Department of English and American Studies English Language And
Masaryk University Faculty of Arts
Department of English and American Studies
English Language and Literature
Tatiana Janigová
Female Dancers of Colour in the World of Professional Ballet Bachelor’s Diploma Thesis
Supervisor: Jeffrey Alan Vanderziel, B.A.
2020
I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently, using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.
…………………………………………….. Author’s signature
I would like to thank my supervisor Jeffrey Alan Vanderziel, BA for his guidance and helpful advice and my grandma for her love, support and encouragement.
Table of Contents
Introduction ...... 5 1. Portraying the Situation and Main Problems of Ballerinas of Colour ...... 10 The Situation of Dancers of Colour in Ballet ...... 10 The Situation of Ballerinas of Colour...... 13 Racism in Ballet ...... 15 2. Cultural and Organizational Barriers to a Dancer of Colour to Pursue Career in Ballet ………………………………………………………………………………………18 Stereotypical Images of Women of Colour ...... 18 Stereotypes about the Black Dancing Bodies in Association with Ballet Aesthetic ...... 21 The Distinction between White and Black Dance ...... 21 Stereotypes Related to the Black Dancing Bodies ...... 23 Organizational Barriers ...... 26 The Origins of Segregation in American Ballet ...... 26 Side Effects and Achievements of DTH...... 27 3. Experiences of Ballerinas of Colour...... 31 Experiences of Overt Racism in the Past ...... 32 Discriminatory Practices of Ballerinas of Colour which Have Persisted...... 34 Experiences of Ballerinas of Colour in a Predominantly Black Company ...... 41 4. Diversification of Ballet and the Importance of Role Models ...... 44 Misty Copeland, a Role Model and an Advocate for Dancers of Colour ...... 45 Aesha Ash and her Swan Dreams Project ...... 48 The End of Pancaking...... 49 Conclusion ...... 51 Appendix...... 55 Works Cited ...... 63 Summary ...... 68 Resumé ...... 69
Introduction
In every Swan Lake there is always one black swan; unfortunately, the situation regarding the number of dancers of colour in numerous American elite ballet companies is similar or even worse. The world of professional ballet has been struggling with lack of diversity since its origins. The belief in black inferiority affected people in all aspects of their lives and art was no exception. While many art forms have become increasingly diverse, the world of professional ballet has made progress very slowly. It stems from traditions and strict rules which make this art form so special, extraordinary and exquisite. African American female dancers have only limited access to the leading roles of classical ballet productions.
There have been marginalizing ideas about their bodies and stereotypes connected to African
Americans which made them inappropriate for ballet. As a result of various campaigns and programs promoting inclusion in ballet and achievements of some black ballerinas, conditions of ballet dancers of colour are currently getting better. However, skin colour still remains an obstacle in the path of a black ballerina who is still perceived as an anomaly.
The main objective of this thesis is to clarify the exclusion of ballerinas of colour and present cultural and organizational barriers to an African American dancer to become a member of ballet community. In order to get to the root of the problem it was necessary to do research on ballet itself and the position of a dancer of colour in this art form. Methodology of this thesis is based on close textual analysis. Before all else, it is important to mention the limited number of materials concerning the relative absence of African Americans in ballet due to the sensitive nature of this topic. However, recently the problem of lack of diversity in ballet has attracted the attention of mainstream media which highlight the questionable shortage of dancers of colour in American companies and provoke discussion.
The starting point of my research were the articles published in popular newspapers, e.g. “Where Are All the Black Swans” which led me to various sources and materials which 5 deepen my understanding of what stands behind the exclusion of African American ballet dancers. The cornerstone of the thesis is, however, the ground-breaking research by Nyama
McCarthy-Brown Dancing in the Margins: Experiences of African American Ballerinas.
Between 2008 and 2010 McCarthy-Brown conducted a number of interviews with mainly former ballerinas of colour who revealed what it had taken to be a ballerina of colour, which obstacles they had faced and their consequences on their careers. Ballet is a performing art which means that it must be seen in order to be understood and examined. Therefore, the crucial sources are also miscellaneous visual materials, videos and interviews with black ballerinas telling their stories and expressing their feelings. To provide an example, the documentary Black Ballerina compares the conditions of dancers in the past with the present situation. There are two generations of ballerinas living in totally different eras sharing similar experiences of exclusion.
This thesis consists of four chapters; each of them is further divided into subchapters.
An inseparable part of the thesis is the Appendix which provides the photos of particular ballerinas and helps a reader to get a picture of the subject. The first chapter starts with the portrayal of the situation of a black ballerina. The main aim of this chapter is to introduce the topic of race and skin colour in the realm of ballet and clarify the difficult position; firstly, a ballet dancer of colour in general and then a black ballerina in particular. The last subchapter defines racism in ballet and its forms. Chapter one presents several materials which are used further in the thesis and there is an emphasis on newspaper articles, published primarily in
The New York Times, which provide a starting point for basic understanding of the reality of marginalized ballerinas.
The second chapter identifies cultural and structural barriers which have prevented ballet dancers of colour from attaining their full potential and pursuing career in ballet.
Stereotypical ideas play a crucial role in terms of cultural impediments because they shape the
6 way we perceive dancers of African American background. Initially, the whole attention is centred on the stereotypes associated with black ballerinas. In the first place there are examined stereotypes about black women in general; these historical controlling images are in strong opposition to ballet standards so their presence should be considered because they are one of the hidden obstacles black ballerinas face. Subsequently, there are also stereotypes linked to the black dancing bodies which build even a bigger obstacle for a reason that they create biological objections to dancers’ bodies and make them inappropriate for the lines of classical ballet technique. Brenda Dixon Gottschild, a household name in the context of
African Americans and dance, describes the issues of black dancing bodies in her revealing book called The Black Dancing Body: A Geography from Coon to Cool. Gottschild’s writing offers a detailed explanation of the issues dancers of colour must cope with. She illustrates the concept of the black dance and white dance and describes the typical features of black dancing bodies and white dancing bodies. Through the experiences and opinions of numerous dancers and choreographers who have come into contact with stereotypical reactions to the bodies of African American dancers, Gottschild reflects the position of the black dancing body in the white ballet environment. Her book provides a considerable insight into the issues which the broad public outside the dance world is unfamiliar with because she discusses the taboo topic of race in dance which would be otherwise impenetrable.
The second part of chapter two is dedicated to the position of African Americans in this art form. It describes the original idea of creating an integrated company which was not fulfilled but replaced with the establishment of a solely black ballet company. Dance Theatre of Harlem was one of the first great opportunities for dancers of colour to get a job and follow their dreams. On the other hand, instead of integration it unintentionally blocked diversification of American ballet. The key objective of this subchapter is to demonstrate the presence of dancers of colour and their interest in ballet and specify the position of an African
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American ballet dancer in the past. The primary source for this subchapter is Klapper’s Ballet
Class, particularly chapter six called Troubling History dedicated to the efforts of people of colour to enter ballet world. Other important materials are articles, e.g. by Lauren Erin Brown,
“As Long as They Have Talent”: Organizational Barriers to Black Ballet, which deals with the racialized funding of ballet companies in the post-war era. The aim of chapter two as a whole is to provide a theoretical and historical background for better understanding of what stands behind the exclusion of African Americans from ballet.
Chapter three mirrors the issues black ballerinas cope with. Now all the attention is centred on a black ballerina with all her struggles. The typical practices and problems are revealed through the stories of various former but also current ballet dancers. This chapter is based on interviews describing real-life experiences of dancers. The sources are the biography of Misty Copeland called Life in Motion and also some visual materials such as various interviews and the documentary Black Ballerina which make this thesis more credible. In this chapter a reader gets acquainted with a practice of whitening one’s skin, system of division – colourism, typecasting, self-stereotyping and feelings of isolation which are typical issues these ballerinas must cope with. This chapter starts with a portrayal of the experiences of overt racism in the past, then it shifts its focus onto discriminatory practices that have persisted to the present time. Finally, it illustrates racial tension in a predominantly black company. The main goal of this chapter is to compare the conditions of first generation of black ballerinas with present-day dancers to highlight the slow progress.
The final chapter stresses the importance of inclusion. It describes campaigns and efforts to expand diversity and improve conditions of underprivileged dancers. The situation of ballerinas of colour have changed for better in recent years thanks to the people who have been representing ballerinas of colour in a positive light. There are many people who stand behind these remarkable actions; a perfect example is for instance Aesha Ash who with her
8
Swan Dreams Project brings ballet to streets and encourages little African American girls to become ballerinas. There is an enormous focus on children because the sooner dancers start practising the better. Some major ballet companies, such as American Ballet Theatre (ABT), launched projects which promote diversity in ballet. The face of ABT’s Project Plié is Misty
Copeland who herself is a symbol of integration and a role model for young aspiring ballerinas of colour. This chapter concludes the thesis with the description of pancaking, the practice which is not nowadays true anymore. It represents the change for better but also highlights the problem of slow progress in ballet in terms of race.
It is necessary to mention that throughout the thesis there are some words that could be misinterpreted. Therefore, I need to stress that the terms such as “black dance,” “white dance,” “black dancer,” “black dancing body,” etc. are used only with the intention to explain differences between the concepts in order to make things clearer for readers. These expressions are not labelled with any connotations. Another questionable phrase is the term
“black ballerina” itself. What one should understand by it? When it comes to the colour of complexion, there is a spectrum of skin tones and definitely, there are ballerinas with lighter or darker skin tones. However, behind the term black ballerinas a reader of this thesis sees a ballerina of African American background who does not fit in a group of white dancers.
The main goal of this thesis is to present the situation of black ballerinas, to identify obstacles they have faced and also to describe the invisible stereotypical ideas characterizing dancers of colour. In no circumstances do I intent to degrade ballet or present it negatively.
For some people ballet represents the peak of human existence because it combines the best of both worlds. There is the vision of a body performing the elaborate and physically demanding steps accompanied by magnificent music. In some sense, ballet is the excellence of the body and mind and therefore, there is no place for limits based on skin colour.
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1. Portraying the Situation and Main Problems of Ballerinas of
Colour
The Situation of Dancers of Colour in Ballet
The year 2015 was very extraordinary in the world of professional ballet as demonstrated the front page of then July’s edition of the New York Times. It was the first time when an African American female ballet dancer, Misty Copeland, reached the position of principal dancer at ABT. A week before her promotion; Copeland made another breakthrough when she took the lead role in a classical ballet masterpiece Swan Lake. (Klapper 129) The main intention of Misty’s accomplishments depicted in the article was to highlight the problem of lack of diversity in ballet, “the media attention paid to her raised uncomfortable, though hardly new, questions about why her success should still be so rare” (130).
As Klapper in her book Ballet Class pointed out, the issues of ballerinas of colour are not new. The problem of underrepresentation of female ballet dancers of colour is a complex one. There are many factors that need to be taken into consideration when the controversy over lack of diversity in the realm of ballet is brought up. The difficult reality of a black ballerina is gradually revealed throughout the thesis but before all else, it is necessary to portray the conditions of ballet dancers of colour in general. The survey from 2015 observed that African Americans are the primary underrepresented group. Compared with, for instance, dancers of Asian descent, “Asian Americans make up 4.8 percent of the American population but 11.6 percent of company rosters; in contrast, African Americans are 12.6 percent of the country’s populace but only 4.6 percent in these companies” (Brown 360). From this data, it is apparent that among other minority dancers in ballet African Americans are in inferior position; whiteness is an important factor and a darker complexion is for various reasons the most crucial barrier for dancers of colour.
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In 1931, John Martin, a significant dance critic, wrote in a dance review for The New
York Times, that black dancers are suitable for “primitive ritual dances” (McCarthy-Brown
386). He “states that African-Americans are not well suited to ballet, a European-based dance aesthetic.” (386) The notions that African Americans are not good enough for embodying the aesthetics of classical ballet and therefore, they should focus on other dance styles which are more relevant to their culture have prevailed since the beginning of ballet in America. “These marginalizing ideas about African-Americans in ballet supported the glass ceiling African-
Americans in ballet have experienced since they began studying and performing ballet in the
1930s.” (386) The stereotypical vision of people of colour as not suitable for ballet was one of the factors that had a great influence on their relative absence in ballet.
Jack Slater in the article They Told Us Our Bodies Were Wrong for Ballet for The New
York Times in 1975 asked the question “why are there only four blacks performing in
American ballet’s big three: the New York City Ballet, American Ballet Theater, and the City
Center Joffrey Ballet?” (Slater). This article drew attention to the stereotypical vision of the black dancing body and its inappropriateness for the lines of classical ballet. The body of a black dancer is seen in historical context of inferiority of African Americans in American society, “Slater listed presumptions that could have been pulled from the previous century”
(Brown 374). The body of a black dancer was depicted as being unable to perform ballet due to biological objections. The most prevailing stereotypes about black dancing bodies were that
“[b]lack people’s feet are too big or too flat for the classic line required in ballet; black people’s bone structure is too large, and their buttocks protrude too unattractively” (Slater).
This was the real obstacle because with this in mind, the absence of black dancers in ballet was justified with biological explanations. From this perspective, African Americans have been excluded from this art form because of their biological inability. Moreover, one should notice the way African American dancers were presented. “The language employed to
11 describe dancers of colo[u]r has often been racially loaded.” (Klapper 145) The result of this vision was that an African American ballet dancer was seen as an exception rather than a standard and therefore, the only way to enter ballet was to disprove this theory.
Dance Theatre of Harlem (DTH) was established by Arthur Mitchell, “the first
African American principal dancer with the New York City Ballet” (Geiser 273), and Karel
Shook, a white choreographer, in 1969 as the first well-known African American ballet company in America. (Marcus 521) Mitchell’s main intention was to discredit the stereotypes about the inability of dancers of colour to master ballet; he also wanted to teach ballet technique to those who were denied this opportunity. (Brown 379) “In his view, all they needed was to be given, as students, what white dance students were routinely offered: training, encouragement, and models.” (Acocella 6) Mitchell led a company full of black dancers practicing ballet technique which was crucial for the future careers of black ballerinas. The assumptions that African Americans cannot do ballet for biological reasons are naturally wrong. In reality, “dancers’ bodies are shaped by training, not biological imperatives,” (Gottschild 32) and African Americans can attain the same level of proficiency when they are given proper training. DTH proved that the stereotypical vision of black dancing bodies is only invented in order to exclude African Americans from ballet. So once this theory was disproved why Misty Copeland’s accomplishments seem to be so exceptional when the “colo[u]r line [in ballet] was crossed half a century earlier, by Arthur Mitchell”
(Acocella 6)?
The whole problem consists in the fact that stereotypes are still present and affect the minds of people. Brenda Dixon Gottschild, an anti-racist activist and a significant figure in dance world, experienced how these marginalizing ideas existed even after achievements of
Mitchell’s DTH. She received a phone call on 17th February 1998. A reporter from
Philadelphia Inquirer was writing an article on Pennsylvania Ballet. The article examined
12 why there were so few African Americans in ballet. Gottschild’s response was simple and clear: racism. (Gottschild 176) What shocked Gottschild was reporter’s response.
[H]e proceeds to inform [her] of the response he has gotten from others he has interviewed.
He says that they say the problem is the black body. [Gottschild] say[s] that [she] do[es]
not believe that people are still offering up that lame excuse and ask what sources he’s
consulted – assuming that they must be denizens of small, ballet-tap-acrobatics studios in
the Philly suburbs run by non-professional independent. But, no, he says he’s been told by
New York professionals that African Americans have “too much tits and ass” for ballet. So
much for progress. (176)
This evidence shows how difficult it is to change the mentality; stereotypes deeply entrenched in society are powerful enough to exclude particular groups due to disproven biological inefficiency.
The Situation of Ballerinas of Colour
So far, the reality of African American dancers in general has been discussed; however, there is one group which is marginalized even more. The reason why Copeland’s promotion seemed to be so exceptional was not just for the fact that she is an African
American but mainly because she is a female ballet dancer of colour. In May 2007, The New
York Times published the article Where Are All the Black Swans? in which journalist Gia
Kourlas brought readers attention to the issues of African American women in the professional ballet world (Brown 359). “[T]he online edition of the New York Times highlighted how few African Americans had ever become principals at major companies in the United States. Most of those dancers such as Arthur Mitchell, Desmond Richardson, and
Albert Evans were men.” (Klapper 130)
“Of the 446 dancers working in eight of the country’s largest companies in 2007, only eight were black. Of those eight, only one was a woman.” (Brown 359) Despite the fact that
13 the situation has changed the little for better since that time, there is still a lot that needs to be improved. Statistics from 2015 reveal that “the same eight companies still employ only twenty-two African American or mixed-race artists out of their nearly five hundred collective company members [of those only] seven are women” (359).
Obviously, women of colour are a primary underrepresented group in ballet. One of the possible explanations can be the problem of the identity of an African American female ballet dancer. What I intend to say is that black ballerinas face more obstacles than any other minority group because each element of their identities is due to stereotypical ideas somehow contrary to ballet principles. Being a black ballerina includes being an African American, a woman of colour and also a black dancer and each of these categories are defined by features that are in contrast to ballet standards. “Clive Barnes noted in 2005, big ballet companies seemed more hospitable to black men than women,” (Klapper 130) and the reason why “black men do not face the same challenges as black women in ballet” (McCarthy-Brown 392) is not perfectly clear. One of the possible explanations can be “the high demand for men in ballet in general [which] have probably had an impact on the opportunities afforded to black men in ballet” (392).
The prejudice against black skin in the performance arena has been a burden for black
males and females . . . but the burdens rest more squarely on the shoulders of black
women. Males, white or black, simply have the advantage over females in a field that is
glutted with women and has a chronic shortage of men. (Gottschild 197)
Black ballerinas face more obstacles in comparison with their male counterparts. “People are willing to become colo[u]rblind when it comes to that shortage of good men dancers.” (92)
In November of 2009, McCarthy-Brown examined the rosters of five mainstream ballet companies – San Francisco Ballet, ABT, New York City Ballet, The Atlanta Ballet, the
Houston Ballet – she wanted to learn about the number of ballerinas of colour and she found
14 two women of African-American background; Katly Adison, a member of the corps of the
Houston Ballet and Misty Copeland, the soloist in the ABT. At that time there was no principle female dancer of colour. (McCarthy-Brown 387) In order to find out more about the position of female ballet dancers of colour, McCarthy-Brown conducted a number of interviews from which she reported the main problems. She came to the conclusion that the issues include colour casting – when dancers are cast into roles on the basis of their colour of complexion rather than their talent and ability; preference for light-skinned ballerinas, racism from society in general and also discrimination based on colour in African American community. (387)
The number of ballerinas of colour presented in the previous statistics is painfully low. To identify the root of their absence is very controversial. Lauren Erin Brown in her article “As Long as They Have Talent”: Organizational Barriers to Black Ballet gives the real reasons for the absence of dancers of colour and disproves “scarcity theories” (Brown 359) such as lack of interest. This paper highlights that African Americans were denied the opportunity to enter ballet due to various factors such as racialized post-war funding. (359)
There are many presumptions why the situation of African Americans is so harsh and there are some theories which explain the shortage of black ballet dancers. However, in many cases, these theories serve only as a means of hiding and excusing racist practices.
Two hypotheses prevail. First that African Americans were unaware of or simply
disinterested in ballet, and second, that training was cost prohibitive. Neither holds up.
What remains is a mixture of cultural and organizational boundaries complicating basic
racism. (360)
Racism in Ballet
In the phone call mentioned earlier, Gottschild describes the biological stereotypes about black bodies as “lame excuse” (Gottschild 176) because their goal was to pardon the
15 main reason for the absence of black dancers, in her words “Racism” (176). Despite the fact that it is very difficult to identify and address racism in the arts, especially in dance world, there have been some practices regarding black ballerinas that can be seen as racist (particular cases are provided further in Chapter 3). The debate about racism in the arts is very complicated due to its sensitive nature and lack of irrefutable evidence. To put it another way, dancers are cast into roles on the basis of their ability, technique, expression and numerous other factors and it is difficult to prove that this particular dancer is rejected or admitted on account of skin colour. If one wants to get a picture of the situation, it is necessary to explain what in fact racism in ballet means.
To begin with a standard definition, Carmichael and Hamilton define two kinds of racism. Individual racism includes overt acts made by individual people (Jones 218) whereas
“the second type is less overt, far from subtle, less identifiable in terms of specific individuals committing the acts,” (218); however, the impact “is no less destructive of human life” (218).
In terms of professional ballet, racism can be both individual and institutional. Gottschild makes the situation clearer when she explains “one pitfall of institutionalized racism: the belief that whites, white endeavours, and white institutions are the norm and that white
American culture is not, in itself, an ethnic category,” (Gottschild 16) which brings the question of race. Even though, “[r]ace is not a biological imperative but a social construct convenient for purposes of classification and differentiation” (5) it needs to be taken into consideration. Basically, race can be defined as “a biologically meaningless term that confuses socially constructed decent systems and prejudice with biological hereditary” (5).
“To argue that race is myth and that it is ideological rather than a biological fact does not prevent it from having real, structural effects on society and individuals within it.” (Captain and Vertinsky 538) Undoubtedly, race, mainly skin colour, has played an important role in
16 ballet because being a dancer of colour has been an obstacle in pursuing a career in professional ballet.
In order to understand racism in dance world, two things need to be considered. First one is that decisions made can have both intended and unintended impact. Second, racism is hidden, not overt (Brown 370) and it “also comes in more complex and quiet forms” (370).
The issue is that in dance it is problematic to draw a line “[w]here aesthetics leaves off and politics begins” (Gottschild 81) in order to identify a border between lack of ability and the power of stereotyping. However, without doubt, there are some instances when African
Americans were marginalized due to racial bias which put an end to or blocked their careers.
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2. Cultural and Organizational Barriers to a Dancer of Colour to
Pursue Career in Ballet
Behind the relative absence of ballet dancers of colour stand a number of cultural and organizational barriers. On the one hand, there is the strong influence of the stereotypes stemming from the historical controlling images prevailing American society; secondly, the origins of ballet in the US and the funding created organizational barriers which have had a negative impact on the development of ballet in America. In other words, “the deeply entrenched aesthetic judgments and racial concerns . . . have left ballet among the least diverse of the fine arts” (Klapper 130).
Stereotypical Images of Women of Colour
One dimension of a problem of underrepresentation of black ballerinas stems from historical contexts and the images associated with black women in general. The way African
American women have been presented can have impact on their lives in all aspects, especially when the image of a woman of colour is in contrast with the role she performs. “Images of black people permeate every aspect of human life,” (Henderson 7) and the fine arts such as ballet are no exception. Women of colour are associated with several stereotypes. To provide a clarification, “[s]tereotypes are mental overstatements of difference, preconceived beliefs about classes of people, images that are sustained precisely because they contain an image but never the essence,” (Gerster 170-171) which essentially means that some people are defined by invented ideas rather than the real features.
Stereotyping divides people in various groups or categories which impose constraints by which some people are privileged over the others. To put it another way, stereotypes are deviations from universal beliefs whereas “a universal is inclusive; [a] stereotype exclusive”
(Gottschild 58). Stereotypes marginalize people who do not fit in the universal ideals held by society and result in exclusion. The standard way of thinking about stereotyping is that it has
18 negative connotations; on the other hand, there are positive stereotypes, too. However, it is not important whether it is an “attract” or “repel” stereotype because in the end, both have same effect, i.e., the individual is subsumed in the generalization. (58)
Patricia Hill Collins developed the concept of controlling images of black females in her book Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment. Perceptions of African American women are determined by these controlling images which impose constructs on an African American ballerina preventing her from developing her full potential in American ballet. (McCarthy-Brown 392) In connection with a black woman there are many stereotypes that are in direct opposition to ballet. To provide the examples, “[t]here is Jezebel (the seductive temptress), Sapphire (the evil, manipulative bitch), and Aunt Jemina (the sexless, long-suffering nurturer)” (392). These three primary stereotypes are in apparent discrepancy with the feminine ideals of ballet. (392) To understand the consequence of the controlling images it is necessary to portray each stereotype and put it into the relation with ballet aesthetics.
To begin with the image of Aunt Jemina, generally known as “Mammy,” a matriarchal figure not fitting into the delicate role of the American ballerina, (394) who is represented as
“a dark, heavy-set woman, head covered in scarf, serving a white woman” (392). One of the prevailing ideas connected to Mammy is the issue of weight. “African American women are more socially tolerant toward obesity because of the relatively high prevalence seen among them.” (Captain and Vertinsky 549) The problem is that ballet requires a very particular shape of body, defined by being “taller and thinner” (Klapper 224). A typical feature of an African
American community in the 1960s was the matriarchal structure of family; there was the idea of “a strong woman” (McCarthy-Brown 394) which does not correspond with ballet.
“Although ballerinas are trained athletes, the female roles in classical American ballet are
19 often soft, delicate, and fragile creatures, in direct opposition to the image of the strong black woman.” (394)
Another controlling image is Jezebel traditionally defined as “an exotic sex object, a light-skinned concubine . . . who was lascivious and immoral in contrast to the sexual purity and morality of the white middle-class woman.” (Captain and Vertinsky 542) Despite the fact that Jezebel relatively approximates the standards of classical dance in terms of body type and skin colour, it is in complete contrast with purity and innocence of ballerinas. The biggest problem of the vision of an African American woman is that each of these images lacks the femininity of a ballerina. “The “Jezebel” while a sexual being, lacks legitimacy and propriety.
The “Mammy” lacks sexual desire and beauty. The anger of “Sapphire” decreases the possibility that she will attract the white male gaze.” (McCarthy-Brown 393) The vision of a black woman affected by these stereotypical images responsible for “the strength and masculizing tendencies of the African American woman” (Captain and Vertinsky 546) opposes the traditional fragile paradigm of ballet, “[d]ressed in white tulle and pointe shoes, women dancers portray graceful princesses, fairies and swans” (Wulff 519).
However, there is one stereotype connected to women of colour that at least partly fit into ballet aesthetics. “Tragic Mulatto,” most approximates the standards of Western beauty.
Having one of the parents of white origins, “Mulatto” is not strongly associated with black community and is easily assimilated and accepted by white culture (McCarthy-Brown 393).
Compared to the other images of black women mentioned earlier, ballerinas of lighter skin tones can be more easily assimilated into the world of professional ballet. (393) The fact that a light-skinned dancer is seen as more appropriate for ballet than a dark-skinned one demonstrates the importance of skin colour.
These stereotypes still speak to contemporary audiences “[w]hether the black woman is perceived through historical or contemporary stereotypes, there is no room for the black
20 woman to be the quintessential pure, elegant beauty – the American ballerina.” (394)
Historical controlling images left a mark on women of colour and they have contributed to the assumption that African Americans are not suitable for ballet because they do not fit into the traditional concept of classical ballet. “Given the cultural meanings transmitted through dance and the social context of America, it is no surprise that relatively few African American women have sustained professional careers in ballet.” (393) Even nowadays stereotypes about women of colour are part of the invisible impediment which blocks the path to a successful career of a black ballerina.
Stereotypes about the Black Dancing Bodies in Association with Ballet Aesthetic
Dancers express themselves through their bodies. The body is the medium of a dancer and “ballet is an embodied art” (Klapper 224). For dancers, their bodies are crucial because through them they “express music, emotion, ideas, rhythm, and story” (224). “In ballet there is no text; there are only dancers,” (Mason 298) using their bodies. Before all else, it is necessary to understand that in dance world the body is the alpha and omega. Therefore, the way body is presented is crucial. Historical controlling images are not the only obstacle black ballerinas have to face; even more problematic aspect of stereotyping are the ideas which are connected to the core of dance; their bodies.
The Distinction between White and Black Dance
In reality, the division between the black and white dancing bodies is only invented not actual, the same as it is with the stereotypes described in the previous subchapter.
Gottschild does not believe that “there is such a phenomenon as black or white dance – or even a black or white dancing body” (Gottschild 14) because indeed they are “cultural milestones, not racial markers” (14). These concepts cannot be ignored for a reason that they shaped dance world in all its aspects and therefore, they should be examined (14). The different perceptions of white and black dancing bodies have affected how the audience react
21 to black dancers, how choreographers cope with black ballerinas and how ballerinas perceive themselves. First and foremost, it is important to point out that the terms white and black are not labelled with any positive or negative connotations. (14) They are used to differentiate between these two concepts and make it clearer.
First of all, it is necessary to clarify what stands behind the terms black and white dance. The concept of black dance refers to its Africanist origins. (15) In essence, the black dance can be defined by “bare feet in solid contact with the earth,” (15) “movement characterized by body asymmetry (knees bent, torso slightly pitched forward)” (15), “a primary value placed on both individual and group improvisation” (15), “articulation of the separate units of torso” (15). A key element is the black dancing body which is “[a]t its most mundane level . . . perceived as the working, field hand body,” (15); on the other hand, “[i]t is also the body that is perceived as most extraordinary: the highest jumping, most rhythmically complex, improvisationally creative, longest enduring – and with the smoothest, wrinkle- resistant skin” (15). These are the typical ideas accompanying bodies of African American dancers. On contrary, in terms of the white dance, “[t]he traditional and classical Eurocentric aesthetic perspective for the dancing body is dominated and ruled by the erect spine[;]
[v]erticality is a prime value with the torso is held erect, knees straight” (16).
One hears more frequently about the concept of black dance, which puts it into the position of the “[t]he designated alien or outsider that was obliged to contrast with and measure up to the unnamed “normal” standard – white dance” (16). There is the conflict between white and black aesthetics which clearly results in contrasting the black dancing body with the white one. “As assessed by Africanist aesthetic criteria, the Europeanist dancing body is rigid, aloof, cold, and one dimensional. By Europeanist standards, the
Africanist dancing body is vulgar, comic, uncontrolled, undisciplined.” (16) A conventional body posture in European aesthetics is when the body appears as a single unit defined by the
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“straight, uninflected torso,” (147) that “must be held upright for correct, classic form; the erect spine is the cent[re];” (147) whereas the Africanist dance perspective appreciates
“flexible, bent legged postures, with the component parts of the torso independently articulated forward,” (147) and contrary to the Europeanist value there is the
“multidimensional principle” (148). In all circumstances, the black dancing body is the contrast of the white and vice versa; “the Europeanist dancing body ideal is the icon of control and order; the Africanist of improvisation and release” (37) To clarify, “ballet is defined by so-called ‘classical aesthetics,’” (Klapper 145) so this art form “reserves a strict attitude about the look of the dancing body” (Gottschild 133). The perfect vision of a ballet body is presented through the image of Balanchine ballerina, “the archetype to which all others [are] compared” (Brown 373). An ideal ballerina is described by a “[t]iny head perched on a long neck, slender arms and even longer legs, and relatively short torso all projected lanky suppleness” (373). If body is presented in contrast to this particular aesthetics, black ballerinas can have a real difficulty in pursuing their careers.
The categorization of bodies as fitting into either black or white dance is the root of the problem. As a result, there is the notion that some bodies are suitable for particular dance styles whereas others are excluded. The white dancing body is described by ballet aesthetics,
(Gottschild 56) and therefore, the black dancing body, its counterpart, is not desired for the lines of classical ballet technique. However, it has little to do with reality because “black and white bodies are equal in potential,” (31) and the whole notion of black and white dance poses obstacles for people of colour to be part of ballet community.
Stereotypes Related to the Black Dancing Bodies
There are a number of stereotypes connected to the black dancing bodies which build barriers in the careers of black ballerinas. Gottschild examines the stereotypical perceptions of separate body parts starting from the bottom to the top. In ballet context, the main focus is
23 principally on feet and certainly on skin. Begin at the beginning, feet are fundamental for all dancers because they ground them, provide them with confidence and security, thus dancers spend a significant amount of time working on their feet (109). “It is noteworthy that the feet seem to hold a key to understanding the dance values of several cultures: African American tapping feet; Indian slapping feet; ballet’s pointed feet.” (131) Evidently, there is a distinction between various types of feet fitting particular dance styles. In ballet there is “an aesthetic preference for a high lateral arch – a culturally conditioned visual preference that dominates concert dance” (133). The feet of the black dancing body are problematic for classical ballet technique due to an assumption that black feet do not point. (134)
The power of this assumption can be seen in Gottschild’s real-life experience. In the mid-1980s at a regional dance conference in Philadelphia she had a conversation with a white teacher running a dance studio in mostly black middleclass Germantown section of the city.
They started talking about blacks in ballet when the teacher admitted that the feet of dancers were getting better because an increasing number of them were mixed bloods. (134) This shows how stereotypes could affect the minds of people. The quality of dancers’ feet was not defined by improvement in training, but it was the result of a white element. Undoubtedly, pointed feet are not determined by skin colour but by proper training. As a matter of fact, “the feet can be educated and disciplined to the “correct” aesthetic position” (131) through practice because “all bodies can be trained to fit a given dance ideal, provided that there is no medical dysfunction and the dancer begins early enough in childhood for the body to shape itself around the demands of that particular technique” (102).
Besides feet, another problematic body part is butt. “[A] protruding buttocks is seen as a black attribute.” (185) It does not correspond with the classical lines of ballet body because
“ballet milieus aim to desexualize and invisibilize this part of the anatomy and have subjected black males and females alike to a scathing buttocks-cent[re]d critique” (148). This body part
24 is in contrast with ballet and makes the black dancing body ill-equipped for this art form.
However, the reality is again different from the stereotype; a protruding buttocks “is not a black attribute, but one that comes more easily to some structural, anatomical configurations than others – a facility that has little to do with racialized body types.” (182)
There is one additional body part more evident than protruding buttocks and inappropriate feet. It is the part of the body which is noticed at the first sight and which cannot be fixed by any kind of training.
More than the other contested sites in the black dancing body, skin is the alpha and omega
of racial difference. The darker the skin, the more likely will its inhabitant be excluded
from white power and privilege, or even the chance to approximate it. Skin – so personal,
so all-encompassing, literally and figuratively. We see the skin and its colo[u]r before we
discern buttocks, feet, hair texture, facial features. Skin protects us; skin reveals us. (190)
In the world of professional ballet, which is predominantly the white environment, the black colour is difficult to accept; “skin colour has become confused with good and evil in ways that reflect deep-seated, irrational cultural biases” (201). The colour of complexion is an entry to other stereotypes mentioned earlier because as a black ballerina one is associated with all elements defining the black dancing body.
The black dancing body is an invented concept with real consequences. In the year
1975 Oliver Smith, at that time director of ABT, was interviewed about the absence of dancers of colour in major American companies. In his words, the main reasons for not hiring
African American ballet dancers are the biological objections. (Gaiser 271) More precisely, his answer was “"[t]he carriage of the black dancer is not classic [;] [i]t's the position of the spine" (271). The power of stereotypes consists in the fact that they dictate to the people’s minds what they should see; it is “not always about what the [black] dancing body can do, but what the observer wants to see” (Gottschild 133).
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Stereotypes about black dancing bodies are in direct opposition to the ballet ideals; therefore, they have become a crucial obstacle for black ballerinas. However, one cannot forget that “[b]lacks come in all sizes, shapes, and colo[u]rs [and] [t]he black [dancing] body is a sociocultural concept, not a biological imperative, and the term “black dance” is really a misnomer” (98). As it is presented in this chapter, “critics rhetorically constructed and essentialized the black dancer as possessing a too-stocky bone structure, protruding buttocks, and feet that were too flat and too large” (Geiser 272) and these false presumptions influence the way a woman of colour is seen in the world of professional ballet defined by white aesthetics. Without the awareness of the stereotypical vision of a female dancer of colour in the environment of classical dance one could not understand the situation of a black ballerina.
Organizational Barriers
The stereotypical ideas have not been the only impediment in the path of black ballerinas. Another contributing factor to the underrepresentation of dancers of colour in
American elite ballet companies is related to the historical development of this art form in the
United States. The root of the problem consists in the fact that since its origins ballet was segregated; in other words, African Americans were able to pursue their careers mostly only in a predominantly black company. Post-war funding even unintentionally contributed to the division of companies because instead of integration, it centralized dancers of colour in the
Dance Theatre of Harlem. (Brown 359)
The Origins of Segregation in American Ballet
A turning point in the development of ballet in the US is connected to Mr Balanchine who finally in 1948 succeeded in founding a permanent ballet company the New York City
Ballet (NYCB). (Klapper 74) “NYCB realized [Balanchine’s] longstanding dream of an
American company comprised mostly of American-trained dancers, many from the School of
American Ballet (SAB) he had founded in 1934.” (74) The initial idea of philanthropist
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Lincoln Kirstein and choreographer George Balanchine was to form an integrated company to reflect nation’s diversity. (Brown 360). “Yet no archival or anecdotal information points to serious efforts to make an integrated company a reality.” (360) In terms of ballet funding in the post-war era a major role was played by Ford Foundation (371) which strongly supported
Balanchine’s plans. (372)
Even though NYCB was not widely opened to dancers of colour, it provided an opportunity for at least one dancer of colour who made a crucial breakthrough in ballet.
Arthur Mitchell “joined NYCB in 1955 and rose quickly to principal dancer” (Klapper 143).
As for the sole dancer of colour in the company, there was no place for Mitchell in the corps; therefore, he had to be good enough to become a soloist. (Brown 361) Despite the great support of Mr Balanchine, Mitchell’s position in a white company was not ideal. “Mitchell encountered blatant racism when television stations in the South refused to air his Agon pas de deux with the white ballerina Diana Adams.” (Klapper 143) The picture of a black man dancing with a white ballerina (see fig. 1) was very controversial for that period. Having a solely black company would not have been as problematic as to integrate blacks in white companies; therefore “instead of further integrating NYCB, Balanchine and Ford helped
Mitchell build DTH” (Brown 378).
Side Effects and Achievements of DTH
Despite the unquestionable importance and achievements of DTH, the establishment of an exclusively black company brought up some issues. The result of the division between black and white companies was “a subtle strengthening of the borders between black and white in the dance world” (384). To a considerable extent, a black ballet company was supposed to be a home for African American dancers which in some sense could prevent them from pursuing careers in famous ballet companies. (379) To put it differently, ballet dancers of colour were perceived “as African Americans first, artists second” (361). The emergence of
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DTH strengthened the old stereotypes about the appearance instead of challenging racial boundaries and standardizing mixed-raced companies. (361) The idea of the creation of a black company had one defect: “the stream of black dancers was diverted to a black company, taking pressure off white companies to integrate” (371). Even to some dancers the vision of having a black company seemed to be counterproductive. During 1970s, Christopher
Boatwright stressed the fact that he was not a black dancer; he was a ballet dancer. (Klapper
143)
On the other hand, “[t]he creation of a ballet-based African American company was the best way to ensure African American ballet dancers would perform, and it helped to ensure that the next generation of Americans saw African-American ballet dancers on stage”
(McCarthy-Brown 386). Having a black company was crucial for the post-war period because it provided dancers of colour with jobs so they could carve out their careers in ballet. DTH created opportunities for those who were rejected by traditional companies. As a former principal dancer of NYCB, Mitchell was taught the technique which was practiced within the first-rate companies and he could spread his proficiency to African Americans. “Mitchell thus granted the African American dancer strategic access to ballet technique.” (Gaiser 288)
Furthermore, one of Mitchell’s crucial goals was to create role models for future generations of ballerinas. (Allen 24) Mitchell’s company have produced idols for young aspiring dancers to whom they could look up to.
Among other things, DTH performs classical ballet productions, those from which
African Americans have been mostly excluded. In 1984 (Geiser 269) “Mitchell revised the story of the classic Giselle for his company” (McCarthy-Brown 402). “Engaging in such a production meant a direct encounter with the very emblem of ballet’s iconic whiteness: the ballerina as unearthly pale ghost, sylph, or fairy” (Geiser 269). DTH faced many obstacles with the production of Giselle because dancers of colour were still seen as an anomaly, (269)
28 especially in such a classical piece as Giselle. Moreover, there was “the need to demonstrate ballet's cultural relevance to black Americans in the face of s[c]epticism from both white and black critics over the appropriateness of African Americans participating in what was perceived as a white, and possibly elitist, cultural institution.” (269) Therefore, Mitchell decided to relocate the story from original German Rhineland to the plantations of Louisiana in order to translate it into the African American culture. (270) Giselle became Creole Giselle because “the use of the word “Creole” explains the context that would allow an African
American ballerina to be Giselle” (McCarthy-Brown 402). One of the important features was that “the Creole Giselle’s dancers performed the same choreography that other dancers in
[white] companies,” (Geiser 270) which had a considerable impact on the perception of people of colour in dance. The fact that African Americans performed the same steps as white dancers highlighted that the classical ballet technique is not an innate ability, but it can be acquired by every ballet dancer regardless of their skin colour. (275) For this reason, “it was no longer acceptable to argue for excluding African Americans from performing the classics on the basis of body type” (276). Nevertheless, there is one more element of the revised ballet which provokes the question why dancers of colour did not dance the classical Giselle?
(McCarthy-Brown 402) “Creole Giselle preserves the paradigm that excludes an African
American ballerina from being Giselle.” (402)
To conclude, having a particularly black company brought up some controversy.
Instead of making ballerinas of colour part of elite American ballet companies, the politics and funding strengthened the distinction between black and white dancers. On the other hand, in its origins, DTH was crucial for proving the technical competence of dancers of colour. In the past DTH provided the only jobs for dancers who were dancing in the margins. Without this company black ballerinas could not pursue their careers in ballet. At current times, DTH still provides the opportunities for dancers of colour who otherwise would have to give up
29 their careers of professional dancers. Additionally, there is the company’s program called
Dancing Through Barriers which promotes diversity and tolerance and offers training to those who strive for being ballet dancers. (Dancing Through Barriers®) As it is mentioned in the
2019 video celebrating legendary Arthur Mitchell, DTH gives the reality to the dreams of people of colour to become ballet dancers. (Arthur Mitchell Tribute Video 03:50-03:56)
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3. Experiences of Ballerinas of Colour
There have been obstacles in the path of a woman of colour to become a ballet dancer.
However, even when one managed to enter the world of professional ballet; in many cases, the real struggle only started. The experiences of black ballerinas depend on particular dancers, on their goals and attitudes. The same incidents can be experienced by individuals differently. The unpleasant experiences of black ballerinas can be divided into two groups.
First are those which are evident or external, such as a need for whitening one’s skin, colourism and typecasting. The second group defines internal struggles of black ballerinas.
These are not visible, but they affect the way ballerinas see themselves. In many companies, black ballerinas must cope with self-stereotyping, double-consciousness, feelings of loneliness and isolation.
Before presenting specific experiences, it is necessary to emphasize the sensitive nature of this chapter. To talk about the controversial issues and racist practices can be difficult, especially for those who have experienced them. The arts, including dance world, are considered to be a safe place, free from politics; therefore, a topic of race is not frequently discussed. (Gottschild 10) Nyama McCarthy-Brown conducted the research between 2008 and 2010 which consists of interviews with dancers of colour who faced the obstacles stemming from their skin colour. She herself points out the limitations of her work due to the fact that some respondents wanted particular information off the record. (McCarthy-Brown
398) “It might be uncomfortable for African Americans who have experienced or witnessed colo[u]r casting in ballet to discuss these experiences. It is possible that people do not want to go on record in connection with controversial issues.” (398) However, there were some of them who have revealed what it had taken to be a black ballerina not only in predominantly white companies but also in the community of dancers of colour.
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Experiences of Overt Racism in the Past
As mentioned in the first chapter, racism in the world of ballet is unlikely to be overt because it comes mostly in subtle ways. However, in the era of segregation and explicit race injustice against African Americans, direct threatening appeared also in the ballet world. To describe the experiences of the first generation of black ballerinas in the US, it is necessary to introduce the story of legendary Raven Wilkinson (see fig. 2). She was born in 1935 in
Harlem to a middle-class family. (Bever) Since her early childhood when seeing a performance of the Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo she had been interested in ballet. (Black
Ballerina 13:45-14:05) Her dream was to be a part of this company; unfortunately, she twice failed in auditioning due to her skin colour. (Bever) Nevertheless, she did not give up and managed to become a member of the company in 1955 under director Sergej Dunham,
(Langlois 24) and stayed there by the year 1961. (Bever)
Another important figure of the first generation of black ballerinas was Janet Collins.
She “was born in New Orleans in 1917 and brought up in Southern California” (Cash 6). For a young dancer of colour, it was very challenging to take ballet classes in Los Angeles in the mid-1930s. Companies feared that having a black ballerina in a troupe could be a problem. (6)
Collins expressed that a ballerina of colour “was a threat to [company’s] livelihood” (6).
However, she had almost all predispositions to be a ballerina, “the long lithe ballet line, head poised delicately on slender neck;” (The Young People’s Corner 68) moreover, she had “a lean elegance, a clear taste for whimsy, and a compelling romanticism,” (Cash 7) and therefore, she was noticed by then newly hired ballet master of the Metropolitan Opera,
Zachary Solov (7). “On opening night of the 1951 – 1952 season of the Metropolitan Opera,
Janet Collins made her first appearance as prima ballerina of the most famous opera house in the world, the first Negro ballerina to be appointed at the Metropolitan.” (The Young People’s
Corner 68) Collins managed to cross a colour barrier in ballet but before this achievement,
32 there were several unsuccessful auditions when she was rejected only for her African
American background. (Cash 6)
The central problems of being a ballerina in the 1950s stemmed from social circumstances typical of that period such as racial tension, intense segregation and Jim Crow
Laws. (Langlois 24) In the initial year of the touring with the company, Wilkinson did not experience any serious incidents; nonetheless, the situation changed during the second year of her career. (24) “Wilkinson faced overt racism. Whites thought she had no place in ballet.
Southern blacks resented her for trying to pass for someone else. She was a target – called out for her colo[u]r and banished to segregated taxis and motel rooms.” (Bever) The problems prevailing in American society permeated also in the world of professional ballet. Having a black dancer in the troupe was challenging for the company itself. There was difficulty in planning of performances when it was not certain whether she would be allowed to perform in particular areas. (Langlois 28) Wilkinson remembered her real-life encounter with Ku Klux
Klan during touring in Montgomery, Alabama. That night she was not allowed to perform due to threatening danger of the members who could not stand an African American on one stage together with white dancers. She had to stay locked up in her hotel room from which she saw, for the first and last time in her life, a burning cross. (Black Ballerina 16:13-18:01)
The frequent issues Wilkinson had to cope with were related to discriminatory practices by people outside the company, but she was also aware of the bias inside the company. She left the Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo in 1961 when she reached a breaking point in her career. (Bever) By one of the ballet mistresses (Langlois 28) she was told that she had gone as far as she could and that the company could not have had a black white swan.
(Black Ballerina 18:42-18:54) Instead ballet she was encouraged to dance African dance,
(Langlois 28) to which she replied, “I don’t know African dance. I learned how to plié.” (28)
This is a typical example of the assumption that dancers of colour were not suitable for ballet.
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Wilkinson highlighted that she did not know how to dance African dances; since the beginning of her career she had been cultivating classical ballet technique but under the power of stereotypical bias she, as an African American, was associated with different dance styles rather than ballet. However, in general, Wilkinson described her career in the Ballet Russe de
Monte Carlo in a very positive light. She felt supported and protected by her colleagues. (26)
Additionally, it is important to mention the attitude of then artistic director Mr Denham who did not have objections concerning her race (28).
Discriminatory Practices of Ballerinas of Colour which Have Persisted
Throughout her career, Wilkinson was exposed to overt racism but concerning historical contexts it is not so surprising. At that time, African Americans faced racism and segregation in almost all aspects of their lives so logically, art was no exception. This kind of racism in ballet was characteristic for that period; nowadays threatening and intimidation is not common. Nonetheless, there are practices which were typical signs of the first generation of dancers of colour and have persisted to the present time. One of those practices is whitening one’s skin in order to fit in the environment of white ballerinas. “When Raven
Wilkinson made it into the illustrious Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo in 1955, she was told to blend in.” (Bever) In other words, she was asked to use white make-up to pass for white. For her, it was not so difficult because she was light-skinned. (Langlois 24) The same experience with the same company had also Janet Collins. At the age of sixteen, she auditioned for the
Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo. Despite the fact that her dance quality was recognized, she was also told by then director Leonid Massine that she could have been accepted on condition of whitening her skin. (Cash 6) However, “[s]he refused to use Caucasian make-up when the opportunity came to join a famous ballet troupe” (The Young People’s Corner 68). Both
Collins and Wilkinson had the advantage of being light-skinned (Cash 7) which means that it was much easier for them to appear to be white than for those who were dark-skinned.
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Whereas the former rejected the idea of painting her face white, the latter agreed on it on some tours. (7)
The practice of skin lightening was not solely a sign of the remote past, but it is also more contemporary problem. Stephanie Powell, a former dancer of the Oakland Ballet who was “an African American lead in an early 1990s mainstream company,” (McCarthy-Brown
399) was required to powder her skin and present herself as a white dancer. (399) Even a present-day principle dancer of the ABT Copeland was required to do it. Misty describes this practice as “a part of the history and tradition of classical ballet” (A conversation with Misty
Copeland 27:49-27:55) especially in those ballets which are defined as white such as Swan
Lake and La Bayadère where uniformity is crucial. (28:10-28:16) “Their second acts are populated by otherworldly characters . . . and it is considered imperative that the corps, and often even the principals, look the same,” (Copeland 174) and having a dancer of colour among other white dancers could be disturbing. In Copeland’s view, the main problem consists in the fact that the current situation is similar to that in 1950s. Having seen the documentary about the Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo, Misty could identify with the past experiences of Raven Wilkinson. (A conversation with Misty Copeland 28:46-28:58)
Raven Wilkinson, a mentor of mine whom I revere, became the first black American to be
a full-time member of a large ballet company when she joined the Ballet Russe de Monte
Carlo in the 1950s. Often when she performed, she would literally have to paint her face
white. Half a century later, I have often had to do something similar. (Copeland 175)
On the other hand, Misty highlights that when she asked in the company whether it was necessary to lighten her skin she met with no resistance and she was allowed to use her own colour. This shows how much is only presumed. (A conversation with Misty Copeland 29:13-
29:39) A lot of barriers to African Americans ballerinas can be easily removed. Lightening a dancer’s skin stems from the history but the fact that it was done half a century ago does not
35 mean that it is necessary to do it now. The era has changed; the position of African Americans in the society outside ballet has strengthened and for better future it is important to present diversity; therefore, there is no necessity to hide black ballerinas; on the contrary they should be presented on the stage.
From one’s perspective, skin lightening might not be so problematic. To whiten one’s skin is necessary in order to fulfil the visual need of ballet to blend in with the corps so why should it be such an issue? In truth, one cannot think of this practice only as an external matter. It is not only skin-deep because skin whitening has internal consequences. It is an instance of double-consciousness, “wherein one must satisfy a mainstream American identity which conflicts with the African American identity,” (McCarthy-Brown 399) and therefore, it is “an experience all too familiar to the African American ballerina” (399). The concept of double consciousness was developed by W.E.B. Dubois and is based on the “sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others,” (Dubois) which results in the feeling of the
“two-ness – an American, a Negro (McCarthy-Brown 391). “African Americans are living in two dominant spheres, black and white, and are obliged to juggle identities and switch codes in order to succeed in these very different worlds.” (Gottschild 66) Ballet dancers of colour dance for two audiences. On the one hand, there is the need to be “white” to conform to ballet ideals and meet the expectations of white audience. On the contrary, black ballerinas are expected to represent African American community which originates in African American’s knowledge of gaining acceptance through struggle and sacrifice. (McCarthy-Brown 391)
A black ballerina copes with the conflict of her identity when she is supposed to present herself as someone she is not. Raven Wilkinson explained how the pressure and confusion affected her.
When I joined Ballet Russe I thought that this issue of race was in the eye of the beholder. I
felt that I was a dancer who had just as much right to be there as anyone else. But I also felt
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that if I were stopped and asked I was not going to say, “No I’m not black.” I could never
do that. That’s what was called “passing” and to me that’s like denying your very being,
and I just couldn’t do that. It’s like saying, there’s something wrong with being black.
(Langlois 25)
From this comment, it is apparent that for some dancers skin lightening means hiding their true selves and denying their identities which can even cause them to feel insecure about themselves and their bodies.
Considering the historical and social contexts, it was necessary for Wilkinson to whiten her skin and passing for white under the certain circumstances. For instance, she remembered the incident during the tour in the South when they were rehearsing on the stage and the manager of the theatre came to ask whether there was an African American dancer.
The man used the N-word and Wilkinson said that she did not identify with what he was looking for. (26) Again, at that time she had no choice but even at the present time the practice of skin whitening is the way of hiding and denying dancer’s identity. The whole practice of whitening can partly result from the stereotypical ideas about the black dancing body as not capable of ballet. Being white it can acquire this ability.
In different circumstances, not every dancer is affected by the need to fulfil ballet ideals and simultaneously represent African American community. To provide an example,
Lydia Abarca-Mitchell, a notable ballerina who was a member of DTH between 1969 and
1980, could not identify with the idea of double-consciousness because she was not interested in classical pieces, e.g. Giselle and Swan Lake. (McCarthy-Brown 404) She herself questioned why a dancer of colour would want to be in the community which does not honour the African American culture. (405)
Here Abarca-Mitchell deviated from double-consciousness; she did not feel bound to
conform to the ideal of the traditional American ballerina . . . She talked about a need to
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dance for herself and be appreciated by the African-American community and expressed
little interest in affirmation or acceptance from the white mainstream. (405-406)
This comment demonstrates that experiences of ballerinas can differ. Furthermore, Abarca-
Mitchell’s point of view reflects how stereotypes could affect ballerinas themselves. She did not identify with classical pieces but with more contemporary ones; likewise, she did not feel to be a part of the conventional ballet ideology.
Another problem very familiar to ballet dancers of colour is typecasting or in other words colour casting. When Janet Collins became the member of the Metropolitan Opera, she was famous for her role in Aida, a piece with an Egyptian theme. (Cash 7) The problem with the casting of African Americans consists in the fact that African Americans have been associated with a certain type of roles and excluded from others. Karen Brown, a former
Artistic Director of Oakland Ballet, “shared the experience of casting for The Nutcracker during her tenure at Oakland Ballet (2000-2006)” (McCarthy-Brown 399). She described the incident when the choreographer and founding Artistic Director Ron Guidi decided to put a ballerina of colour in a role of a servant before watching her dance. (399) “The typecasting of an African American ballerina in the role of the maid demonstrates the presence of historical controlling images of African American women.” (399) A dancer of colour was given an opportunity to perform, but she was cast into the role not on the basis of her talent and ability but due to the stereotypical thinking of the artistic director.
In McCarthy-Brown’s interview from 2010 Copeland described the situation regarding controversial casting.
In general, the woman represents the ballet. I think it’s hard for a lot of people to view a
black woman in that position. I think that from the beginning of my career with ABT I’ve
been put into the more contemporary and modern roles in our repertory. And I know it’s
because of my abilities, I know I can do it better than a lot of the dancers in the company.
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But I still felt like I was being put in particular roles because of my skin colo[u]r, it’s easier
to see me in certain roles . . . But I mean at this very moment, it’s hard to envision them
giving me the opportunity to do Odette, the lead in Swan Lake or something like that,
though it’s still my goal. ABT’s never had a black woman play that part, I hope some day
things will change. (400)
From Copeland’s commentary it is obvious that dancers of colour are chosen for a certain type of roles and they are excluded from the classical ones, in general. The similar opinion had also Fernando Bujones who danced as a principal with ABT between 1972 and
1985.
Probably still the area the toughest to accept, all around, is seeing a black dancer do a
specific classical ballet that for years had had a tradition of being performed by white
dancers . . . Like maybe Romeo and Juliet. It’s not that it hasn’t happened . . . but it’s
probably the thing that is still hard to accept. (Gottschild 82)
On the other hand, one needs to take into consideration how difficult it is to prove that a dancer was cast into or excluded from a particular role on condition of the skin colour.
Dance cannot be measured, and it is difficult to question which factor played a key role in director’s decision-making. Bujones explained that “[n]ot all the dancers, black or white, have the technical means or facilities, the looks to be able to technically or artistically dance or portray these demanding roles in classics” (87). Ballet world is a highly competitive field and not every unsuccessful audition of a dancer of colour can be defined as the result of the racist practices. “Not everybody has the artistic means or the technical means to interpret or dance these roles yet. But those that do should be given the opportunity, and sometimes they are not given enough opportunity.” (87)
The tradition of colour casting has a longer history; it was not unusual for dancers of previous generations, including Raven Wilkinson. After leaving the Ballet Russe de Monte
39
Carlo she was asked to dance a piece for the Joffrey’s company. It was a ballet production by
Eugene Loring and as Raven rightly suspected there was a connection with the topic of race.
(Langlois 28) Moreover, Wilkinson recalled that anytime she auditioned for Mr Loring she was required to do modern movement that did not suit her because all her career she was trained in classical ballet. (28) Wilkinson pointed out that “Mr. Loring assumed that because I was black I must know jazz and modern, but that simply wasn’t true and he couldn’t understand that” (28). Here one can see the power of stereotypical ideas which permeated in ballet. The prejudice and fixed ideas about dancers of colour to be capable of modern or jazz rather than ballet did not work only in theory but also in the real life.
The presence of stereotypes affects not only the way people think about dancers of colour but also the way dancers of colour see themselves. The problem of stereotyping is that it results in self-stereotyping, “individuals spend the rest of their lives convincing themselves that they will or will not become what someone else tells them they are.” (Henderson 6) When dancers are constantly told that they do not have proper body for ballet, they can start believing it. (Black ballerina 25:40-25:49) “Black stereotypes about black dancing bodies are, after all, internalizations of white stereotypes.” (Gottschild 67) As a consequence, many talented and aspiring ballerinas get discouraged. (Black ballerina 32:38-32:45)
Eventually, it is important to clarify maybe the major barrier of ballerinas at current times. The reason of underrepresentation of African Americans in ballet is because there are so few ballerinas of colour employed by companies. (McCarthy-Brown 405) Alicia Graf, who was the member of DTH from 1999 to 2001 and 2003-2004, describes her unfulfilled desires to enter famous American companies. She was always told that she was too tall or that the company did not search for anyone at that time. Again, here it is very difficult to blame somebody for racism, but unsuccessful auditioning of black ballerinas should be questioned due to the presence of skin colour controversy. Graf highlights that “in this age everyone
40 knows that a black dancer can do the same thing as a white dancer can, but the fact that there still aren’t opportunities for black dancers is almost worse, it’s like subconscious racism”
(405). Subconscious racism in ballet consists essentially in the fact that for some reasons one cannot accept the idea of being black and ballerina at the same time. The concept of ballet and the image of a woman of colour was portrayed as incompatible and thus something difficult to accept. In contemporary society the presence of stereotypes and racial bias about dancers of colour are not as present as they were in the past. Even though many people are not currently aware of these ideas, stereotypes left a mark on our perceptions of dancers of colour. At this time, options for dancers of colour to practice ballet expanded, but (407) “[s]till, African
American women have limited opportunities for professional employment” (407).
Experiences of Ballerinas of Colour in a Predominantly Black Company
The situation of ballerinas of colour in mainly white companies has been presented so far. The main issues of being a black ballerina in a white company are connected to the fact of being different from other ballet dancers. In other words, ballerinas with dark complexion stand out in the white environment. Therefore, one could falsely presume that the skin colour in a predominantly black company would not be an issue. However, the presence of colourism, “which works as a by-product of racism,” (McCarthy-Brown 390) in mixed-raced companies serve as evidence of the importance of skin colour in ballet world. Colourism can be defined in general as a system of division present in communities where “skin colo[u]r is the demarcation of difference; those who resemble the dominant group receive more privileges than those who resemble the oppressed group” (390). To put it another way, “the dark-skinned African American women are connected to ideals of racial purity, whereas light- skinned African American women are connected to white ancestry, granting privilege” (397).
In terms of ballet, “light-skinned African American women are better able to approximate
41 whiteness; however, dark-skinned women are better able to visually represent African
Americans in ballet.” (397)
A former dancer of DTH, Stephanie Powell, who danced with the company between
1996 and 1998, described the company as “a racially tense environment that exhibited colo[u]rism” (399). She claimed that she “never felt so happy to be in a room with fifty
African-American dancers, and so miserable about the animosity at the same time” (399). On the one hand, Powell did not feel as an anomaly but still she was isolated from other dancers.
The position of Powell as a light-skinned dancer among a group of dark-skinned ballerinas could have been very problematic. She was privileged over her senior colleagues who had not got the same opportunity as she had as a light-skinned ballerina. (400)
Conversely, the experiences of the prominent dancer of DTH, Lydia Abarca-Mitchell, differ from the experiences of her younger colleague. “When asked about colo[u]r casting in
DTH, Abarca-Mitchell said that not only did she never notice this practice but also that Mr.
Mitchell did not tolerate any divisive behavio[u]r among the dancers.” (402) Another light- skinned dancer, Alicia Graf, dancing with the company before its hiatus in 2004, supported
Abarca-Mitchell’s statement by claiming that “she too never experienced or observed colo[u]r casting in DTH” (402) (402). With this in mind, it is necessary to stress how experiences can differ from ballerina to ballerina. What in one case is perceived as a racially tense atmosphere, in another’s point of view is described as “a beacon of hope” (405).
Despite the different points of view regarding the atmosphere in DTH, it is difficult to reject the apparent preference for light-skinned ballerinas. Even Abarca-Mitchell acknowledges the incident in which colourism occurred in one of the performances of Swan
Lake during her career in DTH.
I didn’t realize that I was dressed in white and the other swans, based on their skin
colo[u]r, their dresses were darker, I’m thinking ‘oh this pretty, different shades of blue,’
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‘No Ms. Lydia,’ someone said to me, ‘the darker you are the darker the blue,’ and I never
thought of it that way, but I could see why someone might get upset with that, why aren’t
we all in white like every other company? (403)
From this comment it is obvious that dancers were distinguished on the basis of the shades of their costumes depending on the skin tones. “This incident indicates that skin colo[u]r had an impact on the production, at least in regard to costumes.” (403) Naturally, here one needs to take the sensitive nature of this topic into consideration. It should not be left unnoticed that the former members of DTH are the embodiment of company’s historic accomplishments and they want to be identified with this legacy rather than with controversial subject of race. (404)
The presence of colourism in the African American community serves as an evidence of the importance of the colour of complexion in ballet. It highlights how dancers are perceived through different tones of their skin and the fact that the light-skinned ballerinas are privileged over the dark-skinned stresses that it is the skin colour which makes difference.
The colour of complexion has been a key factor that has determined the careers of numerous ballerinas of colour. In the end, all the outstanding ballerinas such as Raven Wilkinson, Janet
Collins and Misty Copeland, who have changed the course of the history of ballet, were light- skinned.
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4. Diversification of Ballet and the Importance of Role Models
The problem of lack of diversity in ballet is a persisting one. Despite the fact that the situation has changed for better since the mid-twentieth century, there is still a lot to be done to strengthen the position of dancers of colour in ballet. (Klapper 150) In order to improve the situation, it is necessary to bring up the issues of race and colour, to present the problems stemming from the past. Only by these means the tradition of keeping dancers of colour away from ballet can be challenged. “The way to break the code is to examine it. The way to understand the image is to acknowledge it. The only way out is through.” (Gottschild 47)
Copeland in her biography writes about the moment she read the article “Where Are
All the Black Swans” in the New York Times which describes the stories of black ballerinas such as Raven Wilkinson and Aesha Ash. The article was published in 2007, the year when
Misty became the soloist of ABT after being the member of the corps for six years. (Copeland
176) Misty claims that the “article was the first thing [she’d] ever read that reflected the heartbreak and loneliness [she] felt inside” (176). Besides marginalization, ballerinas of colour face “the feelings of isolation and separation” (Klapper 154) due to lack of representation. In other words, they have not had dancers they could identify with. The shortage of role models causes dancers of colour to feel alone and disconnected; therefore, there is a strong need for displaying the dancers young ballerinas can look up to.
As Arthur Mitchell stressed, African Americans need to be given role models, equal opportunities and encouragement. (Accocella 9) Only then the situation changes for better and ballet can become inclusive and represents diversity of society. Recently, the internet is a valuable source for supporting young aspiring dancers of colour. Websites such as browngirlsdoballet.com or MooBBallet.org provide motivating pictures, scholarship opportunities and demonstrates the historical overview of ballet dancers of colour with their memoirs. (Klapper 156) Nowadays, many people in dance community try to change the
44 traditional way of thinking about race and skin colour in the world of ballet by presenting the achievements and beauty of ballerinas of all backgrounds. The images of black ballerinas are crucial because they change our conventional expectations of what a ballerina should like.
Through them one can overcome the notion of subconscious racism which excludes some dancers from pursuing their dance careers in ballet.
Misty Copeland, a Role Model and an Advocate for Dancers of Colour
The leading figure in promoting diversity in ballet is Misty Copeland whose achievements help to raise the awareness of underrepresented and marginalized dancers in ballet community. Her talent and dedication made her widely popular not only in dance world but also beyond it. Nonetheless, first and foremost, Misty is an elite ballerina who is honoured for her artistry and ballet ability. As a member of ABT, Misty is famous for performing various roles which are significant for black ballerinas. In 2012 Misty danced the role of the
Firebird (see fig. 3) choreographed by Alexei Ratmanski in ballet with the same name,
(Copeland 239) which is considered to be “one of the modern masterpieces” (A ballerina’s tale 23:34-23:37). The night of her New York debut performance Misty had a power to change the crowd; the audience consisted of people of colour involved in dance world who were craving for the moment to see a black ballerina starring in such a prominent role as the
Firebird. (24:40-24:49) Moreover, Misty as the Firebird was depicted on the banner hanging on the front of the Metropolitan Opera (see fig. 4). (Copeland 246)
However, this was only the beginning of Misty’s accomplishments and the crucial breakthroughs came in 2015. In that year Copeland took the main role of Odette/Odile in
Swan Lake (Bailey), the role that seemed to be so unattainable for her in the interview from
2010 became then reality. Copeland was the first ballerina of colour to dance the main role in this ballet masterpiece at elite level (see fig. 5). The same year of her debut in Swan Lake
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Copeland was promoted to a principal dancer, the highest rank a ballet dancer can reach, and she became the first woman of colour to be a principal in the ABT’s 75-year history. (Hicklin)
Misty has become widely popular also beyond the boundaries of dance community.
“She has danced for Prince (in his 2010 Welcome 2 America tour), appeared in a 2014 commercial for Under Armour that quickly went viral, interviewed President Obama and made the cover of Time magazine in 2015.” (Hicklin) Misty’s compelling journey to the top of the ballet hierarchy was transformed into the film A Ballerina’s Tale by filmmaker Nelson
George in 2015. (Chi-hui Yang) Moreover, in 2018 she was exposed to even a wider public by participating in the film The Nutcracker and the Four Realms, Disney’s production of
Tchaikowsky’s world famous ballet piece The Nutcracker. Misty has become a celebrity; she receives enough attention to provoke a public discussion on lack of diversity and issues connected to race in dance world. In other words, she is an advocate for inclusion and equal opportunities for ballet dancers of all backgrounds. Copeland stresses the importance of being seen and well-known also beyond the realm of classical ballet because she can demonstrate that talent and ability are not defined by skin colour. Through her popularity Misty is in the position of addressing the problem of lack of diversity and pushing the boundaries of conventional aesthetics which restraints ballerinas of colour. (Barack Obama and Misty
Copeland On Race, Body Image and Staying Humble 04:07-04:36)
A great example of promoting the awareness of racial issues is when Misty was interviewed together with the first African American President of US Barack Obama.
The two leaders of their respective professions shared stories and confessions about how
they have confronted discrimination, how they view the pressures on women and girls and
what they are doing to help the next generation avoid some of the same obstacles they
confronted as children. (Rhodan 56)
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Obama in the conversation speaks generally about deep and structural barriers blocking the ways of minority people to achieve their dreams. (Barack Obama and Misty Copeland On
Race, Body Image and Staying Humble 02:58-03:07) Misty talks about the impact of being the only ballerina of colour in almost every environment of classical dance. Especially she goes back to the origins of her career when she did not identify herself with the idea of pancaking her body in order to fit in the corps (03:30-03:49) Obama highlights that issues connected to race and discrimination are real and it is necessary for young people to be aware of them. (06:06-06:15) Racial prejudices do not disappear overnight but it is necessary to reduce them to a minimum extent to ensure possibilities for younger generations to follow their dreams. (07:05-07:17)
Copeland’s accomplishments call attention to the need for inclusion; however, in order to change the uniform image of ballet, action is necessary. In 2013 ABT launched Project Plié which expands opportunities for minority dancers and demonstrates lack of ethnic and racial diversity. (Project Plié) ABT’s initiative is “a partnership between the company and the Boys and Girls Clubs of America” (Copeland 260) which brings ABT-trained teachers to clubs to look for talented children and provide them with scholarships and opportunities to pursue their dreams to become ballet dancers. (260) Throughout the Copeland’s biography Life in
Motion, there is a constant reference to little ballerinas whose dream is to dance in professional companies. Misty highlights that “(t)his is for the little brown girls” (2) which conveys the message for future generations for ballerinas of colour. She “embod[ies] the incredible symbolism that being different can stand for” (260). Copeland feels responsible to make public aware of the presence of ballerinas of colour and share the stories of first black ballerinas. (228) She also admits the fact that she represents something more than herself and her achievements are motivation for underrepresented and underprivileged dancers. (260)
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Aesha Ash and her Swan Dreams Project
Misty Copeland is not the only role model for aspiring dancers of colour. Aesha Ash, a former ballerina who danced professionally for 13 years in famous companies such as Swiss
Bejart Ballet or American Alonzo King Lines Ballet (Bourlin), attempts to break through the barrier of the stereotypical perceptions of black women. In 2011 Ash set up the Swan Dreams
Project with the intention to motivate the children in inner city Rochester, the place she grew up in. Her initial plan was to post pictures of herself in a tutu across Rochester. (Stahl)
However, when Dance Magazine shared Ash’s intention in 2017, the Swan Dreams Project has expanded on social media. Presently, Aesha Ash teaches dance lessons, educates people and brings ballet to communities where it would be otherwise inaccessible. (Craig)
Ash’s mission of the Swan Dreams Project is to “change the demoralized, objectified and caricatured images of African-American women by showing the world that beauty is not reserved for any particular race or socioeconomic background” (swansdreamproject). Aesha uses photography because she is aware of the power of imagery in changing people’s perceptions of women of colour. In other words, the idea behind the project is to alter the image of African American women especially those from low-income urban communities through the virtue of ballet. (What is the Swan Dreams Project 03:38-03:55) Moreover, Ash brings ballet to the streets and shows this art form to the children in inner city. (see fig. 6) She stresses the importance for children to be exposed to ballet because otherwise it is difficult for them to be someone they cannot see. (She’s Bringing Ballet to the Streets of New York 02:47-
02:56)
Role models such as Misty and Aesha are an inspiration for ballerinas of colour. They are symbols of possibilities for young people to achieve their dreams and encourage aspiring dancers to work harder and not to give up. Sharing the stories of successful ballerinas but also their struggles and burdens help budding dancers to understand what they go through.
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Nowadays, young ballerinas of colour have someone to identify with. Thanks to accomplishments of Misty Copeland and powerful pictures of Aesha Ash black ballerinas are motivated to follow their dreams.
The End of Pancaking
For a long time, ballet has been a predominantly white environment intended for dancers with light complexion. A dancer of colour in this environment can face challenges stemming from the fact that their presence is unaccepted. The practice of pancaking used to be a routine for dancers of colour. Generally, feet are important in dance; in ballet feet matter even more. When one says ballet, a ballerina standing on her toes is probably the first picture which comes to people’s minds. Dancing on toes is a typical sign of ballet and pointe shoes are the symbol of this art form. Pointes enable ballerinas to exhibit the nature of ballet, “the very sign of the white ballerina’s noncorporeality” (Geiser 272). In ballet it is necessary for dancers’ legs to look seamless; therefore, dancers’ shoes must correspond with their skin. In the past, ballet shoes were being produced only in white and pink, the shades that match white dancers. Ballerinas of colour needed to paint their shoes brown in order to match their skin because pointes in darker skin tones were not available. In dance world, this process is known as pancaking. (New Ballet Shoes In Shades Of Brown Signal Shift Toward Inclusivity 00:57-
01:06) (see fig. 7)
The practice of pancaking has its roots in DTH and for the first generations of ballet dancers of colour it was very important because “tradition of dying tights and pointe shoes brown to match the varying shades of African American people’s skin tones validated the presence of African American ballet dancers within this Eurocentric art form” (McCarthy-
Brown 388). In its origins, pancaking was a ground-breaking idea; however, more recently in the eyes of a black ballerina “pancaking [a] shoe is kind of a tradition so it’s just a ritual . . . but it’s again a tedious ritual, it’s a messy ritual,” (Brown ballet shoes made for first time
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01:40-01:49) which reminds dancers of colour that are not welcome in this art form. Copeland claims that in ballet there have been several underlying messages for young dancers of colour such as unavailability of dancewear matching coloured people which discourage aspiring dancers. (New Ballet Shoes In Shades Of Brown Signal Shift Toward Inclusivity 02:20-
02:27)
Production of pointes in darker skin tones is very important for achieving diversity in ballet; moreover, it promotes the awareness of underrepresented communities that can now feel as members of ballet community. “Finding your skin colour in a ballet shop is something very special. You have that feeling you are part of the industry of dance and you have the feeling that nothing is impossible.” (Brown ballet shoes made for first time 00:09-0:25) From this comment of a ballerina of colour it is obvious that even a small step can have a considerable impact on the confidence of dancers. Dancewear companies like the American
Gaynor Minden or British Freed of London with their production of pointe shoes in brown and bronze brought up the controversy of pancaking to a great public. (Marshall) Production of pointes in more skin tones (see fig. 8) is a positive step; however, it also reveals the problematic aspect of diversification in ballet. To put it clearly, the world manufacturer of ballet shoes Freed of London first started selling these shoes in October 2018 (Marshall) which highlights the problem of very slow progress in terms of inclusion in the world of professional ballet.
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Conclusion
To enter the world of ballet and carve out a career of a professional ballerina is due to high competition and extremely demanding training exceedingly difficult. Many talented ballerinas do not manage to dance their way to elite companies because ballet is a highly selective art discipline with a great emphasis on perfection in all its aspects. Ballet aesthetics is strictly defined and those who do not meet the expectations are not provided with an opportunity to take the stage of the first-class ballet companies. However, the aesthetics of ballet has been in some cases misinterpreted due to the fact that the idea of ballet as a white art in association with stereotypical thinking of women of colour created almost impenetrable barriers for dancers of colour to become ballerinas. Skin colour is a limiting factor which prevents black ballerinas from succeeding in this art form. The relative absence of ballerinas of colour is often falsely explained as a result of their disinterest. In reality there have been several cultural and organizational boundaries which are the major reason for their exclusion.
One of the discriminatory factors are racial prejudices against African Americans and historical controlling images of women of colour. Even though these marginalizing ideas do not occur in contemporary society as frequently as they used to in the past, they left a mark on the way one perceives black ballerinas. Moreover, the bodies of black dancers were described as biologically incapable of ballet technique due to wrong bone structure, weight issues and feet which do not point. It was thus necessary to overcome these stereotypical ideas by demonstrating the ability of a black ballerina to perform the same steps as white dancers did.
The establishment of DTH disproved these false assumptions and highlighted that bodies of black and white dancers are equal in potential. From a different angle, the creation of DTH unintentionally blocked the diversification of ballet and made it segregated. To reflect the current situation of black ballerinas it is necessary to take into consideration historical
51 contexts which highlight the interest of people of colour in ballet and racial barriers they had to overcome.
Even if a ballerina of colour manages to get into an elite ballet company, she must cope with various obstacles related to her skin colour. In more distant past black ballerinas faced overt racism; they were not allowed to perform in certain areas and were forced to pass for whites because at that time it was unthinkable for a dancer of colour to share one stage with white dancers. More currently black ballerinas have faced similar challenges. They have been required to whiten their skin because otherwise they would destroy the harmony of the corps. Furthermore, African Americans are associated with certain types of roles, especially with those more contemporary ones and excluded from the classical roles of white ballets.
There is a preference for light-skinned ballerinas of colour which even intensifies the argument that ballet is not colour blind and skin colour is still an issue.
The problem of lack of diversity in ballet have recently attracted the attention of media which play a very important role in promoting the need for inclusion. Through various interviews and visual materials presenting women of colour as graceful and ethereal ballerinas the deeply entrenched stereotypical thinking about African Americans is challenged. Young aspiring dancers can thanks to the media find someone to identify with which might have a positive impact on their future careers. Nowadays the situation takes a turn for better.
Dancewear matching different skin colours is available; in addition, some ballet companies have launched projects supporting underprivileged minority dancers which encourage them to take up ballet.
This thesis provides an insight into the topic of race in the world of professional ballet.
Its main intention is to highlight the relative absence of female ballet dancers of colour in
American ballet companies and clarify what stands behind this exclusion. The thesis lists numerous stereotypes stemming from historical contexts and explain positive but also
52 negative impact of the establishment of a company consisting predominantly of black dancers.
A reader of this thesis gets acquainted with the experiences of individual dancers throughout the course of time and learns about famous black ballerinas who have managed to alter the face of ballet world. In other words, this thesis provides a general description of what it is like to be a ballerina of colour and contributes to the promoting of inclusion in ballet. However, several important limitations to this study need to be acknowledged. To provide the example, in art, especially in ballet it is difficult to identify whether skin colour was the determining factor in auditions. This study was also limited by the relatively small amount of academic research and latest statistics which could add more credibility to this paper. Notwithstanding these limits, the thesis brings to people’s attention the fact that there are ballerinas of colour and the assumptions that they are not seen only due to their disinterest in this art form is mistaken.
The issues of race in high arts and ballet are not so far closely examined; therefore, there is abundant room for future studies on the current topic. There are some suggestions that would be worth investigating because they would deepen the knowledge of the controversial subject of race and thus could lead to improvements. Research questions that could be asked include, the comparison of situation of ballet dancers of colour in the US and Europe, the impact of ballet on the presentation of people of colour and the differences in perceptions of female and male ballet dancers of colour. It would be also recommended to examine the way the audience respond to a dancer of colour and maybe analyse the responses of people of various backgrounds.
To conclude, black ballerinas have been unseen and unheard for many decades. They were marginalized, but they persisted and proved that they have place in the world of professional ballet. However, without support and permanent change in attitudes, their determination can be useless. Ballet is a wordless art; therefore, it is important to talk and
53 write about issues which may have a devastating impact on this outstanding art form. In its essence, one of ballet principles is the idea of developing a dancer to their full potential. There is a strong emphasis on training, shaping body into its perfect form; there is the perfection that one can get closer to by proper and regular training. By assuming that dancers of colour should be excluded from ballet and focus on different dance styles due to their incapacity to adjust ballet technique is a blatant violation of fundamental ballet principles. The whiteness of ballet involves the purity, innocence and excellence of this art form but the whiteness of ballet should not be limited to the colour of complexion. Ballet can be inclusive because dancers are capable of embodying the pure ballet principles regardless of the colour of their skin.
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Appendix
Fig. 1. Diana Adams and Arthur Mitchell in Balanchine’s “Agon” (1957) from: amsterdamnews.com/news/2018/sep/27/arthur-mitchell-a-man-and-his-legacy/.
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Fig. 2. Raven Wilkinson in Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo's Les Sylphides, 1955-1961 from: www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/wilkinson-anne-raven-1935/.
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Fig. 3. Misty Copeland dances in the title role of The Firebird. "It was one of the first really big principal roles I was ever given an opportunity to dance with American Ballet
Theatre," she says. from: www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2014/09/09/345297939/misty- copeland-on-broadening-beauty-and-being-black-in-ballet.
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Fig. 4. In April of 2012, Copeland's big breakthrough came when she was given the lead in
Stravinsky's "Firebird." Her picture went up on the facade of the Metropolitan Opera. from: www.cbsnews.com/pictures/misty-copeland/16/.
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Fig. 5. Misty Copeland and James Whiteside acknowledge the applause after their triumphant 'Swan Lake' at the Metropolitan Opera House in New York on June 24, 2015 from: Puente, Maria. “Ballerina Misty Copeland makes ballet history.” from: eu.usatoday.com/story/life/people/2015/06/30/ballerina-misty-copeland-makes-ballet- history/29522591/.
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Fig. 6. Aesha Ash brings ballet to streets from: www.dancemagazine.com/aesha-ash- rochester-tutu-2307053851.html.
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Fig. 7. Ballet dancers of colour have long painted, dyed or covered point shoes in makeup to match their skin. Could this small barrier to inclusion finally be disappearing? from: www.nytimes.com/2018/11/04/arts/dance/brown-point-shoes-diversity-ballet.html.
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Fig. 8. New skin-tone pointe shoes from: www.csmonitor.com/World/2018/1129/Meanwhile-in-London-dancers-of-color-now-have- ballet-shoes-that-match-their-skin-tones.
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Summary
This thesis deals with the topic of race in the world of professional ballet. More precisely it examines the situation of female ballet dancers of colour who are a primary underrepresented group in this art form. The thesis is divided into four chapters, each of them further breaks down into several subchapters. The first half of the thesis provides a theoretical background of why particularly African American women are marginalized in this art form.
In order to understand the conditions of black ballerinas it is necessary to explain the typical images associated with women of colour in general but also stereotypes about dancers of colour which are in direct contrast with ballet ideals. The bodies of black dancers are defined by features irrelevant to ballet which make these dancers incapable of performing classical ballet technique.
Furthermore, the thesis tells the stories of individual ballerinas who throughout their careers faced obstacles and challenges due to their skin colour. The third chapter identifies the issues of previous generations of black ballerinas which are in some respects similar to the current situation. The final chapter is dedicated to those who represent a change in terms of diversity in ballet. It highlights the achievements of ballerinas who managed to dance their paths to the stages of elite ballet companies and became role models for young aspiring dancers of colour.
The thesis pays a special attention to the sensitive nature of this topic and reminds of the fact that ballet is a highly competitive field with a strong emphasis on perfection of dancers. Therefore, not every dancer of colour rejected by first-class company is the result of racial prejudice. Unfortunately, there are cases in which skin colour is the only decisive factor preventing a ballerina of colour from her dancing growth and development.
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Resumé
Tato práce se zabývá rasovým tématem ve světě profesionálního baletu. Přesněji zkoumá situaci afroamerických baletek, které jsou v tomhle umění primárně nedostatečně zastoupenou skupinou. Práce je rozdělena do čtyř kapitol, z nichž každá je dále rozdělena do několika podkapitol. První polovina práce poskytuje teoretický základ, objasňující proč jsou zejména afroamerické ženy v baletě marginalizovány. Abychom porozuměli situaci černých balerín, je třeba vysvětlit typické stereotypy spojené s Afroameričankami obecně, ale také stereotypy o afroamerických tanečnicích, které jsou v přímém kontrastu s ideály baletu. Těla těch tanečníků jsou definována znaky, které nejsou pro balet relevantní, což činí tyto tanečníky neschopnými tancovat balet.
Dále práce vypráví příběhy jednotlivých tanečníků, kteří se během své kariéry potýkali s překážkami a výzvami způsobenými jejich barvou pleti. Třetí kapitola se zabývá problémům předchozích generací černých balerín, které jsou v některých ohledech podobné současné situaci. Závěrečná kapitola je věnována těm, kteří představují změnu z hlediska rozmanitosti v baletu. Zdůrazňuje úspěchy balerín, kterým se podařilo vytančit si jej cestu na jeviště elitních baletních souborů a staly se vzorem pro mladé začínající tanečnice.
Práce věnuje zvláštní pozornost citlivé povaze tohoto tématu a připomíná skutečnost,
že konkurence v baletu je vysoká a důraz na dokonalost tanečníků silný. Ne každý afroamerický tanečník odmítnutý prvotřídní baletním souborem je proto výsledkem rasových předsudků. Bohužel, existují případy, kdy je barva pokožky jediným rozhodujícím faktorem, který brání balerínám v jejich taneční růstu a vývoje.
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