Cuban sugar industry and later required adaptations to save the industry. Additionally, there was conflict between the sugar farmers and the tobacco farmers in Cuba because each respective group competed for land and resources to cultivate their product. Colonial authorities on the island backed the tobacco farmers because they needed to assure that enough tobacco was grown to be shipped to Seville (Náter, 2004). While Spain had access to American silver, 13 it “lacked additional commodities to offer on the international market. Tobacco was an obvious choice,” (Náter, 2006, p. 98).
With sugar production dwindling in Hispanic Caribbean islands, the Crown needed to capitalize on Caribbean tobacco: it became Spain‟s primary commodity in the
Caribbean and was what allowed Spain to successfully compete economically and politically with other European powers in the region. Just like the French and the Dutch who produced the most superior quality sugar in the Caribbean, the Spanish had access to the highly coveted, most superior quality Cuban tobacco. Thus, to remain economically competitive with its rivals, Spain had to create a highly controlled, closed trading network to maintain exclusive tobacco trade with Cuba.
To do this, two “axes” were chosen: “Cuba was the production center par excellence and Seville was the center of elaboration, distribution, and export,” (Náter,
2005, p. 262). Cuba was chosen because of Spain‟s failing sugar industry on the island as well as Cuba‟s globally-recognized superior quality tobacco; Seville served as the peninsular base due to its pre-existing international trade hub status and easily defendable location on the Guadalquivir River inland from the Atlantic Ocean. Figure 2-1 is of
Seville‟s location relative to the Guadalquivir River.
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Figure 2-1 Seville, Spain. Maps from CIA, Google Earth, & Eurorivercruises.com.
“The economic success of the tobacco monopoly was inextricably linked to the establishment of the tobacco factories” and thus allowed for heavy taxation and monitoring of the industry to control quality and avoid smuggling (Vizcarra, 2005, p. 4;
Muñoz, 2006). The only government authorized tobacco production facility in Spain was in Seville, first located in the Plaza de San Pedro in the city center before moving south to
Calle Morería, then to the banks of the Guadalquivir where the Royal Tobacco Factory was built, and finally across the river to the residential neighborhood of Los Remedios
(Nash, 2005). 15 The success of the Spanish tobacco monopoly in the Caribbean depended on a three-pronged operation involving New Spain, Cuba, and Seville. New Spain provided situados, or silver coinage, to pay the tobacco farmers in Cuba who then exported crude tobacco leaves directly to Seville. Carlos Marichal and Matilde Souto Mantecón (1994) write, “the maintenance of the Spanish civil and military administration in the Caribbean depended, during the eighteenth century, on large and rising transfers of silver from the royal treasuries of New Spain,” (p. 587). When the Cuban tobacco, paid for in situados from New Spain, reached Seville, it was processed and fabricated into snuff and cigars and then distributed across Europe. Without each of these components, the network failed.
The Royal Tobacco Factory
Infrastructure
Moving to a smaller scale, the physical handprint of the three-pronged tobacco operation is seen in Seville, primarily by the Royal Tobacco Factory. The factory‟s architecture, regional importance, industrial history, employee composition, location, and legacy all highlight the high-profile and integral nature of Cuban tobacco in Spain. One of the primary engineers who directed the construction of the factory was Diego Bordick
Deverez. The factory, at 607 feet by 482 feet, was the largest industrial space in Europe when built from 1728-1757, still today an impressive size. Figure 2-2 is an aerial view of 16 downtown Seville with the massive factory, bull ring, and third largest cathedral in
Europe. Figure 2-3 is of the façade of the factory.
Bull Ring Cathedral
Tobacco Factory
Figure 2-2 Google Earth Image of Seville.
Figure 2-3 Royal Tobacco Factory. Photo by author.
17 The building, which currently houses the University of Seville, embodies a variety of architectural styles from medieval and military components to Baroque flair
(Ruiz, 2005). A schematic of the factory in Figure 2-4 shows that there was a prison
(labeled cárcel) within the compound, the purpose of which was twofold: first, the
Spanish military had a defensive presence there due to the factory‟s southern location in
Seville-proper along the Guadalquivir River and second, the prison was used for unruly or deceitful employees (Ruiz, 2005; Nash, 2005). There was also a moat (labeled foso) enclosing the factory, making it truly a fortified establishment.
Figure 2-4 Layout of Royal Tobacco Factory. From the Universidad de Sevilla website.
18 Nash (2005) writes, “The factory had its own military anti-disturbance guard and disciplinary tribunals so that theft, fights, and other misdemeanors could all be punished within the factory gates,” (p. 117). She also notes that employees were subjected to personal searches to reduce smuggling and adulteration, indicating that the well- maintained and highly monitored factory was an integral part of Spain‟s economy and therefore political power.
Employee Composition
A trademark of the factory was its female employees, who were sought after primarily because they could be paid less money than male workers. Figure 2-5 is of a monument built to honor the role that female employees had in the Spanish tobacco industry. It stands in front of the former branch tobacco factory in Cádiz.
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Figure 2-5 Monumento a las Cigarreras. Photo by author.
Because of the international nature of Seville, it may have been that there were more women available for the workforce, adding to the strong female presence in the tobacco factory. In 1525 Venetian ambassador Navagiero noted, “Seville is the place where so many people head out to the Indies that the city itself is depopulated, and left almost entirely in the hands of women,” (Nash, 2005, p. 82). This observation may explain the origins of the overwhelming female employee base. By 1800, it is estimated that 5,000 women worked in the tobacco factory with a total city population of about
80,000, which was quickly declining due to Yellow Fever (New York Times, 1888). 20 Nonetheless, “by 1900 the women employed at the tobacco factory equaled 40% of
Seville‟s population of working women,” (Nash, 2005; Singh-Brinkman, 2005, p. 77).
The role of primarily gypsy women employed in the tobacco factory, called cigarreras, became engraved in Spanish culture and foreigners‟ perceptions of Spanish women and Spain, southern Spain in particular. Nirmala Singh-Brinkman (2005), author of Autonomy and the Other: Andalusian Regionalism and Seville’s Cigarrera, writes that the Spanish press adopted the image of Georges Bizet‟s Carmen as an embodiment of
Andalusia itself around the turn of the 20th century. Figure 2-6 is of a poster for Carmen that contributed to the propagation of the perception that Andalusia was filled with intriguing, exotic, and flamenco-esque women.
Figure 2-6 Poster for Carmen, 1896. From Library of Congress. 21
Nash (2005) notes that “Andalusian regionalists used these available, ready-made figures both to combat and to convey their self-perceived status of oppression and marginalization by the Castilian central power,” (p. 83). In this way, the cigarreras of the 18th century and their reinforcement as part of Andalusian culture by Bizet‟s opera
Carmen, demonstrate the factory‟s influence on Seville.
The cigarreras were fortunate to work in the tobacco factory because the factory policies reflected a relatively early stride in female workers‟ rights. For example, the factory had “…eight-hour day[s], retirement pensions, working clothes and the custom of respecting the preferences of workers nearing retirement” and even provided “…high- sided, wooden cradles that their mothers could rock with their foot without having to interrupt their work,” (Nash, 2005, p. 120). In addition to serving as a prototype for workers‟ rights, the factory also served as a prototype for later industrial enterprises with regard to its cost accounting system which was developed to control the quality of products and monitor employees (Carmona, Ezzamel, & Gutiérrez, 1998). Such a sophisticated monitoring system may have limited employees from stealing tobacco, but the tobacco was at risk of being stolen even before reaching the factory. The consensus among researchers is that ship captains and merchants transporting tobacco to Seville kept as much as they could to later sell illegally, hopefully without being caught, which would have resulted in the death penalty (Náter, 2005). The result was constant tobacco shortages in the Royal Tobacco Factory such that in July 1786, “Spanish officials also permitted Louisiana planters to send tobacco directly to Spain for the production of snuff 22 at the royal factory in Seville,” (Brown, 2008, p. 174). This move by Spain indicates that
Cuban farmers breached the royal mandate and sold tobacco to non-Spanish merchants and that Spanish merchants continued to transport and sell contraband tobacco to other
European powers in the Caribbean, leaving the Royal Tobacco Factory short on raw materials.
Route of Tobacco
Tobacco grown in Cuba that was not smuggled by greedy merchants was dried, bundled, and placed on ships that sailed east across the Atlantic Ocean. When it reached the port of Cádiz, it was transported up the Guadalquivir River to Seville. But the route of tobacco from the Guadalquivir to the factory was not in open-air carts; it was far more protected, evidence of its importance to the Spanish government.
A branch stream of the Guadalquivir River, the Tagarete, used to run just north of the location of the Royal Tobacco Factory in the 16th and 17th centuries (Ruiz, 2005).
Like the Guadalquivir River, the Tagarete suffered silt build-up and consequently
„disappeared.‟ However, Figure 2-7 shows that the rivulet was indeed still functioning during the 18th century and while it may have been covered up with brush and thicket and/or subsided, the factory maintained direct underground access (Nash, 2005; Ruiz,
2005).
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Tagarete River
Figure 2-7 Royal Tobacco Factory & Tagarete River. From the Universidad de Sevilla website.
Nash (2005) suggests that in the factory guardhouse that faces north, there may have been an “…embarcadero, a mooring point for boats that could travel via an underground river to and from the Torre del Oro” and that “…the secret waterway was once used to bring tobacco in from galleons moored in the river, to prevent the precious cargo being seized by pirates before it reached its destination (p. 116). In other words, boats carrying tobacco fresh from Cuba would dock at the Torre del Oro, or the Tower of
Gold, which was a watch tower built by the Almohads when they occupied Al-Andalus in the 12th and 13th centuries. From the tower, the tobacco was placed on rafts on the clandestine Tagarete which brought the tobacco to the factory, where it emerged from beneath the factory and underwent manufacturing. The processed snuff would then travel again via the Tagarete directly from the factory to the tower and await re-export, never being exposed to public, „dangerous‟ Sevillian air. The unique and secretive route of tobacco speaks to its importance and consequent security surrounding its importation, production, and distribution. 24 Tobacco journeyed from Cuba to the Royal Tobacco Factory to the Torre del Oro, but where did it go next? The British had their own supply of good quality tobacco from
Virginia and the French dabbled in growing tobacco in France, so much of the Cuban tobacco initially supplied the Iberian peninsula, but as production increased, so did re- exportation. Náter (2006) writes, “Widespread commercialization [of tobacco] took place only from the early seventeenth century in Lisbon, Seville, and especially
Amsterdam,” (p. 93). Considering the commercial might and international nature of
Lisbon and Amsterdam, it is not surprising that the cities served as distribution centers.
Rafael Torres Sánchez (2005) explores the role that the eastern seaboard city of
Barcelona in Catalonia played in the tobacco trade, especially with regard to contraband tobacco. He purports that French-grown tobacco was “exported mainly to the Italian ports of Genoa and Leghorn, as well as to ports in Catalonia,” (p. 724). The goal of
Catalonian merchants was to operate autonomously from the Castilian monopolies so they could deal contraband tobacco. They succeeded due to their crafty relations with the somewhat independent Catalonian parliament by persuading the parliament to regionally abolish the Castilian tobacco monopoly (Sánchez, 2005). Also, Barcelona was an important Mediterranean trading port used by other cities such as London, Lisbon, and
Genoa. “Not only did Catalan ships carry the tobacco…from Seville to Barcelona, they also transported it to the main Spanish Mediterranean ports, from Barcelona to Majorca,
Alicante and Valencia,” (Sánchez, 2005, p. 735). Thus, both local and foreign pressures encouraged Barcelona‟s participation in the tobacco trade. 25 Decline of Importance
Part of the reason for the decline in the popularity of Cuban tobacco was the stubbornness of the Spanish Crown in maintaining high-quality, expensive Cuban tobacco as its only source of tobacco. The Crown did not adapt to the rising demand for cheaper tobacco and thus, Spain‟s high-quality, expensive tobacco products were in less demand. Sánchez (2005) reports that in the mid 1700s the Crown was forced to import inferior but cheaper Brazilian tobacco, “which accounted for approximately a third of the tobacco sold by the Monopoly in Spain,” (p. 738). Whereas initially there was demand and necessary capital to purchase high-quality Cuban tobacco, as time wore on and most of Europe became physically and financially involved in colonial wars, Europeans settled for inferior tobacco from Brazil or Virginia. The Spanish Crown‟s stubborn and static policy of maintaining high-quality tobacco products, which had initially accounted for its success in the tobacco industry, ultimately contributed to its downfall.
An indication of Spain‟s declining tobacco industry is the shift of production centers from Seville to the Caribbean and New Spain. For example, in Appendix E there is a letter from the governor of Cuba to the King of Spain in 1797 discussing a “molino de tabaco,” or a tobacco mill, on Santo Domingo (Archive of the Indies). Additionally,
Catalina Vizcarra (2005) writes, “By 1770, five large factories had been instituted in
Mexico city, Guadalajara, Puebla, Queretaro, and Orizaba” and that “In Mexico, tobacco was the second most important commodity in the production of government income surpassing silver in the first decade of the 1800s,” (p. 7-8). Figure 2-8 is a plan from 26 Mexico in 1787 for a rather intricate cigar machine, indicating tobacco manufacturing outside of Seville.
Figure 2-8 Tobacco Machine, Mexico, 1787. From the Archive of the Indies.
Conclusion
Seville—the Royal Tobacco Factory in particular—was the seat of the Spanish tobacco industry. Examination of both the global and local scale of the Spanish tobacco industry in the 17th and 18th centuries paints a picture of economic, political, and social forces at work that capitalized on tobacco. Cuban tobacco engraved the landscapes of the 27 many places that it physically touched and also impacted non-physical arenas such as
Spanish economic policy and European competition in the Caribbean.
Just as cigarreras are synonymous with Andalusia, so too are habanos with Cuba.
Authentic Cuban cigars require Cuban tobacco and Cuban craftsmanship. Originally these two requirements were found exclusively on the island of Cuba. But political strife and war rendered the island an inhospitable home for many Cubans. Thus, Florida, abundantly supplied with the two requirements, became home to authentic Cuban cigars.
The cigar landscape of Key West, the first point of entry for Cubans, was strongly influenced by the Cuban cigar industry; however, with increasing distance from Cuba, in
Ybor City for example, the cigar landscape morphed to include features of the American cigar making industry.
28
Chapter 3
Place Profiles: Key West & Ybor City
Overview
Before Spaniard Vicente Martínez Ybor chose Tampa, Florida as his headquarters for cigar production in 1885, the city was struggling to overcome infrastructural damage from the Civil War and bouts of mosquito-related illnesses exacerbated by swampy, hot conditions. In 1870 the population of Tampa was 720; five years after Ybor first established cigar factories in his Ybor City neighborhood in 1885, the population rose to
5,532; by 1900, there were 15,839 people living in Tampa, West Tampa, and Ybor City
(Lastra, 2006). With the large influx of people from Cuba, Key West, and surrounding southern states came auxiliary towns, new cultures, and additional jobs. Analyzing manuscript censuses reveals such new characteristics and allows for a profile of cigar workers based on information about race, gender, age, household size, country of origin, and occupation. Key West was a precursor to Ybor‟s much larger-scale production center of Ybor City. Analyzing the demographics of cigar workers in both places not only allows for comparison between the places but also reveals the overarching Cuban cigar making industry influences evident in both cities. 29 As the importance of tobacco declined in Seville, Spain eventually permitted cigar fabrication in Cuba. However, Cuban cigar making was not confined exclusively to the island, but rather bled into America, courtesy of businessmen like Vicente Martínez Ybor who coupled their sometimes required emigration from politically unstable Cuba with a business opportunity to set up cigar factories in Florida, so as to avoid high American tariffs on incoming Cuban cigars.
Ybor was a Spaniard born in 1818 who immigrated to Cuba in 1832 where he eventually dabbled in the cigar business. In 1853 he established a successful factory selling the prestigious Prince of Wales brand with tobacco exclusively from the Vuelta
Abajo region of the Pinar del Rio province in Cuba (Lastra, 2006). Due to the Ten
Years‟ War in Cuba from 1868 to 1878 and Ybor‟s loyalty to Cuban interests over those of his native Spain, he fled the island in 1869 to the US to avoid arrest by the Spanish
(Marrero, 1946). In Key West, merely 100 miles from Havana with a similar climate, he set up his first American cigar factory, employing many fellow immigrants from Cuba.
Before 1831, when cigar production in Key West was established in William H. Wall‟s factory, shipbuilding and sponging were the predominant industries (Stebbins, 2007;
Ogle, 2003). “By the early 1880s, close to one hundred factories employed over two thousand workers and produced 42 million cigars annually,” (Ogle, 2003, p. 87). 30 Key West
Census Analysis
Demographic data were collected for a subset of 135 cigar workers from sheets
97-108 from the 1870 census for Key West Township, Monroe County, Florida.
Appendix B contains the raw data, which was collected in accordance with the method outlined in the Sources section in Chapter 1.
There are some notable data and patterns from the 1870 census for Key West.
First, all but one resident recorded are Cuban and all are male. According to the 1870 census, there were approximately 5,400 people living in Key West. By 1885, there were
13,945 people living in Key West and 5,092 residents were Cuban or Cuban-American
(Stebbins, 2007). The twelve sheets of census data listing cigar makers do not capture the other prominent countries of origin, the US and the Bahamas; perhaps this indicates some type of segregation between ethnicities and/or jobs, confirming Florida guide book writer James Henshall‟s observation, “Here may be seen every shade of complexion, from white to yellow, brown to black, cosmopolitan all, though each class seems to live in its own particular quarter of the town,” (Ogle, 2003, p. 95). With lack of address data and accessible maps such as Sanborn fire insurance maps showing factory and home addresses, however, this hypothesis cannot be confirmed.
Of 73 households, 35, or 47.95%, house more than one cigar worker, but without relation to head-of-household, it cannot be determined how many of these are cases of father and son versus head-of-household and lodger/boarder. The average nuclear 31 household size is 2.51 while the average total household size is 5.22. The large discrepancy between these two numbers indicates a large number of lodgers/boarders and/or multiple families living in each household. Because of the Ten Years‟ War in
Cuba from 1868-78 and the Spanish-American War in 1898 and the resulting unstable nature of Cuba, sometimes Cuban men initially came to the US without their families to escape the military and establish a livelihood (Lastra, 2006). Many of these single men lived with patrones or factory owners who housed large numbers of employees, similar to padrones, the Italian equivalent in northeastern coal and iron towns. The trend of single men coming to the US without their families and often living together is probably what the discrepancy between the nuclear household size and the total household size indicates, although without data about relation to head-of-household this cannot be confirmed. Further evidence of this hypothesis is the average number of last names per household, 2.44, indicating that the norm was to have more than one family living in a household, with some notable cases of nine and ten last names per household.
Ybor City
Overview
Ybor kept his cigar factory in Key West for just under a decade until he moved operations to New York to avoid increasing Cuban-Spanish tensions and labor unrest regarding salary and job security in Key West. His factory in New York employed 500 employees and was named El Coloso, or the Colossus, but Ybor was unable to avoid the 32 formation of unions and strikes by his employees, so he left his partner, Serafín Sanchez, in control and went back to Key West (Lastra, 2006). He stayed there until the spirited and rowdy cigar makers persuaded him to fully venture to the mainland where he had been negotiating a deal to purchase approximately 90 acres east of Tampa. Thus, Ybor had a cigar making network in operation whereby “Stripped tobacco, ready for rolling into cigars, was transported from the Sánchez and Haya warehouse in New York to Ybor
City,” (Lastra, 2006, p. 14). Ybor City quickly became populated by new immigrants from Cuba and former Cuban Key Westers, many recently without a job after a fire in
1886 in Key West destroyed several cigar factories. The profitable cigar industry and the strife between „peninsulars,‟ or Spaniards from the Iberian Peninsula, and Cubans led to a neighborhood called West Tampa which emerged in the early 1890s and in conjunction with Ybor City, served as Tampa‟s “industrial bookends,” (Mormino & Pozzetta, 1987, p. 43).
Census Analysis
Demographic data were collected for a subset of 206 cigar workers from sheets 1-
20 from the 1900 census for District 69, Tampa Township, Hillsborough County, Florida.
Appendix C contains the raw data, which was collected in accordance with the method outlined in Sources section in Chapter 1, except for one modification: lodgers/boarders were given a nuclear household size of one. This was done to parallel the Key West sample method, where „non heads‟ and „non sons,‟ i.e. presumed boarders/lodgers, were given a nuclear household size of one. This modification distorts the overall average 33 nuclear household size for the Ybor City sample from 4.12 to 3.45; however, trends are still present, just not as pronounced.
The most notable piece of information from the sample is the overwhelming number of Cubans. In fact, 77% of all workers are either first or second generation
Cubans. Figure 3-1 is a pie chart of the country of origin/ethnic breakdown.
Figure 3-1 Pie Chart of Country of Origin for Ybor City Sample.
It is not surprising that the majority of cigar makers in the Ybor City sample are
Cuban, given Ybor‟s ties with Key West and Cuba. After all, habanos required authentic
Cuban craftsmanship. In total, the 206 employees were distributed over 13 occupations, but far from evenly. The Misc. category in Figure 3-2 groups the occupations that had 34 only one employee. As in Key West, the most common job in the Ybor City sample is cigar maker.
Figure 3-2 Pie Chart of Occupation Categories for Ybor City Sample.
Of 206 workers, only 19 are female and of those females, 15 are listed as tobacco stripper, stripper, or cigar stripper (all hereafter called stripper) and the other 4 are cigar makers. The lack of women in Ybor City cigar factories probably has to do with a combination of factors including cultural norms, child rearing, and other household responsibilities (many wives‟ occupations were listed as keeping house). However, the fact that 15 out of 19 women who are employed in the cigar industry are strippers does not seem like a coincidence, suggesting that occupation was in part dictated by gender.
Also, there are no notable commonalities between the women, such as race, age, or 35 household relation. A larger subset of women would reveal if stripper were indeed exclusively a female job, since no other men are listed as having that job.
In addition to stripper, three other occupations of a small number of men are worth noting. All of the four positions of cigar box maker/furnisher and cigar box paster are filled by workers from the US or Germany. With such a small subset, it is impossible to deduce whether or not this is a coincidence, but it seems as though these positions required a different type of skilled labor having more to do with construction, which may explain the lack of Cubans, most of whom had been cigar makers their whole lives. The two managerial positions, foreman and manager, are occupied by a Floridian and two
Cubans. This suggests that in 1900 managerial positions were not reserved for Ybor‟s fellow Spaniards; however, it is expected that this trend would change if more data are acquired for residents living further to the east or in West Tampa, where Spaniards are more prevalent.
Whether or not Spaniards held management positions more than Cubans, there was still a substantial amount of strife between the two groups because of conflicting views held about Spain‟s control of Cuba. Ybor, a Spaniard with Cuban sympathies, and
Spanish cigar factory owner Ignacio Haya had to deal with this tension first hand. For example, Lastra (2006) relays one such event: “The Cuban employees…refused to work at the factory as long as the non-Cuban Spanish bookkeeper remained employed there.
They threatened to walk out, but Don Vicente interceded and arranged for the Spaniard to work for Ignacio Haya,” (p. 14). Haya wrote in 1886, “The Cubans have warned me to leave Tampa. I recently received an anonymous letter from someone who is very angry 36 because he accuses me of hiring peninsulars to work in my factories. They do not want me to establish a peninsular colony in Tampa,” (Stebbins, 2007, p. 196). These conflicts reiterate the strength of the Cuban culture, allegiance, and identity of Ybor City.
Key West & Ybor City
There are similarities and differences between the Key West and Ybor City samples. For instance, both samples have a similar average age of cigar workers: 31.1 years for Key West and 32.0 years for Ybor City. Figures 3-3 and 3-4 are graphs of the similar distribution of employee age by gender for Key West and Ybor City, respectively.
The main difference is the lack of females in Key West.
Figure 3-3 Graph of Age of Male and Female Employees in Key West Sample. 37
Figure 3-4 Graph of Age of Male and Female Employees in Ybor City Sample.
Unlike the nearly identical average employee age in Key West and Ybor City, the nuclear and total household sizes are quite different. Table 3-1 summarizes the household sizes and also presents a count of last names in household for Key West as an indicator of lodgers and/or multiple families living in one house.
Household Size
Nuclear Total Last Household Household Names in Size Size Household Key West 2.51 5.22 2.44 Ybor City 3.45 5.10 N/A
Table 3-1 Average Household Sizes for Key West and Ybor City Samples.
38
In Key West, the difference between the nuclear household size and total household size is 2.71. In Ybor City, the difference between the nuclear household size and total household size is only 1.65. A lower difference between nuclear household size and total household size indicates a more nuclear household structure with fewer lodgers/boarders. Therefore, even without relation to head-of-household data for the Key
West sample, there were more lodgers/boarders and/or multiple families per household in
Key West than in Ybor City. This implies that Cubans used Key West as a shelter from the instability of their homeland, resulting in single men and families cohabiting on the island due to lack of money and preparation.
While the household sizes are different in Key West and Ybor City, each sample shares a high proportion of multiple cigar workers in one household. In Key West, 35 out of 73 households, or 48%, had more than one cigar worker and in Ybor City, 51 out of
125 households, or 41%, had multiple cigar workers. In Ybor City, multiple cigar workers per household were kin for 32 of the 51 households. Due to lack of relation to head-of-household data for Key West, this relationship cannot be determined.
An obvious difference between the Key West and the Ybor City samples is the high degree of occupational stratification in Ybor City and the lack of such stratification in Key West. For example, all residents in Key West are cigar makers with the exception of one man who is a cigar packer. In Ybor City, however, there are thirteen occupations listed. Because Key West was a principal cigar stripping center, it is possible that the
Census enumerator recorded any person employed in the cigar industry as a cigar maker, 39 although a more complete profile of cigar workers in Key West may reveal that there was indeed a greater stratification of occupations (Lastra, 2006). Also substantially different in Key West and Ybor City is the percentage of residents who are black. In Key West,
9.63% of those recorded are black while in Ybor City, 36.9% of those recorded are black.
This difference may be the result of the passage of time between the two censuses, the
1870 one being closer to the abolishment of slavery and the end of the Civil War; the atmosphere would have been more hostile toward blacks in 1870 than it would have been in 1900, perhaps resulting in a lower black presence in the workforce. Also, 15 out of 25
Americans living in Ybor City are black, whereas no black Americans are recorded in
Key West, because most of the blacks were probably Cuban.
Faces Behind the Occupations
Statistics about ethnicity, age, gender, and household size help to broadly characterize the employee composition in the cigar making industry in Florida over one hundred years ago. But to accept such generalizations without zooming in to the scale of the employee himself/herself risks neglecting the individuals who are blindly folded into such sweeping statistics.
The most common occupation in Ybor City is cigar maker. One such cigar maker, forty-six-year-old Nicolás Benito, was the head of a family of nine. He emigrated from Cuba to the US in 1884 along with his wife, son, and daughter. While in Florida, he and his wife had three more sons and two more daughters. Neither Nicolás nor his wife could speak English as of 1900 but all of his children could. However, since Ybor City 40 and specifically the cigar industry was dominated by fellow Spanish-speakers, this probably did not make it too difficult for Nicolás to find a job. Nicolás‟s twenty-year-old son followed in his father‟s footsteps and was also a cigar maker.
The Benitos lived in a rented home on Nebraska Avenue, the street that separated
Ybor City from Tampa to the west. It was very common for employees in the cigar industry to live in a casita, or small home, seen in the Figures 3-5 and 3-6.
Figure 3-5 Front View of Casita in Ybor City. From Ybormuseum.org.
41
Figure 3-6 Side View of Casita in Ybor City. From Ybormuseum.org.
Casitas were essentially company housing with a standard floor plan and exterior and lined up in distinct rows. These houses were akin to housing in northeastern company towns where employees of a certain company would be provided company- built housing in exchange for money withheld from their paychecks. According to
Yborcitymuseum.org (2009), casitas cost between $250-400, making outright payment and ownership rare, since $28 was the average weekly earnings of a cigar worker around
1910. Confirming this rarity is the fact that only 13 out of 125 households are owned in the Ybor City sample.
Unlike cigar maker, one of the most infrequent occupations is reader. “El lector, the reader, symbolized the independence, distinctiveness, and artisan character of cigarwork,” (Mormino and Pozzetta, 1987, p. 97). Lectores worked in cigar factories but 42 they were paid by the cigar workers themselves, who also had the liberty of choosing the reading material, sometimes communist or anarchist, which naturally led to tension between the workers and factory owners. Figure 3-7 is from Lastra‟s Ybor City: The
Making of a Landmark Town (2006). The lector sits in the middle of the galería, or main floor of a factory, and reads a newspaper.
Figure 3-7 Lector Reading in Ybor City Factory, 1930.
The tradition of having lectores originated in Cuban prisons during the early
1800s and soon infiltrated cigar factories. Since many cigar workers in the US were
Cuban immigrants, they brought with them the tradition and it became a staple in the
Floridian cigar making industry until the 1930s. In 1931, the cigar factories unanimously eliminated the role of lector because the management felt that the lectores were spreading inappropriate communist propaganda through their readings (Pérez, 1975). The factory 43 owners considered permitting lectores if the owners could censor the reading material before dissemination, but this demand stifled and insulted the independent Cuban spirit of the tradition, and lectores were thereafter left without a job.
Abelardo Gutiérrez Días, a Spanish Cuban-trained lector who worked in cigar factories in Ybor City in the 1920s, recounts the typical reading material and schedule
(Pérez, 1975):
The cigar workers had an enormous potential for education, even when they could not read. The lectura [reading] was itself a veritable system of education dealing with a variety of subjects, including politics, labor, literature, and international relations. We had four daily shifts (turnos). One was used to read national news stories. Another was devoted to international political developments. The third concerned itself entirely with news from the proletariat press. And, lastly, the novel.
Días emphasizes that the lector read material that the cigar factory employees requested, whether that be communist or anarchist newspapers, labor rights pamphlets, or novels. The role of the lector was to educate and entertain, not preach. By the 1920s,
Días notes that the increase of female employees directly influenced the reading choices: the former labor-related novels switched to romance novels (Pérez, 1975; Lastra, 2006).
This shows the power that female cigar workers had in modifying and creating a particular factory atmosphere, probably due to their increase in sheer numbers in the
1920s.
By 1905 there were about forty cigar firms in Tampa and Ybor City, most equipped with one or more lectores (Lastra, 2006). Thus, for a population of over 44 15,000, the occupation was rather rare, confirmed in the sample of 190 employees, which only captured a single reader. The reader in the 1900 census sample is twenty-nine- year-old Rudolpho Blair. He came to the US from Cuba in 1895 and in 1900 was the sole worker in his family of six. He lived on 8th Avenue, where Ybor‟s flagship cigar factory V.M. Ybor Sons & Co. was located and is currently part of the Ybor City Historic
District.
It is important to note that the lectores were paid not by the factory in which they read, but rather by the cigar workers themselves who all chipped in a designated fee each week making up the lector’s salary. Because of this, a great sense of community and camaraderie between the lectores and employees ensued, which expressed itself further through the establishment of many social clubs in town.
Non-Cubans & Social Clubs
Cubans dominated Ybor City, especially the cigar making industry, but there were also growing populations of Italians and Spaniards. Most of the Italians were Sicilians who had previously lived in other southern states before moving to Ybor City, attracted to the city‟s employment opportunities (Lastra, 2006). Cuban, Spanish and Italian immigrants created numerous organizations to facilitate living in a foreign land, but instead of the Sons of Italy or the Independent Order of Odd Fellows which prevailed in the Northeast, the predominant clubs were El Centro Español, L‟Unione Italiana, El
Círculo Cubano, La Unión Martí-Maceo, and El Centro Asturiano (Ybor City Chamber of Commerce, 2010). 45 In addition to serving as mutual aid societies by providing healthcare and burial services to members, these clubs were a source of cultural pride for each ethnic group. In their clubhouses, they hosted athletic competitions, dances, and theatrical productions and had libraries and educational facilities to instill into their children the traditions and values of their culture. Figure 3-8, from Lastra (2006), is of the cultural districts and social clubs in Ybor City.
Figure 3-8 Cultural Districts & Social Clubs of Historic Ybor City
El Centro Español was established in 1891 and was headed by Ignacio Haya,
Ybor‟s contemporary. Its rival club, El Centro Asturiano, was established in 1902 and was geared toward Spaniards from Asturia and Galicia. In 1984, L‟Unione Italiana was 46 established and six years later established a graveyard for members. El Círculo Cubano and La Unión Martí-Maceo were established in 1899 and 1907, respectively, and both had primarily Cuban members, but the former was specifically for light-skinned Cubans and the latter for dark-skinned Cubans.
The clubs were not exclusive to ethnicities or race and their intent was not to isolate or segregate, but rather serve as a place to celebrate each ethnicity or race. While there was some tension and conflict between the Cubans, Spaniards, and Italians, the ethnic-specific social clubs provided the groups with a way to preserve their own culture while integrating harmoniously with one another on a day-to-day basis.
Conclusion
The textured social and economic landscapes of Key West and Ybor City around the turn of the century were so pronounced and established, that while the towns are not cigar producing centers today, they still display their roots proudly through museums, tours, cuisine, and literature—Ybor City is even a National Historic Landmark District due to its cigar producing past.
In 1869, Vicente Martínez Ybor, forced to flee his adopted Cuba to escape war and political strife, took a much-desired commodity that had strong Spanish-Cuban roots and transplanted it to Key West and Ybor City, Florida. In no time, Don Vicente‟s Prince of Wales brand of Cuban cigars found a stable home in America. The cigars were hand- 47 wrapped by Cubans, Bahamians, Spaniards, and Americans who were read to by their self-elected lector, and who socialized after hours at various social clubs.
Key West and Ybor City each specialized in producing high-quality Cuban cigars and had access to both Cuban tobacco and Cuban craftsmanship. The cigar workers of the two cities shared many characteristics, including average age, primary occupation, and country of origin. Their shared traits relate to their Cuban identity and association with the Cuban cigar making industry. However, after examining the American cigar industry, through profiling the Detroit cigar industry in the following chapter, it becomes clear that the differences between Key West and Ybor City, including household structure and employee gender, are a result of shifting industry influences.
Chapter 4
Place Profiles: Detroit
Overview
Present-day Detroit is strongly associated with the automobile industry, high racial segregation, and authentic Polish food. Its heyday as a mature industrial city undisputedly came with the advent of the automobile—Ford, Oldsmobile, and GM, to name a few. But before the automobile industry dictated the economic course of the city, several other well-established industries shared this power, including the cigar making industry. In 1820, over one hundred years after Detroit was founded in 1701 as a French fort, the population was a mere 770 strong. However, as the Erie Canal and the many railroads of the mid-19th century opened, the city grew in size and importance as a node between the mid-Atlantic and the Great Lakes regions, and by 1880 the population grew to over 116,000. By 1920, with the well-rooted and mechanized automobile industry steering the city‟s industrial identity, Detroit was the fourth largest city in the US with just under one million people.
Before the goliath-sized automobile industry matured and reigned over Detroit, the city experienced its industrial adolescence during the latter half of the 19th century.
During this time, the principal industries were metal refinery, iron smelting, stove works, and consumer goods production including clothing and cigars. While Cuban tobacco supplied Floridian cigar factories, nearby tobacco from the northeastern US made a 49 shorter commute to Detroit where it was processed and manufactured into cigars. The employee base of the cigar industry in Detroit in 1900 was markedly different from that of Key West and Ybor City; in some ways, it more closely mirrored that of Seville, decades earlier.
Unlike Ybor City, which was developed and prospered primarily solely due to its role in the cigar making industry, Detroit was more than a one-trick-pony. Since cigar making was but one industry in the city, examining its employee composition is much more difficult and extrapolation cannot be as certain as was the case with the Florida samples. However, noted historian Olivier Zunz has conducted extensive and methodologically rigorous research on Detroit so that, when compared to Zunz‟s findings, the data used and information presented in this study validate Zunz‟s principal findings and trends.
First, it is important to become oriented to early 20th century Detroit. Figure 4-1, an 1897 Rand McNally map from historicmapsrestored.com, shows that the city limits of
Detroit created a jagged arc bounded by the Detroit River. The main vein was
Woodward Avenue with diagonal offshoots of Michigan and Gratiot Avenues, highlighted in yellow; the location of Poletown is shaded in yellow. 50
Woodward Ave
Gratiot Ave
Michigan Ave
Figure 4-1 Detroit, 1897
Appendix F contains a map produced by Zunz (1982) of Detroit and the location of major industry from 1897-1900. It shows that most of the industry and factories were located in the city center corridor and later expanded to line the waterfront and sometimes even encroach upon residential neighborhoods to the east and west.
Many cities have a segregated layout, whether it be based on race or ethnicity and have Chinatowns, and/or on socioeconomic status and have wealthy, exclusive neighborhoods with expensive and impressive homes. Zunz (1982) describes early 20th 51 century Detroit as a city full of “cross class ethnic communities,” (p. 55). It was a truly patchwork cityscape with a Germantown, Poletown, Corktown, and “Kentucky,” where many southern blacks lived (Zunz, 1982). Appendix G contains Zunz‟s (1982) map of the distribution of ethnic groups in 1880. The map depicts an explicit Germantown. In
1880, there was not much development in the 1900 Poletown, but Poles are present in small numbers north of Germantown, which eventually became their thriving Polonia.
The Irish were much more prevalent in the city before 1900, and thus, Corktown was dwindling in relative size and importance by the 20th century. The generally wealthier white Americans and many English and French Canadians clustered in and north of the city center before effective transportation permitted commuting, when many moved to suburbs like Grosse Pointe.
Germantown was the largest subdivision of the city and was well-rooted and self- sustaining since Germans were the largest immigrant group in Detroit accounting for
43% of the foreign-born population in 1890. The apex of German immigration to the US was between 1881-1885 when one million Germans entered America (Harvard
University Open Collections Program, 2006). In 1900 in Detroit, Poles and Polish
Americans made up 8.76%, and German and German American 24.3% of the net population of approximately 285,000. In 1900, only 21% of Detroit‟s total population was native-born white American (Zunz, 1982). With regard to religion, Germans and
German Americans were approximately 30-33% Catholic, 65-66% Protestant, and only
1-3% Jewish, unlike Russian immigrants, who were about 88% Jewish (Zunz, 1982).
Zunz (1982) attributes Germantown‟s solidarity in part due to the fact that Germans from 52 all social ranks resided there, effectively making it a self-sufficient “city within the city,”
(p. 39). In the northwest quadrant of Germantown, there was a much smaller sector called Polacktown or Poletown, from which the data used in this study were collected.
Key streets include Superior, Dubois, Alexandrine, and Leland, near the intersection of
St. Aubin and Canfield Streets, where the infrastructural anchor of Poletown was, St.
Albertus Polish Roman Catholic Church.
Census Analysis
In an effort to profile the sizable immigrant populations in the city and those residents who were involved in the cigar industry, a subset of the population, comprising employees in the cigar industry, is used for this study. The sample consists of 129 residents of approximately 3,000 listed in District 100. The complete raw data is compiled in Appendix D.
The most notable characteristic of the data, even without considering the near- opposite characteristic in Florida, is the high number of females listed as employees in the cigar making industry. Of the 129 employees, 107 (83%) are female. The average age for all female employees is only 16.7 years. Of the 22 males in the subset, the average age is 32.1 years—nearly twice that of the females. Figure 4-2 shows age distribution by gender.
53
Figure 4-2 Distribution of Age by Gender for Detroit Sample.
Of the female employees, 104 have the household title of „daughter.‟ Zunz
(1982) reports that 26.1% and 29.2% of Polish and German daughters, respectively, aged
12-20, attended school whereas 56.1% of native white American daughters aged 12-20 attended school. Of the daughters not at school, they were either at home or work. Of
Polish and German daughters, 56.2% and 45.1%, respectively, were at work compared to only 16.9% of native white American daughters. These contrasting figures most likely represent the necessity of extra income for immigrant families and perhaps differing cultural values about education.
Since District 100 corresponds to a densely populated German and Polish quarter of the city, it is not surprising that there are only two primary countries of origin:
Germany and „Germany Pol.‟ There are a very limited number of people listed as being from Poland, but „Germany Pol‟ is prevalent. Between 1850 and 1900, the time period 54 when all of the people in the sample emigrated from Europe, the independent state of
Poland did not continuously fully exist. In 1865 Poland was partitioned and controlled by Prussia, Austria, and Russia and Poland did not become a fully autonomous state again until 1918. Thus, in the 1900 census, „Germany Pol‟ probably refers to Poles who were living in Germany.
There are 85 employees listed as „Germany Pol,‟ 43 from Germany, and 1 from
Austria. Figure 4-3—remarkbly simple compared to the Ybor City ethnicity pie chart— is of the corresponding percentages.
Figure 4-3 County of Origin for Detroit Sample.
It is possible to fit these data into a larger context by examining characteristics of
Germantown and Poletown including household structure and ownership, captured either through the Detroit sample or by Zunz‟s analysis. 55 Zunz (1982) notes that Detroit had a uniquely low density. This was in part due to the city‟s land management policy of constructing roads and installing water and sewer lines well outside of the then-current city infrastructure in an effort to lure new residents, primarily European immigrants, to the outskirts of the city. This led to a city in which tenements and boarding houses were less of a necessity for city dwellers, resulting in
92.6% of homes being single-family homes (Zunz, 1982). However, it was not only land policies that led to the large number of single-family homes in Detroit. Because of the differences between household composition and ownership across ethnicities, it can be surmised that household composition and ownership are intimately tied to cultural values.
For instance, in 1880, native-born white American households had the lowest rate of a nuclear family structure at 74.4% while 86% of German households and 93% of Polish households had a nuclear structure (Zunz, 1982). According to Zunz (1982), the average
American household size was approximately four people. In the Detroit sample, the average nuclear household size—all German or „Germany Pol‟ with one Austrian—is
6.68 with a total household size of 6.76. The small difference between nuclear and total household sizes reflects the 7 out of 102 households that have one or more boarders.
In addition to a strong presence of the nuclear family structure, many Poles owned their homes, which strengthened their community identity. Even across higher ranked/class occupations, Zunz (1982) found that “native white American workers owned their homes substantially less often than immigrants employed in the same occupation and of the same age group,” (p. 154). Of the Poles that Zunz (1982) sampled, 41.3% owned their homes whereas only 26.2% of native white Americans did. Not only did a 56 high percentage of Poles own their home, but they also participated in the home construction process. Home building and home ownership effectively operated in tandem and became a trademark of Polish neighborhoods. Fellow countrymen helped their newly-arrived Polish neighbors construct their houses, which kept costs low and greatly contributed to the solid sense of community forged in the growing industrial city (Zunz,
1982). This fact also helps explain why the city had such a low density and lack of tenement housing even as population was increasing.
Regarding occupation, there are a total of twelve occupations listed in the Detroit sample; however, due to the similarity and/or scarcity of certain occupations, only six occupations are used in Figures 4-4 through 4-7. The six occupational titles include: manufacturer, of cigar, snuff, or tobacco, packer, of cigars or tobacco, misc., which includes the occupational titles as listed in the census as snuff maker, cigar box factory, and cigar factory, stripper, of cigars or tobacco, tobacco worker, and cigar maker.
57
Figure 4-4 Occupation Categories for Detroit Sample.
Figure 4-4 indicates that there was some occupational stratification in the cigar making industry in Detroit with three chief occupations, cigar maker, stripper, and tobacco worker. However, if occupation is separated by gender, as in Figure 4-5, a subtler pattern is evident. 58
Figure 4-5 Occupation by Gender for Detroit Sample.
Figures 4-6 and 4-7 also represent occupation when separated by gender but show
the percents of males and females in each occupational category.
Figure 4-6 Occupation of Males in Detroit Sample. Figure 4-7 Occupation of Females in Detroit Sample.
59 Most notably, there are no male cigar or tobacco strippers, suggesting that stripper was a decidedly female occupation. However, because the graphs above are only based on 22 males, it is not possible to conclude with great certainty that the occupation of stripper was exclusively female. This inference will, however, gain validity upon comparing Detroit with Ybor City. Nonetheless, it does appear that occupation was tied to gender. For example, there are no female manufacturers, not surprising considering the time period and gender inequalities.
Faces Behind the Occupations
Since women dominate the cigar making industry in the sample used in this study, it is fitting to further examine the details of some female employees. Of the 102 sample households, there are 25 sets of relatives, 21 of which are sisters. One such set is the
Zeppa sisters, seventeen-year-old Lizzie and fifteen-year-old Anna. They came from a
Polish family of nine and their father and brother worked as laborers, a frequent occupation for Poles (Zunz, 1982). Their house was mortgaged and owned and was on
Superior Street, just a few blocks from the St. Albertus Polish Roman Catholic Church constructed in 1872 on St. Aubin Avenue pictured in Figure 4-8, the unofficial anchor of
Poletown. Today, the church is closed due to insufficient preservation funds, but donations are still collected by The Polish American Historic Site Association in hopes of preserving the Poletown icon. 60
Figure 4-8 St. Albertus Polish Roman Catholic Church. From stalbertus.org.
The Zeppa sisters had jobs integral to the cigar making process: Lizzie was a cigar maker and Anna was a cigar stripper. Often, the first people to handle the tobacco were tobacco strippers (aka cigar strippers), who separated the tobacco leaves from the stems. Next, the tobacco passed to tobacco selectors who would sort the tobacco. The sorted tobacco was then given to cigar makers who worked at a bench or work station and rolled and wrapped the tobacco into cigars. Next, cigars were packed in boxes and then distributed and sold. Strippers and packers were occupations that came to be dominated by women during the first few decades of the 20th century. Figures 4-9, 4-10, and 4-11 are of females doing various jobs in the cigar industry in the early 1900s. 61
Figure 4-9 Woman Rolling Cigar, Ybor City.
Figure 4-11 Woman Displaying Cigars, Detroit.
Figure 4-10 Female Cigar Makers, Detroit.
Most of the crude tobacco that was used for cigars in Detroit came from
Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Cuba (Cooper, 1987). The cheaper and poorer-quality American tobacco comprised the bulk of the tobacco in the cigars and also served as wrappers. Because only small quantities of expensive Cuban tobacco were used in Detroit‟s cigars, cigar prices remained low and the city became a hub of five-cent cigars. The five-cent cigars were shipped domestically, mainly to the western US, and 62 internationally to Canada, Europe, South America, South Africa, and China (Farmer,
1889).
Conclusion
School-aged Polish and German girls were the cigar workers of Detroit. But the industry in which they worked was decidedly American: the five-cent cigars they rolled were filled with mostly domestic tobacco and the girls returned home each night to their single-family owned homes, a truly American ideal.
Furthermore, the female employee base of the Detroit sample is representative of the American cigar industry. However, analyzing occupation categories based on gender reveals that there was a nuanced gender-based occupation stratification. For instance, not a single man in the Detroit sample had the occupation of tobacco or cigar stripper. The same pattern in the Ybor City sample proves that this characteristic was not that of Polish and German cigar workers, but rather of the American cigar industrial landscape.
But what started the trend of female-only tobacco and cigar strippers? Could it have been an intentional mimicking of the cigar industry ancestor: the Royal Tobacco
Factory? Regardless of the reason, females maintained a strong presence in the American cigar making industry throughout the 20th century. Why, then, were there only 19 females in the Ybor City sample and zero females in the Key West sample? The answer lies in differing place-traditions among Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit, discussed in
Chapter 5.
Chapter 5
Comparison: Key West, Ybor City, & Detroit
The Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit samples profile people employed in the same industry during the same time period. Yet some of the differences among the samples are so pronounced that their similarities are overshadowed. Comparing and contrasting Ybor City to Detroit, and to a lesser extent Key West, illuminates/explains the sometimes varying gender, ethnicity, and place-traditions of the cigar industry in the three cities. The principal similarities between the places are the high level of ethnic homogeneity, occupational categories, and factory location relative to employees‟ residences. There are major differences, however, in the distribution of occupational title, employee age and gender, and household composition. The different values of these variables illuminate fundamentally different city structures and how each city was influenced by a particular form of the cigar making industry, either American or Cuban.
Ethnic Homogeneity
Perhaps most obvious when comparing the three samples is that each sample is highly homogenous ethnically. In Detroit, 66% of recorded employees are Poles from
Germany, 33% are German, and one person is Austrian; in Ybor City 77% of the recorded employees are Cuban; in Key West, 99% of the recorded employees are Cuban.
In Detroit, this homogeneity is explicable in part because the census ward and district lie 64 directly in a well-known Polish and German quarter of the city. Even though this means that the data from Detroit are not representative of all cigar industry employees in the city, this was a deliberate choice since the goal of this study is to highlight dominant immigrant groups in a city who work in the cigar making industry. However, according to earlier research, including that of Olivier Zunz (1982), the sample used in this study and resulting analysis are in accordance with city-wide representative samples previously analyzed (Cooper, 1987).
Unlike the Detroit sample, which represents a highly Polish and German section of a larger city, the ethnic homogeneity present in the Ybor City and Key West samples is a more accurate reflection of the strong Cuban presence in Florida. This is most likely due to the fact that when Vicente Martínez Ybor founded Ybor City in 1885, many
Cubans who were either expatriates from Cuba or former residents of Key West followed him (Lastra, 2006). In other words, the ethnic homogeneity present in the Ybor City and
Key West is more representative of all the Ybor City and Key West cigar industry employees. However, in the Detroit sample, the ethnic homogeneity is representative of
Polish and German cigar workers, but due to the geographic bias of the sample, not necessarily of all the employees in the cigar industry in the larger city of Detroit.
Occupation
There is a similar pattern of occupational categories evident in Detroit and Ybor
City. In Ybor City, 13 separate cigar-related occupations are listed in the census and in
Detroit, there are 12. Because some occupation titles are very few in number and/or are 65 alternate names for previously listed occupations, the number of occupation titles has been reduced to six in Figures 5-1 and 5-2.
Figure 5-1 Occupation Pie Chart, Ybor City. Figure 5-2 Occupation Pie Chart, Detroit.
In each place, there are numerous occupation titles within the industry, reflecting a high level of specialization, characteristic of the late 19th century and early 20th century industrialization era. In the Key West sample from 1870, 134 out of 135 employees have the occupation of cigar maker. The lack of other occupation titles may have to do with the less comprehensive 1870 census or the nature of the Key West cigar making industry during the year of the census. Nonetheless, the samples from Detroit and Ybor City reflect a high level of occupational division. However, Ybor City has one clear primary occupation, cigar maker, and Detroit has three, cigar maker, stripper, and tobacco 66 worker. Also, the distribution of occupations is different between the cities, including the percentages of strippers and the lack of tobacco workers in Ybor City or lectores
(represented in the Misc. category) in Detroit. From Figure 5-3, it is clear that sorting occupation by gender reveals additional patterns.
Figure 5-3 Graph of Occupation by Gender for Detroit Sample.
In the Detroit sample, stripper is an occupation held by 18% of employees and all of them are female. In Ybor City, there are only 14 people with the occupation of stripper, but they are all female. Taken alone, being such a meager sample, this does not reveal much; however, coupled with data from Detroit, this indicates that stripper was a strictly female occupation. To confirm this, a complementary study needs to be conducted that focuses on employees in the cigar making industry working in known 67 tobacco stripping centers, such as New York City (Lastra, 2006). This would aid in determining the degree to which the occupation of stripper was exclusively female.
Factory Location
While the 1870 and 1900 censuses do not indicate place of employment, based on cigar factory policies, factories were often located near the employees‟ residences.
According to clustering present in the census and known factory locations, it is reasonable to assume that factories were near cigar makers‟ homes in Key West, Ybor
City, and Detroit.
In the Key West sample, all 135 cigar makers are listed in eleven consecutive pages of the 135-page Key West 1870 census. It can be reasonably assumed that this noticeable clustering was a function of the enumerator conducting the survey in a systematic way, moving from house to house. Therefore, it is likely that all of the cigar makers in Key West in 1870 lived very near one another and probably near a cigar factory. Confirming this supposition is the fact that there are no other obvious clusters of people with the same occupations in the 1870 Key West census. Additionally, in her book City of Intrigue, Nest of Revolution, Stebbins (2007) notes that in Key West, “the wealthy cigar manufacturers built homes for their workers, which were clustered around the factories,” (p. 84). Based on Sanborn fire insurance maps of Ybor City, the majority of the cigar factories were located in the central business district near or on 7th Avenue, the same area represented in the census sample (Lastra, 2006). 68 In Detroit, even though it was a large city with multiple types of industrial factories clustered along the waterfront and Woodward Avenue, cigar factories in particular extended into the neighborhoods of their employees, specifically Poletown.
Cooper (1987) terms this phenomenon, “taking the factory to the workers,” (p. 166). For instance, Lilies Cigar Company, after a strike by its male union employees, moved to
Forest Avenue in Poletown, allowing the company to tap into the ideal workforce: young, obedient, immigrant women. In 1908, the Detroit Ideal Cigar Company positioned a factory in Poletown intended to train new female employees (Cooper, 1987). Appendix
H is of Zunz‟s (1982) 1920 map of consumer good factories, several of which are located in Poletown. Compared to the 1897-1900 map of industry location in Appendix F, it is clear that by 1920, even more industry had moved to Poletown. Again, it cannot be determined for sure whether or not the employees in the Detroit sample worked in factories close to their homes, but, it is reasonable to assume that this was the case for many of them, especially the youngest employees.
Gender and Age
There are significant differences among Detroit, Ybor City, and Key West with regard to gender and age. Zunz (1982) reports that of the working women in Detroit in
1892, 25% worked in the tobacco industry, the highest female-employing industry. In the samples used in this study, 107 out of 129 or 84% of employees in Detroit are female, only 19 out of 206 or 9.2% of employees in Ybor City are female, and no females are 69 recorded in the Key West sample. It is important to consider the ages of the employees before exploring the reasons for these differences.
From Figure 5-4, it is clear that the average age of male employees, regardless of place or time of employment, is fairly consistent at 32.1 in Ybor City and Detroit, and
31.1 in Key West. The average female age is 31.2 in Ybor City and a mere 16.7 in
Detroit. What factors explain the dramatic discrepancy between gender and age among the cities?
Figure 5-4 Average Age of Employees by Gender.
The answer to this question has to do with cigar factory policies and ethnic/cultural differences in Detroit. Some companies like the American Cigar
Company and Lilies Cigar in Detroit had policies that deliberately and sometimes 70 exclusively recruited females to work in their factories because young women were considered prime employees (Cooper, 1987). Women were attractive assets to employers because they could be paid less than their male counterparts and even less if they were under the age of twenty, of which 93 out of 107 were in the Detroit sample (Zunz, 1982).
The Cigar Maker‟s International Union of America, or CMIU, publically acknowledged that women made good employees because they were “more tractable and docile than men” (Cooper, 1987, p. 162). Additionally, unlike their male colleagues, women were less likely to be smokers and therefore less likely to snitch from the cigars they produced, leaving their ambitious and parsimonious employers satisfied with the slightly higher yield as compared with that of male employees (Cooper, 1987). Apparently, tobacco employers in late-19th century America shared the policing objectives of their industrial predecessors of the Royal Tobacco Factory in Seville, just with slightly different approaches.
Cultural and family values are often intimately linked to a person‟s country of origin and/or ethnicity. In the case of the Detroit sample, all of the females are either
Polish or German. Because income supplemental to that of the head-of-household was often necessary, especially for an immigrant family, children frequently worked instead of attending school. German and Polish children were more likely to work than children of other ethnicities (Zunz, 1982). Table 5-1 is transcribed from Zunz‟s The Changing
Face of Inequality (p. 234). Noteworthy are the high percentages (marked in red) of working German and Polish children.
71
Children's status in selected ethnic groups, Detroit, 1900 Sons 12-20 Daughters 12-20 Ethnicity School Work Home School Work Home Native white American (%) 54.7 40.4 4.9 56.1 16.9 27.0 Black (%) 50.0 50.0 0.0 45.5 40.9 13.6 Canadian (English) (%) 54.7 39.6 5.7 40.7 27.8 31.5 Canadian (French) (%) 46.2 48.7 5.1 28.2 43.6 28.2 British (%) 45.0 49.2 5.8 53.4 27.1 19.5 Irish (%) 43.2 48.6 8.1 43.2 39.8 17.0 German (%) 30.5 59.5 10.0 29.2 45.1 25.8 Polish (%) 26.4 63.5 10.1 26.1 56.2 17.6 Russian (%) 53.3 30.0 16.7 17.4 60.9 21.7
Table 5-1 Children‟s Status by Ethnic Group.
The high percentages of working German and Polish daughters—surpassed only by that of Russian daughters—match the results from the census data, out of which 104 out of 107 females are daughters. The percentages of working German and Polish sons are even higher than those of daughters. However, of the 22 males in the Detroit sample only 8 are sons, indicating a lack of presence in the cigar industry. According to Zunz
(1982), “most sons worked as day laborers,” (p. 237). For every female recorded in the
Detroit sample, the occupation of any males in the same household was recorded. The most frequent occupation for males in a female tobacco employee‟s household is laborer, which is consistent with Zunz‟s findings that laborer was a very frequent occupation of
Polish and German males around the turn of the century. 72 This study is static in nature because it only uses the 1900 census for both Ybor
City and Detroit. However, there is evidence that the female cigar workforce increased noticeably in both cities in the early 20th century. The evidence is more anecdotal in
Ybor City than in Detroit, but nonetheless, as previously mentioned, the reading selections of the lectores were modified before and during the 1920s to reflect the high proportion of female employees (Pérez, 1975). With regard to Detroit, the Thirty-first
Annual Report of the Department of Labor of the State of Michigan published in 1914, lists factories and workshops in the cigar making industry with the number of employees separated by gender (Michigan Department of Labor). Appendix I contains a table of information about the listed factories. The Report lists 68 factories and workshops, 37 of which employ more women than men. The visible trend is for small workshops to employ more men than women and larger workshops to employ more women than men.
For example, of the 12 factories that have over 200 employees, 10 have over a 92.4% female employee base, the highest being 97.2%.
Household Composition
The samples from Michigan and Florida reveal two noticeable household composition types: Detroit and Ybor City illustrate the medium-large nuclear family with a lack of boarders and Key West illustrates the small family with boarders. Table 5-2 summarizes average household sizes for the three cities.
73
Household Composition
Detroit Ybor City Key West Nuclear Household Size 6.68 3.45 2.51 Total Household Size 6.76 5.10 5.22
Table 5-2 Household Sizes for Key West, Ybor City, & Detroit.
A large numerical difference between nuclear household size and total household size, which counts all individuals living in a house, indicates that there are boarders and/or multiple families living with families/one another. Thus, on average, there are more boarders in Key West than in Ybor City and Detroit. The household sizes for Ybor
City and Detroit, on the other hand, indicate that fewer households have boarders, meaning that the single nuclear family structure predominates. In Ybor City, 23 out of
125 households have boarders and in Detroit, only 7 out of 102 households have boarders. The varying household structures and sizes, coupled with other characteristics including age, gender, occupation, and ethnicity, created fundamentally different city structures.
Industry Influences & City Structures
The differences in gender, age, and household composition among Key West,
Ybor City, and Detroit suggest that each place not only had a different fundamental 74 structure, but that each city was influenced by a particular cigar making industry, either
American or Cuban.
Based on the characteristics of cigar industry employees in each of the cities investigated, it is clear that the cigar making industry of Detroit was heavily influenced by the American cigar industry while that of Key West was heavily influenced by the
Cuban cigar industry. Ybor City, on the other hand, was a hybrid: its cigar making industry was rooted in the Cuban industry and thus had several characteristics similar to that of Key West. However, even by 1900, a mere fourteen years post-creation, the Ybor
City cigar making industry was showing signs of the American cigar industry, including female employees and a household structure bridging that of Key West and Detroit.
While it is impossible to accurately and succinctly characterize the American cigar making industry, one feature present in most cigar making hubs was a female employee base (Cooper, 1987). Although the Detroit sample is small and biased, it accurately reflects this characteristic.
Key West, although geographically part of the American cigar making industry, lacked a female employee based. This anomalous trait is a result of its geographical and cultural proximity to Cuba. Key West was effectively a bona fide „refugee camp‟ for
Cuban émigrés. While there, the Cubans did what they had been doing in Cuba: made cigars.
Key West is characterized as an outpost of the Cuban cigar making industry and
Detroit as an industrial city made up of ethnically-determined neighborhoods in which 75 the cigar making industry is reflective of the larger American cigar making industry. But
Ybor City was a crossbreed of the two places that possessed a Cuban employee base like
Key West, a growing number of female cigar workers like Detroit, and an über-American company town structure.
The Cuban presence in Ybor City was undoubtedly a result of its proximity to
Cuba and Key West. Dually transplanted to Ybor City from Cuba and Key West was the characteristic of male cigar makers. The male dominated industry in Ybor City probably sustained itself due to tradition or Cuban pride and values but it was eventually challenged over time, when the characteristic American female cigar worker base infiltrated Ybor City‟s factories. This shift is present in the 1900 Ybor City sample but would be even more present in a sample taken from a later census (Lastra, 2006).
Ybor City may have shared characteristics with Detroit‟s American cigar industry and Key West‟s Cuban cigar industry, but it had a decidedly American company town structure, orchestrated by founder Vicente Martínez Ybor. Ybor “obtained large tracts of land just outside Tampa where he constructed housing, stores, and other necessities around his factory, which he then attempted to govern as his personal fiefdom in traditional Latin „patron-peon‟ fashion,” (Poyo, 1986, p. 51). Further proof of his company town set-up is the fact that an overwhelming proportion of employees rented their homes, a hallmark of company towns: of 125 households, only 13 were owned.
Recall that Ybor left Key West and New York City due to labor issues; when he moved his cigar operations to mainland Florida, he was given the opportunity to craft an environment in which he could encourage labor cooperation. The power that came with a 76 company town was undoubtedly a selling feature for Ybor and explains why an empty tract of land east of Tampa was more attractive than a place with pre-existing cigar infrastructure.
Chapter 6
Conclusion
Summary
This thesis has addressed the cigar making industry across several scales with a focus on its employees in four places: Seville, Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit.
Chapter 2 began with an overview of the political, economic, and social reasons that
Cuban tobacco became a popular and advantageous commodity, which led to the development of the Spanish tobacco industry. The Royal Tobacco Factory in Seville had an overwhelmingly female employee base, a characteristic that remained in the American cigar industry, as evidenced by the Detroit sample. However, this characteristic was not nearly as present in Key West or Ybor City, where the influence of the geographic and cultural proximity to the Cuban cigar industry resulted in the resistance of full integration into the American cigar landscape.
In an effort to profile the five-cent cigar and habano industries and explore similarities and differences between them, subsets of cigar employees from Key West,
Ybor City, and Detroit were examined. Samples of cigar industry employees from the
1870 and 1900 censuses illuminated significant differences between the employee bases of the three places. Quantifying their differences throughout Chapters 3 and 4 culminated in Chapter 5, where a comparison revealed the reasons for the marked differences. Key
West was most influenced by the Cuban cigar industry, Detroit by the American cigar 78 industry, and Ybor City by both, geography determining its initial association with the
Cuban industry and time determining its eventual dual Cuban-American identity.
The census has been an effective tool in profiling cigar employees and overall city-wide cigar industry landscapes. It offers general demographic data and information about home ownership and household composition. This information, when coupled with knowledge of the history and cultural and economic attributes of a given place, helps explain trends and characteristics of the sample population. For instance, the 1900 Ybor
City sample reveals a lack of homeowners. Without an understanding of the history of the city and its economic and social landscape, the reason for the lack of homeowners is ill-understood. For instance, it might be assumed that poor Cubans could not afford to own their own homes, instead of the more probable reason, which lies in the nature of
Ybor City as a company town whereby most homes were rented and not owned often regardless of income level.
The census analysis present in this thesis underscores the importance of examining data from one census field in conjunction with data from another field, such as gender, age, ethnicity, and occupation. For instance, in the Detroit sample, the ages of all cigar employees range from 13-73. However, the ages of male cigar employees range from 14-55 (apparent outlier of 73) and the ages of female cigar employees range from
13-26 (apparent outlier of 42). This illustrates the importance of categorizing census data based on attributes of interest because failure to do so risks hiding significant relationships which may affect conclusions. 79 Unanswered Questions & Further Research
This thesis has answered several research questions regarding employee composition in the cigar industry. However, many unanswered questions remain and suggest complementary research directions. For instance, completing a similar census analysis for a sample of cigar employees in New York City, a known-tobacco stripping center, would help confirm or deny the trend of female-only tobacco strippers.
Additionally, another prominent cigar making region of the US during the early 1900s was Pennsylvania, specifically the corridor of rural farmland extending west of
Philadelphia. This area is much more rural than both Ybor City and Detroit and data from a sample of cigar workers would allow for a comparison between rural
(Pennsylvania), small urban (Ybor City), and large urban (Detroit) cigar landscapes.
Such a sample would answer the following questions: Do females outnumber males? If so, are they mothers and wives or daughters? Are they of German or Scots-Irish descent?
What are the jobs of non-cigar industry employees in a rural setting? How big are the cigar factories? Or are the cigars produced in homes?
Aside from sampling cigar employees from places other than Florida and Detroit, further research could help make the research already done in this thesis less static.
Completing the same analyses for 1910, 1920, or 1930 in Key West, Ybor City, and
Detroit would significantly enhance the understanding of the dynamic cigar landscape and therefore add validity to conclusions made in this thesis. For instance, the infiltration of women in the industry would be quantified, the lack of lectores would be noted, and the solidarity or fluidity of certain ethnic groups in the industry would be visible. 80 The census has been used extensively in this study and would be useful in additional research. However, there are other sources that have yet to be exploited, including city directories and Sanborn fire insurance maps, both of which record the precise location of cigar factories. This information could be paired with employee address data from the census to plot the proximity of employees‟ homes to factories, which would confirm the supposition that cigar employees often worked near their homes. Additionally, address data for Ybor City employees could be plotted in conjunction with the locations of the many social clubs. This may reveal that ethnic and/or racial neighborhoods were determined by proximity to respective social clubs.
For instance, there may be an elevated number of blacks living around the location of La
Unión Martí-Maceo or many Spaniards living around El Centro Asturiano or El Centro
Español.
The research already done focuses exclusively on the „who‟ of the cigar industry.
But what of tobacco farmers? Were they black, post-civil war sharecroppers in Virginia and Kentucky, landed, fourth generation Pennsylvania Dutch, or both? In these less- urban places, were there cigar company towns like Ybor City, or was the structure more dispersed and independently operating? Why was there a dual tobacco cultivation and cigar making landscape in southeastern Pennsylvania? Was it due to pre-existing land and farm ownership, a convenient location relative to Philadelphia and anxious consumers, or a way to slash transportation costs? Answering these questions in further research will help to understand the place-traditions of tobacco cultivation centers, which certainly will not be primarily explained by Cubans and Poles. 81 Aside from tobacco farmers, what about the corporate „who‟—employers?
History books, newspapers, and obituaries give details about factory owners‟ lives and their factories. Were the factory owners in Detroit a diverse or homogenous group of men? What are the individual histories of particular factories and how did policy change over time? Did Cubans ever manage more cigar factories than Spaniards in Ybor City?
Were five-cent cigar factory owners restricted to this type, or did they dabble in the habano industry? The two industries appear to have remained quite distinct, but the seemingly deliberate Spanish naming of a prosperous cigar company in Detroit illustrates the influences that each type of industry had on one another.
The conspicuously Spanish sounding San Telmo Cigar Manufacturing Company was established in 1898 in Detroit. Indeed, San Telmo is the name of an historical neighborhood in Buenos Aires, Argentina. But the founder and owner of the company was Oscar Rosenberger, most likely not Hispanic. Why then, did he choose San Telmo as the name of his company? Most of the companies listed in Michigan‟s Department of
Labor Thirty-First Annual Report are American names including Cadillac Cigar Box
Company, John J. Bagley & Co., Howarn Cigar Company, and Revere Cigar
Manufacturing Company. Perhaps Rosenberger deliberately adopted a Spanish name to capitalize upon the favorable impression and success of Cuban cigar companies operating out of Florida. He effectively cross-bred the two cigar landscapes and married their most marketable attributes: cheap, five-cent cigars with a prestigious, Spanish name. Whether or not he was able to boost his sales by duping buyers into believing they were getting top-notch Cuban cigars when in reality they were paying for mediocre five-cent cigars 82 cannot be determined. However, the San Telmo Cigar Manufacturing Company, owned by Oscar Rosenberger and located in Poletown, was one of the largest cigar companies in
Detroit, with 1,095 employees in 1914, 1,047 of them women.
Two constant threads throughout this entire thesis concern superior-grade Cuban tobacco and female cigar workers. Both of these themes originated in Carmen‟s factory in Seville. Using features of the Royal Tobacco Factory, the cigar industry‟s foundational forefather, as an inspiration coupled with census analysis, this thesis has systematically deconstructed the je ne sais quoi attributes of the cigar making landscapes in Key West, Ybor City, and Detroit. Quantifying disparate characteristics of the cigar making employee base in the three cities, including gender and ethnicity, has revealed distinct place-traditions that linger to this day.
83 Appendix A
Complete Occupation Categories
Consolidated Occupation Groups Detroit Stripper= cigar stripper, tobacco stripper Packer=cigar packer, tobacco packer Manufacturer=cigar, snuff, or tobacco manufacturer Tobacco worker Misc.=cigar box factory, cigar factory, snuff maker Cigar maker
Ybor City Cigar Box Worker=cigar box paster, cigar box maker/furnisher Managerial=foreman, manager Apprentice Misc.=filter dryer, cigar packer, tobacco selector, reader Stripper=cigar stripper, tobacco stripper Cigar maker
84 Appendix B
Key West Census Data
Key West Census Data, Cigar Workers, 1870 Country Nuclear Total Servants/ Last Household of Household Household house Names in Name Relation Race Sex Age Origin Size Size keeper Household Occupation Peres head w m 30 Cuba 5 5 1 cigar maker Lato head w m 32 Cuba 4 4 1 cigar maker Tejera head w m 39 Cuba 3 8 3 cigar maker Gimenes head w m 48 Cuba 3 cigar maker Monegow head w m 46 Cuba 2 cigar maker Perez head w m 38 Cuba 4 10 3 cigar maker Perez head w m 37 Cuba 1 cigar maker Pas not head w m 14 Cuba 2 cigar maker Salidriga head w m 40 Cuba 5 5 1 cigar maker Alfonso not head w m 23 Cuba 2 2 2 cigar maker Valdez head w m 27 Cuba 4 4 1 cigar maker Millian head w m 39 Cuba 6 7 1 2 cigar maker Delgardo head w m 32 Cuba 2 7 4 cigar maker Torres not head w m 19 Cuba 2 cigar maker Valdez head w m 48 Cuba 6 6 1 cigar maker Nieve head w m 30 Cuba 2 4 3 cigar maker Hernandez head w m 33 Cuba 1 cigar maker Bello head w m 30 Cuba 4 10 4 cigar maker Ugarte head w m 17 Cuba 1 cigar maker Bello head w m 37 Cuba 1 cigar maker Calderon head w m 41 Cuba 1 cigar maker Cartara head w m 36 Cuba 4 4 1 cigar maker Coca head w m 29 Cuba 9 11 2 cigar maker Fraga head w m 27 Cuba 2 cigar maker Castro head w m 28 Cuba 2 2 1 cigar maker Paredes head b m 32 Cuba 5 5 1 cigar maker not head b m 21 Cuba cigar maker Sola head b m 36 Cuba 6 6 1 cigar maker Gonzales head b m 36 Cuba 3 3 1 cigar maker Valdez head w m 24 Cuba 3 5 3 cigar maker Perdono head w m 36 Cuba 1 2 2 cigar maker Samora head w m 35 Cuba 5 5 1 cigar maker Carrales head w m 44 Cuba 8 8 1 cigar maker not head w m 21 Cuba cigar maker Castiliano head w m 39 Cuba 2 7 4 cigar maker Frente head w m 50 Cuba 3 cigar maker not head w m 16 Cuba cigar maker Siebra head w m 35 Spain 1 cigar maker 85
Dias head w m 42 Cuba 1 cigar maker Agi head w m 28 Cuba 1 3 3 cigar maker Suarez head w m 22 Cuba 1 cigar maker Darbois head w m 23 Cuba 1 cigar maker Reinaldo not head w m 15 Cuba 3 3 2 cigar maker Rodrigues not head w m 22 Cuba 4 6 1 3 cigar maker not head w m 18 Cuba cigar maker Valdes head w m 30 Cuba 2 4 3 cigar maker Rodrigues head w m 20 Cuba 1 3 3 cigar maker Valdes head w m 30 Cuba 1 cigar maker Silva head w m 44 Cuba 2 8 2 cigar maker not head w m 25 Cuba cigar maker Celes head w m 30 Cuba 3 3 1 cigar maker Ariola head b m 36 Cuba 2 4 2 cigar maker Guardia head b m 26 Cuba 2 cigar maker Valdez head b m 30 Cuba 2 3 2 cigar maker Charon head w m 20 Cuba 1 3 3 cigar maker Alfonso head w m 36 Cuba 1 cigar maker Artrus head w m 23 Cuba 1 cigar maker Sannes head w m 23 Cuba 1 4 4 cigar maker Crus head w m 20 Cuba 1 cigar maker Dias head w m 22 Cuba 1 2 2 cigar maker Solomagar head w m 30 Cuba 1 4 3 cigar maker Sanches head w m 22 Cuba 1 cigar maker Terri head w m 23 Cuba 2 cigar maker not head w m 20 Cuba cigar maker Searmadrid head b m 30 Cuba 1 4 3 cigar maker Recurred head b m 27 Cuba 1 cigar maker Valdez head b m 26 Cuba 2 cigar maker not head b m 22 Cuba cigar maker Guerra head w m 40 Cuba 1 1 cigar maker Casuso head w m 18 Cuba 1 2 cigar maker Benita head w m 30 Cuba 3 4 2 cigar maker Crespo head w m 31 Cuba 1 10 10 cigar maker Machado head b m 25 Cuba 1 cigar maker Arimas head w m 27 Cuba 1 cigar maker Sandrobe head w m 30 Cuba 2 9 1 4 cigar maker not head w m 26 Cuba cigar maker Valdez head w m 30 Cuba 4 6 3 cigar maker Castiliano head w m 25 Cuba 1 7 4 cigar maker Marina head w m 40 Cuba 3 cigar maker not head w m 28 Cuba cigar maker not head w m 30 Cuba cigar maker Saso head w m 40 Cuba 1 cigar maker Marina head w m 15 Cuba 1 cigar maker Gonzalez head w m 36 Cuba 1 cigar maker Miranda head w m 21 Cuba 1 12 6 cigar maker 86
Corales head w m 37 Cuba 7 7 1 cigar maker Gagui head b m 29 Cuba 5 6 2 cigar maker Baso head w m 32 Cuba 2 6 3 cigar packer Mendoza not head w m 26 Cuba 3 cigar maker Noda head w m 28 Cuba 1 1 1 cigar maker Gonzales head w m 27 Cuba 1 8 4 cigar maker not head w m 22 Cuba 4 cigar maker Hernandez head w m 56 Cuba 6 6 1 cigar maker Crus head w m 50 Cuba 4 4 1 cigar maker Borgas head w m 50 Cuba 12 12 1 cigar maker not head w m 21 Cuba cigar maker Cebe head w m 26 Cuba 2 2 1 cigar maker Minnes head w m 41 Cuba 3 3 1 cigar maker Ramires head w m 33 Cuba 2 3 2 cigar maker not head w m 29 Cuba cigar maker Valdez head w m 59 Cuba 5 6 1 2 cigar maker Chacon head w m 28 Cuba 3 8 5 cigar maker not head w m 64 Cuba cigar maker not head w m 25 Cuba cigar maker Carrasco head w m 35 Cuba 1 cigar maker Leguisdo head w m 29 Cuba 1 2 9 cigar maker Machin head w m 35 Cuba 1 cigar maker Purcia head w m 19 Cuba 1 cigar maker Tapia head w m 45 Cuba 1 cigar maker Torres head w m 36 Cuba 1 5 4 cigar maker Betancourb head w m 28 Cuba 1 cigar maker Torres head w m 18 Cuba 1 cigar maker Rueger head w m 33 Cuba 2 2 1 cigar maker Aeasla head w m 40 Cuba 5 7 3 cigar maker Saneson head w m 42 Cuba 8 9 2 cigar maker not head w m 15 Cuba cigar maker not head w m 13 Cuba cigar maker Vira head w m 45 Cuba 1 cigar maker Cubriras head w m 48 Cuba 1 3 3 cigar maker Belancourb head w m 23 Cuba 1 cigar maker Garcia head w m 44 Cuba 3 3 1 cigar maker not head w m 17 Cuba cigar maker Esteban head w m 45 Cuba 2 4 3 cigar maker Morilla head w m 47 Cuba 6 6 1 cigar maker not head w m 15 Cuba cigar maker Alvares head w m 40 Cuba 1 6 2 cigar maker Aguero head w m 35 Cuba 1 1 1 cigar maker Seon head w m 22 Cuba 1 12 3 cigar maker not head w m 16 Cuba cigar maker Chavez head w m 48 Cuba 4 9 3 cigar maker not head w m 22 Cuba cigar maker Forcubes head w m 54 Cuba 1 cigar maker 87
Martines head w m 40 Cuba 2 2 1 cigar maker Briseno head w m 23 Cuba 2 3 2 cigar maker not head w m 17 Cuba cigar maker
88 Appendix C
Ybor City Census Data
Ybor City Census Data, Cigar Workers, 1900
Nuclear Total Household Country Household Household Address Name Relation Race Sex Age of Origin Size Size Boarders Servants Occupation 1102 Blanch St Niguaed head b m 36 Cuba 8 8 cigar maker son b m 19 Cuba cigar maker 1005 2nd Ave Sawber head b m 34 Nassau 2 2 cigar maker 1606 10th Ave Garez lodger b m 18 Cuba 1 3 cigar maker 1608 10th Ave Roberts head b m 32 Nassau 4 4 cigar maker 1612 10th Ave Simpson head b m 31 Florida 5 5 cigar maker 912 5th Ave McMaughtors son b m 25 Nassau 4 4 cigar maker nephew b m 16 Nassau cigar maker 930 6th Ave Perez head w m 36 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1403 Nebraska Ave Leonarde son w m 31 Florida 3 6 foreman Pons head w m 43 Cuba 3 manager 908 7th Ave Yardo head b m 37 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker 907 7th Ave Perez head w m 28 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 909 7th Ave Leon head w m 44 Cuba 10 10 cigar maker son w m 23 Cuba cigar maker son w m 21 Cuba cigar maker son w m 15 Cuba apprentice 911 7th Ave Corial head w m 38 Cuba 8 8 cigar maker son w m 15 Cuba apprentice 915 7th Ave Rogue head b m 40 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker 914 7th Ave Martinez head b m 27 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 919 7th Ave Gonzalez head w m 48 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker son w m 16 Cuba cigar maker 921 7th Ave La Rosa head w m 36 Cuba 2 3 1 cigar maker lodger w m 17 Cuba 1 cigar maker 923 7th Ave Fernandez head w m 25 Cuba 3 4 1 cigar maker 925 7th Ave Recia head w m 25 Spain 3 4 1 cigar maker lodger w m 28 Cuba 1 cigar packer 931 7th Ave Leyuino head w m 36 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker 935 7th Ave Ayar head w m 62 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker son w m 20 Cuba cigar maker 943 7th Ave Sefler head w m 40 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker 951 7th Ave Couea head w m 24 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 951 7th Ave Couea head w m 24 Cuba 4 7 cigar maker Clark head b m 28 Florida 2 cigar maker 1710 10th St Martini head w m 49 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker son w m 16 Cuba cigar maker 89
1714 10th St Balle head w m 29 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker father w m 63 Cuba cigar maker 1716 10th St De La Osa head w m 36 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker 1718 10th St Barcelo head w m 28 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 908 7th Ave Lucauno head w m 38 Cuba 2 3 1 cigar maker 910 7th Ave Corbouel head w m 34 Cuba 5 6 1 foreman 912 7th Ave Alsonsa head w m 36 Cuba 6 6 cigar maker 914 7th Ave Guerra boarder w m 20 Spain 1 3 cigar maker 916 7th Ave Flores head b m 24 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker 924 7th Ave Valsque head b m 35 Cuba 2 6 4 cigar maker 926 7th Ave Correa head b m 33 Cuba 4 7 3 cigar maker brother b m 22 Cuba cigar maker 934 7th Ave Assadonio head b m 25 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 936 7th Ave Oterga head w m 28 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 944 7th Ave Hernandez head w m 23 Cuba 4 5 1 cigar maker head w m 36 Cuba 2 cigar maker lodger w m 19 Cuba 1 cigar maker 946 7th Ave Perez head w m 26 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker head w m 62 Cuba 2 cigar maker 1802 10th St Lassa head w m 30 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1804 10th St Leon head w m 25 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 1808 10th St Perez head w m 65 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker 1805 Nebraska Ave Benito head w m 46 Cuba 9 9 cigar maker son w m 20 Cuba cigar maker 1807 Nebraska Ave Gutery head w m 40 Cuba 7 9 2 cigar maker 1809 Nebraska Ave Castelgo head w m 34 Spain 5 5 cigar maker cigar box 1811 Nebraska Ave Hochstien son w m 26 Germany 4 4 maker 904 8th Ave Morales head w m 24 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 911 8th Ave Hernau head w m 18 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1811 10th Ave Roderiguez son w m 14 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 914 8th Ave Alverez head w m 40 Spain 3 3 cigar maker 939 8th Ave Gonzalez head b m 36 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 941 8th Ave Navaro head w m 43 Spain 3 3 cigar maker 908 8th Ave Augilles head w m 27 Spain 3 3 cigar packer 910 8th Ave Fiables head w m 56 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 912 8th Ave Toledo head w m 42 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker son w m 16 Cuba cigar maker 916 8th Ave Watkins head w m 30 Florida 3 7 cigar maker 920 8th Ave Blain head w m 29 Cuba 6 6 reader brother-in- 934 8th Ave Gonzalez law w m 14 Cuba 3 3 apprentice 938 8th Ave Hawkins head b m 26 Florida 2 2 cigar maker 940 8th Ave Roderiguez head w m 30 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker father w m 58 Cuba cigar maker 944 8th Ave Valdes head b m 30 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 952 8th Ave Govanti head b m 47 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 954 8th Ave Valdes head b m 74 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 90
956 8th Ave Sacremento brother w m 14 Cuba 6 6 apprentice 1906 10th St Moss head b m 29 Nassau 2 3 1 cigar maker 1907 Nebraska Ave Codork son w m 23 Florida 4 6 2 cigar maker 2003 Nebraska Ave Nilliano head w m 35 Georgia 4 5 1 filter dryer cigar box 911 Liberty St Fances head w m 40 Georgia 4 4 furnisher cigar box 915 Liberty St Russ head w m 25 Georgia 5 8 3 furnisher South cigar box lodger w m 24 Carolina 1 paster 922 Liberty St McKay son w m 24 Alabama 7 7 cigar maker 1001 4th Ave Thomas nephew b m 32 Florida 1 10 cigar maker West Bastine boarder b m 28 Indies 1 cigar maker Plet boarder b m 25 Alabama 1 cigar maker Paiaud boarder b m 22 Bahamas 1 cigar maker Porei boarder b m 40 Louisiana 1 cigar maker Marrett boarder b m 30 Louisiana 1 cigar maker 1003 4th Ave Naut lodger b m 25 Florida 1 6 cigar maker 1407 Maryland Ave Gonzalez lodger b m 27 Cuba 1 15 cigar maker Lanio lodger b m 30 Cuba 1 cigar maker 1711 10th Street Valdez head b m 29 Cuba 3 15 9 cigar maker Zayas boarder b m 36 Cuba 1 cigar maker Segunda boarder b m 41 Cuba 1 cigar maker Feses boarder b m 39 Cuba 1 cigar maker Segunda boarder b m 17 Cuba 1 cigar maker Valdez head b m 43 Cuba 3 cigar maker Valdez wife b f 40 Cuba cigar maker Valdez daughter b f 16 Cuba cigar stripper 1709 10th Street Hardey lodger w f 26 Florida 1 8 cigar maker 1707 10th Street Creatt head w m 29 Germany 3 3 cigar maker 1706 11th Street Gonzalez head b m 28 Cuba 5 6 1 cigar maker 1708 11th Street Eupenosa head b m 29 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 1710 11th Street Luertus head w m 39 Cuba 6 6 cigar maker 1004 6th Avenue Lomez son w m 22 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker son w m 19 Cuba cigar maker 1006 6th Avenue Loosman head w m 50 Cuba 6 6 cigar maker son w m 23 Cuba cigar maker tobacco 1003 6th Avenue Carducez head w f 46 Cuba 1 4 stripper 1010 8th Avenue Estaua head b m 37 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker West 1006 5th Avenue Browen lodger b m 32 Indies 1 11 cigar maker West Battere lodger b m 26 Indies 1 cigar maker Valdez head w m 35 Cuba 3 cigar maker 1102 5th Avenue Padron head w m 43 Cuba 7 9 2 cigar maker son w m 24 Cuba cigar maker son w m 19 Cuba cigar maker 1104 5th Avenue Donckey head w m 37 Ohio 6 6 cigar maker 1106 5th Avenue Perrez head w m 50 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker 91
1110 5th Avenue Orasca lodger w m 28 Cuba 1 3 cigar maker South 1116 5th Avenue Jenkus head b m 36 Carolina 7 7 cigar maker 1115 6th Avenue Uamose lodger b m 30 Bahamas 3 3 cigar maker 1111 6th Avenue Caunasa head b m 43 Cuba 6 6 cigar maker 1109 6th Avenue Gomez son w m 40 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker son w m 30 Cuba cigar maker 1109 6th Avenue Gonzalez head w m 38 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker sister w f 40 Cuba stripper 1105 6th Avenue Pedora head b m 40 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker son b m 16 Cuba cigar maker 1103 6th Avenue Daliasias head b m 29 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker 1102 6th Avenue Consylea head b m 45 Cuba 5 12 7 cigar maker Wilmer lodger b m 27 Florida 1 cigar maker King lodger b m 29 Bahamas 1 cigar maker Hall lodger b m 27 Florida 1 cigar maker Lancaster lodger b m 30 Florida 1 cigar maker Costello boarder b m 56 Cuba 1 cigar maker Costello lodger b f 20 Cuba 1 stripper 1106 6th Avenue Canto head w m 30 Spain 1 2 1 cigar maker Balmora lodger w m 47 Cuba 1 cigar maker 1110 6th Avenue Gomez head w m 28 Cuba 3 14 4 cigar maker Delgando head w f 40 Cuba 7 stripper 1112 6th Avenue Balmiscida head w m 55 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker son w m 26 Cuba cigar maker 1025 7th Avenue Figerado head b m 50 Cuba 5 6 1 cigar maker step-son b m 22 Cuba cigar maker Sosa lodger b m 23 Cuba 1 cigar maker 1021 7th Avenue Franisa son b m 27 Cuba 4 8 4 cigar maker son b m 21 Cuba cigar maker Mandoza lodger w m 49 Cuba 1 cigar maker Balay lodger w m 28 Cuba 1 cigar maker Machin lodger w m 25 Cuba 1 cigar maker 1019 7th Avenue Mirando head w m 21 Cuba 3 4 1 cigar maker Valdez boarder b m 38 Cuba 1 cigar maker 1809 10th Street Portero head w m 25 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 1811 10th Street Donungez head w m 27 Cuba 4 12 cigar maker Lopez head w m 40 Cuba 8 cigar maker cousin w m 46 Cuba cigar maker 1007 8th Avenue Lopez head w m 33 Cuba 9 9 cigar maker father-in- Cartega law w m 55 Cuba cigar maker 1009 8th Avenue Garcia head w m 29 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker father-in- Alanco law w m 49 Cuba cigar maker 1011 8th Avenue Garcia head w m 42 Cuba 8 8 cigar maker 1013 8th Avenue Perez head w m 32 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker brother w m 30 Cuba cigar maker 92
1015 8th Avenue Sautess head w m 36 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker 1019 8th Avenue Maro head b m 25 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 1021 8th Avenue Munog head w m 19 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 1025 8th Avenue Mamagosa head w m 31 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1029 8th Avenue Luis head b m 27 Bahamas 2 3 1 cigar maker 1031 8th Avenue Paso head w m 61 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1819 12th Street Garcia head w m 23 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker 1810 12th Street Ray head b m 27 Cuba 7 7 cigar maker mother-in- Sola law b f 42 Cuba cigar maker 1808 12th Street Valdez head b m 22 Cuba 3 3 cigar maker wife b f 22 Cuba cigar maker 1032 8th Avenue Morano head w m 42 Cuba 8 8 cigar maker 1030 8th Avenue Mejea head b m 38 Cuba 2 2 cigar maker 1028 8th Avenue Gauerro head w m 36 Cuba 4 4 cigar maker brother w m 24 Cuba cigar maker 1026 8th Avenue Gonzalez head w m 44 Cuba 5 5 cigar maker son w m 19 Cuba cigar maker son w m 16 Cuba cigar maker son w m 16 Cuba cigar maker
93 Appendix D
Detroit Census Data
Detroit Census Data, Ward 9, District 100, Cigar Workers, 1900 Color Nuclear Total Household or Place of Household Household Address Name Relation Race Sex Age Origin Size Size Boarders Occupation 538 Illinois St Chas head w m 35 Austria 8 8 cigar maker 542 Illinois St Hechwold daughter w f 16 Germany 5 5 tobacco worker 544 Illinois St Agridiour son w m 19 Germany 5 5 cigar maker snuff 556 Willis Ave Chray head w m 73 Germany 3 3 manufacturer 558 Willis Ave Korkas daughter w f 17 Germany 9 9 cigar maker 570 Willis Ave Sudsrack son w m 36 Germany 3 3 cigar maker 572 Willis Ave Okonoaski daughter w f 16 Germany 9 9 cigar maker daughter w f 14 Germany cigar maker 405 Superior St Welloffort son w m 17 Germany 4 4 cigar maker son w m 15 Germany cigar maker 397 Superior St Plastoki daughter w f 15 Germany 8 8 cigar maker 397 Superior St Brudurck daughter w f 15 Germany 7 7 cigar maker 387 Superior St Kosoboroski daughter w f 14 Germany 9 9 cigar maker 624 Willis St Kobudechiak daughter w f 18 Germany 7 7 cigar maker daughter w f 15 Germany cigar maker 773 Willis St Pioulla daughter w f 18 Germany 4 5 1 cigar maker 771 Dubois St Grutba daughter w f 23 Germany 9 9 cigar maker daughter w f 19 Germany cigar maker 441 Superior St Shoneck daughter w f 16 Germany 9 9 cigar maker 820 St. Aubin St Stazgrous head w m 45 Germany 10 10 cigar maker 656 Willis Ave Morowoeski daughter w f 16 Germany 8 8 tobacco worker daughter w f 14 Germany tobacco worker 672 Willis Ave Rebowkowski daughter w f 14 Germany 7 7 cigar maker Germany 793 Chene St Stuch daughter w f 14 Pol 7 7 tobacco worker Germany 791 Chene St Kowkey daughter w f 20 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 17 Pol cigar packer Germany 499 Superior St Gerwoski daughter w f 18 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 495 Superior St Sudzmiski daughter w f 18 Pol 4 4 cigar maker Germany 766 Dubois St Lirskor daughter w f 19 Pol 6 6 cigar maker 94
Germany 768 Dubois St Quart head w m 33 Pol 7 7 cigar maker Germany 768 Dubois St Ostrowski head w m 36 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 774 Dubois St Reske daughter w f 15 Pol 4 4 cigar maker Germany tobacco 778 Dubois St Wolff head w m 48 Pol 7 7 manufacturer Germany 490 Superior St Boldo daughter w f 17 Pol 7 8 1 cigar maker Germany 494 Superior St Scotzhe head w m 34 Pol 8 8 tobacco worker Germany 508 Superior St Budow daughter w f 17 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 15 Pol tobacco worker Germany 767 Chene St Chapp daughter w f 20 Pol 4 4 cigar maker Germany 671 Alexandrine St Scuchtka daughter w f 16 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 752 Dubois St Pouka daughter w f 19 Pol 2 2 cigar maker Germany 754 Dubois St Pulwalki daughter w f 20 Pol 6 6 tobacco worker Germany daughter w f 17 Pol tobacco worker Germany daughter w f 16 Pol tobacco worker Germany 436 Superior St Karmetka daughter w f 15 Pol 7 7 tobacco stripper Germany 447 Superior St Lubava daughter w f 18 Pol 5 5 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 15 Pol tobacco stripper Germany daughter w f 14 Pol tobacco stripper Germany 759 Dubois St Reppert head w f 26 Pol 2 2 tobacco stripper Germany 753 Dubois St Koltzhe daughter w f 15 Pol 4 4 tobacco stripper 623 Alexandrine St Fleming daughter w f 18 Germany 3 3 cigar maker Germany 786 St. Aubin St Totski head w m 55 Pol 4 4 snuff maker Germany daughter w f 18 Pol tobacco stripper 786 St. Aubin St Nartobinski daughter w f 16 Germany 8 8 cigar maker Germany 362 Superior St Zmikel daughter w f 14 Pol 13 13 tobacco stripper Germany 366 Superior St Zeppa daughter w f 17 Pol 9 9 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 15 Pol cigar stripper Germany 370 Superior St Sadach daughter w f 17 Pol 7 7 cigar maker Germany 392 Superior St Ronkirtaz daughter w f 17 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany son w m 15 Pol cigar maker Germany 394 Superior St Folski daughter w f 14 Pol 6 6 tobacco worker Germany 398 Superior St Broubenack daughter w f 15 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 400 Superior St Ostrowski daughter w f 20 Pol 4 4 tobacco worker 95
Germany daughter w f 17 Pol tobacco worker 559 Alexandrine St Lieski head w f 42 Germany 4 4 tobacco worker Germany 557 Alexandrine St Mair head w m 42 Pol 10 10 cigar maker 555 Alexandrine St Levgesaki daughter w f 18 Germany 9 9 cigar maker daughter w f 15 Germany cigar maker Germany 571 Alexandrine St Kowski daughter w f 18 Pol 9 9 tobacco worker Germany 637 Alexandrine St Grauiza son w m 21 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany 536 Alexandrine St Wolff daughter w f 18 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 16 Pol cigar maker Germany 527 Alexandrine St Rodhe daughter w f 16 Pol 8 9 1 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 15 Pol cigar maker Germany 538 Alexandrine St Luszewski daughter w f 14 Pol 7 8 1 cigar maker Germany 542 Alexandrine St Ratzel daughter w f 15 Pol 5 5 cigar maker Germany 548 Alexandrine St Marshah daughter w f 21 Pol 10 10 cigar maker Germany son w m 14 Pol cigar maker 560 Alexandrine St Bemier head w m 24 Germany 3 3 cigar factory Germany 570 Alexandrine St Pianski daughter w f 21 Pol 2 2 cigar maker Germany 473 Leland St Rewkowski daughter w f 16 Pol 9 9 tobacco packer Germany daughter w f 14 Pol tobacco packer Germany 407 Leland St Riegel head w m 31 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 401 Leland St Mielka daughter w f 16 Pol 9 9 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 14 Pol tobacco stripper Germany 401 Leland St Rebald daughter w f 16 Pol 6 6 cigar maker Germany 385 Leland St Ockrez daughter w f 17 Pol 12 12 cigar stripper Germany daughter w f 16 Pol cigar stripper Germany daughter w f 14 Pol cigar maker 385 Leland St Golowiz daughter w f 14 Germany 5 5 cigar maker 608 Alexandrinie St Plotsky daughter w f 18 Germany 8 8 cigar maker Germany 624 Alexandrine St Karragich daughter w f 14 Pol 8 8 tobacco stripper Germany 733 Dubois St Mike head w f 17 Pol 2 2 tobacco worker Germany 727 Dubois St Polchowski head w m 40 Pol 4 4 cigar maker 461 Leland St Cepeuk daughter w f 21 Germany 4 4 tobacco worker 459 Leland St Lipket daughter w f 18 Germany 9 9 tobacco worker 455 Leland St Weideyer daughter w f 20 Germany 6 6 cigar box factory 96
daughter w f 18 Germany cigar box factory 748 St. Aubin St Kulichi daughter w f 22 Germany 9 9 tobacco worker 523 Leland St Levenaw daughter w f 16 Germany 2 2 cigar maker 517 Leland St Blachewski daughter w f 15 Germany 3 5 2 cigar maker 511 Leland St Elwart daughter w f 14 Germany 10 10 tobacco worker Germany 505 Leland St Grana daughter w f 16 Pol 3 3 tobacco worker Germany 503 Leland St Zachanias daughter w f 15 Pol 11 11 cigar maker Germany 505 Leland St Fetas head w m 21 Pol 2 2 cigar maker Germany 722 Dubois St Brelowski daughter w f 15 Pol 9 9 cigar maker Germany 726 Dubois St Kasseph daughter w f 15 Pol 4 4 cigar maker Germany 732 Dubois St Dovidowski son w m 24 Pol 3 3 cigar maker Germany 734 Dubois St Ockrri daughter w f 16 Pol 9 9 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 14 Pol tobacco stripper 740 Dubois St Glowinski daughter w f 15 Germany 8 8 cigar maker 672 Alexandrine St Polimanski daughter w f 16 Germany 8 8 cigar maker Germany 512 Leland St Ficht daughter w f 17 Pol 8 8 tobacco worker Germany 516 Leland St Strekowski daughter w f 17 Pol 8 8 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 15 Pol tobacco stripper Germany 522 Leland St Radke daughter w f 13 Pol 9 9 tobacco stripper Germany 727 Chene St Wotolsky daughter w f 15 Pol 9 9 tobacco stripper Germany daughter w f 14 Pol tobacco stripper 519 Illinois St Bolda daughter w f 14 Germany 7 7 tobacco worker Germany 700 Illinois St Koss daughter w f 16 Pol 6 7 1 tobacco worker cigar 714 Dubois St Briskey head w m 28 Germany 4 4 manufacturer Germany 524 Leland St Oelke daughter w f 16 Pol 8 8 cigar maker 460 Leland St Murtke daughter w f 17 Germany 10 10 cigar stripper Germany 423 Illinois St Koreliske daughter w f 14 Pol 7 7 tobacco stripper Germany 405 Illinois St Walkowski daughter w f 14 Pol 12 12 tobacco stripper Germany 569 Illinois St Waogewodo daughter w f 23 Pol 7 7 tobacco stripper Germany 389 Illinois St Rokovski daughter w f 20 Pol 8 9 1 cigar maker Germany daughter w f 16 Pol cigar maker Germany 595 Illinois St Wiswefski daughter w f 15 Pol 6 6 tobacco stripper Germany 670 Illinois St Henickz daughter w f 15 Pol 8 8 tobacco stripper
97 Appendix E
Molino de Tabaco Letter to King of Spain, from Archive of the Indies
98
Appendix F
Location of Industry, Detroit, from Zunz (1982)
100 Appendix G
Distribution of Ethnic Groups, Detroit, from Zunz (1982)
Appendix H
Location of Consumer Goods Factories, Detroit, from Zunz (1982)
102 Appendix I
Table of Cigar Companies Listed in the Thirty-First Annual Report
1914 Annual Report, Detroit Under Name Goods Males Females Total 16 years Year Established American Cigar Company Cigars 35 441 476 42 1901 Andrew Baets Cigars 9 0 9 0 1895 John J. Bagley & Co Tobacco 190 260 450 15 1852 The Banner Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 28 108 136 2 1888 Robert C. Berger Tobacco 3 0 3 0 1910 Charles E. Boldt Cigars 9 1 10 0 1894 Frank R. Burdick Cigars 17 1 18 0 1892 Cadillac Cigar Box Co Cigar boxes 18 36 54 7 1906 Jos. E. Canto Cigar Co Cigars 7 5 12 0 1885 Comus Cigar Co Cigars 5 16 21 0 1909 Detroit Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 5 9 14 0 1880 The Detroit Tobacco Co Tobacco 12 1 13 0 1885 H. Diets Cigars 3 15 18 0 1879 Judge Durand Cigar Co Cigars 7 22 29 0 1895 El Mincero Cigar Co Cigars 3 2 5 0 1913 El Mincero Cigar Co Cigars 5 2 7 0 1909 Eminent Cigar Co Cigars 5 24 29 0 1908 N.H. Faber Cigars 4 0 4 0 1878 Freund Cigar Co Cigars 4 1 5 0 1900 Globe Tobacco Co Tobacco 37 59 96 4 1880 E.F. Goddeyne Cigars 3 0 3 0 1909 Alexander Gordon Cigars 9 169 178 3 1873 John E. Graham Cigars 0 3 3 0 1911 John B. Hardoin Cigars 4 0 4 0 1913 W.M. Hart Cigars 4 0 4 0 1876 Heimbuch & Son Cigars 14 8 22 0 1880 Hemmeter Cigar Co Cigars 24 400 424 7 1893 Howarn Cigar Co Cigars 8 6 14 0 1910 The H.B. Cigar Co Cigars 3 11 14 1 1896 T.A. Jones Cigars 4 2 6 0 1890 Lagora-Fee Co Cigars 12 66 78 0 1898 Lagora-Fee Co Cigars 3 76 79 0 1911 Aug. G. Lamberg Cigars 8 15 23 0 1883 103
Lilies Cigar Co Cigars 26 614 640 12 1872 Lilies Cigar Co Cigars 10 350 360 29 1912 McHie-Scotten Tobacco Co Tobacco 33 38 71 1 1911 F. Malfitano Cigars 4 1 5 0 1911 Mazer Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 6 117 123 6 1901 John F. Meyer Jr. Cigars 7 1 8 0 1911 Michigan Cigar Box Co Cigar boxes 25 25 50 5 1869 Jos. Muer Cigars 6 15 21 0 1860 Jos. Muer Cigars 39 31 70 0 1860 E.B. Myrick & Co Cigars 4 5 9 0 1897 M. & M. Cigar Co Cigars 4 5 9 0 1911 Northwest Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 33 30 63 0 1903 Revere Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 12 37 49 0 1913 The Ritter Cigar Box Co Cigars 15 38 53 12 1912 Royal Cigar Co Cigars 7 7 14 0 1909 San Etta Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 2 30 32 0 1911 San Telmo Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 48 1047 1095 105 1898 San Telmo Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 21 296 317 45 1898 C.A. Schick Cigars 6 3 9 0 1903 Bernard Schwarts Cigars 9 3 12 0 1895 Dillon Scotten Co Tobacco 327 751 1,078 48 1901 Silverman & Co Cigars 1 2 3 0 1911 W.E. Simpson Cigars 2 0 2 0 1909 Leland O. Skinkle Cigars 7 50 57 0 1895 Spiets & Worch Co Cigars 27 488 515 36 1909 John E. Sullivan & Co Cigars 10 3 13 0 1900 Superis Cigar Mfg. Co Cigars 19 231 250 22 1900 Dyk. M. Swan Cigars 3 10 13 0 1912 Wm. Tegge & Co Cigars 8 211 219 10 1884 Van Vilet Bros. Cigars 3 1 4 0 1884 Van Vilet Bros. Cigars 3 1 4 0 1909 T.A. Wadsworth Cigar boxes 51 78 129 33 1868 R. Walters Cigars 1 5 6 0 1898 Wayne Cigar Co Cigars 35 811 846 86 1913 Wolff's Snuff & Tob. Fact. Tob. & Snuff 6 2 8 0 1898
104
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ACADEMIC VITA
CHRISTINE ROSENFELD
EDUCATION Pennsylvania State University, Schreyer Honors College, University Park, PA •B.A. Geography •B.A. Spanish •Expected Date of Graduation May 2010
EXPERIENCE Undergraduate Schreyer Honors Thesis, Penn State Current Researcher •Transcribed and analyzed manuscript census data to extrapolate demographic patterns of 20th century cigar makers in Florida and Detroit •Investigated historical tobacco industry of Seville, Spain using primary source documents from the Archive of the Indies, Spain •Met with advisor to discuss and process findings
Geography Curriculum Committee, Penn State Current Student Representative •Participated in multidisciplinary department dialogues to evaluate and revise Geography curriculum •Discussed current curriculum requirements and evaluated alongside member feedback
Pennsylvania Literacy Corps, State College, PA Fall 2010 Tutor •Provided individual tutoring for adult learners, especially ESL learners •Developed weekly curriculum, lesson plans, and activities •Tracked tutee progress and submitted weekly reports for supervision
Council on International Educational Exchange (CIEE), Seville, Spain Summer 2009 Study Abroad Student •Studied abroad in Seville, Spain for six week cultural immersion program •Studied Spanish history, language, culture, cuisine, religion, landscape, architecture, and regional trends •Traveled to Portugal, Gibraltar, Madrid, Barcelona, Cadiz, Toledo, Granada, Cordoba, Ronda, Seville, Extremadura
GeoVISTA Center at Penn State Summer 2008 Lab Intern •Collaborated on projects with supervisor and doctorate level colleagues 109 •Created and maintained news aggregator of avian influenza outbreak RSS feeds •Applied clustering techniques to collection of documents using text mining techniques •Proficient in Microsoft and Windows Vista applications including Word, PowerPoint, Photoshop, and Excel •Basic knowledge of ArcGIS software, Python Programming Language
Morgan Academic Support Center for Student-Athletes at Penn State Summer 2007 Tutor •Developed lesson plans and provided individual and group tutoring for student- athletes •Attended collaborative meetings with advisors, tutors, and supervisors to track progress
LANGUAGES •English, Fluent •Spanish, near-Fluent •French, Conversational (working toward fluency) •Recognized as Gifted Student of Language for French
HONORS •Served as Student Marshal for Geography Department, Spring 2010 •Nominated as Student Marshal for Spanish Department, Spring 2010 •Dean‟s List all semesters •National Society of Collegiate Scholars, Member •The National Scholars Honor Society, Member •Phi Kappa Phi, Member •The Phi Beta Kappa Society, Member •Golden Key International Honour Society, Member •Gamma Theta Upsilon, International Honor Society for Geography, Member •Five Writing, Geography and Spanish Scholarship Awards
TRAVEL •Germany, Austria, Netherlands, Italy, and France, 2004, 2006 •U.S. and British Virgin Islands, 1999, 2002, 2004, 2005 •Numerous U.S. destinations, several Canadian •Portugal, Gibraltar, Spain, Ireland, England, 2009 •Study Abroad in Seville, Spain, 2009