Nationalism and Border Violence: the Global Rise in Soft Fascism
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Human Destructiveness and Authority: the Milgram Experiments and the Perpetration of Genocide
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1995 Human Destructiveness and Authority: The Milgram Experiments and the Perpetration of Genocide Steven Lee Lobb College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Social Psychology Commons Recommended Citation Lobb, Steven Lee, "Human Destructiveness and Authority: The Milgram Experiments and the Perpetration of Genocide" (1995). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625988. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-yeze-bv41 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN DESTRUCTIVENESS AND AUTHORITY: THE MILGRAM EXPERIMENTS AND THE PERPETRATION OF GENOCIDE A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Steve Lobb 1995 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Steve Lobb Approved, November 1995 L )\•y ^ . Roger Smith .onald Rapi limes Miclot i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................ -
2. We and They
2. We and They Democracy is becoming rather than being. It can easily be lost, but never is fully won. Its essence is eternal struggle. WILLIAM H. HASTIE OVERVIEW Chapter 1 focused on factors that shape an individual’s identity. It also described how those factors are sometimes used to exclude people from membership in various groups. Chapter 2 considers the ways a nation’s identity is defined. That definition has enormous significance. It indicates who holds power in the nation. And it determines who is a part of its “universe of obligation” – the name Helen Fein has given to the circle of individuals and groups “toward whom obligations are owed, to whom rules apply, and whose injuries call for [amends].”1 For much of world history, birth determined who was a part of a group’s “universe of obligation” and who was not. As Jacob Bronowski once explained, “The distinction [between self and other] emerges in prehistory in hunting cultures, where competition for limited numbers of food sources requires a clear demarcation between your group and the other group, and this is transferred to agricultural communities in the development of history. Historically this distinction becomes a comparative category in which one judges how like us, or unlike us, is the other, thus enabling people symbolically to organize and divide up their worlds and structure reality.”2 This chapter explores the power of those classifications and labels. As legal scholar Martha Minow has pointed out, “When we identify one thing as like the others, we are not merely classifying the world; we are investing particular classifications with consequences and positioning ourselves in relation to those meanings. -
Victory Briefs
Victory Briefs Resolved: Civil disobedience in a democracy is morally justified. September-October Novice LD Topic∗ ∗Published by Victory Briefs, PO Box 803338 #40503, Chicago, IL 60680-3338. Edited by Jake Nebel and Chris Theis. Written by Chetan Hertzig, Jerry Chen, and Nick Smith. Evidence cut by authors. For customer support, please email [email protected] or call 330.333.2283. Transaction: 4731 - September 9, 2014 - This product is licensed to: Wilson Wyatt Debate League - [email protected] by Victory Briefs. Any distribution or modification of this file not explicitly allowed by the terms of purchase (including removing or obscuring this text) is a violation of copyright. Please report illicit distribution of this file to [email protected] Contents 1 Introduction 4 2 Topic Analysis by Chetan Hertzig 5 2.1 Background ................................... 5 2.2 What the Resolution Means .......................... 7 2.3 Affirmative Arguments ............................. 10 2.4 Negative Arguments .............................. 14 2.5 Full Text of Evidence Above .......................... 17 2.6 Full Definitions ................................. 17 2.7 Affirmative Evidence .............................. 20 2.8 Negative Evidence ............................... 25 3 Topic Analysis by Jerry Chen 29 3.1 Background Information ............................ 29 3.2 Resolutional Analysis and Definitions ..................... 30 3.3 Framework Issues ................................ 31 3.4 Affirmative Arguments ............................ -
4. the Nazis Take Power
4. The Nazis Take Power Anyone who interprets National Socialism as merely a political movement knows almost nothing about it. It is more than a religion. It is the determination to create the new man. ADOLF HITLER OVERVIEW Within weeks of taking office, Adolf Hitler was altering German life. Within a year, Joseph Goebbels, one of his top aides, could boast: The revolution that we have made is a total revolution. It encompasses every aspect of public life from the bottom up… We have replaced individuality with collective racial consciousness and the individual with the community… We must develop the organizations in which every individual’s entire life will be regulated by the Volk community, as represented by the Party. There is no longer arbitrary will. There are no longer any free realms in which the individual belongs to himself… The time of personal happiness is over.1 How did Hitler do it? How did he destroy the Weimar Republic and replace it with a totalitarian government – one that controls every part of a person’s life? Many people have pointed out that he did not destroy democracy all at once. Instead, he moved gradually, with one seemingly small compromise leading to another and yet another. By the time many were aware of the danger, they were isolated and alone. This chapter details those steps. It also explores why few Germans protested the loss of their freedom and many even applauded the changes the Nazis brought to the nation. Historian Fritz Stern offers one answer. “The great appeal of National Socialism – and perhaps of every totalitarian dictatorship in this century – was the promise of absolute authority. -
Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada
Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada by Dallas Jokic A thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2019 Copyright © Dallas Jokic, 2019 Abstract This thesis aims to map out the relationship between fascism and settler colonialism in Canada. In the first chapter, I go through a number of theories of fascism, including by contemporary historians and 20th century Marxists. I draw on the work of Deleuze and Guattari and their distinction between molar and molecular (or micro) fascism. In the context in a country like Canada, in which fascism has not taken on a molar form on the state level, I argue that we need an account of fascism that is sensitive to its molecular expressions. I highlight three tendencies of fascism that we should keep an eye on if we are concerned about its emergence. In the second chapter, I explore the role of the settler state in cultivating and producing microfascist affects, feelings, and beliefs. I examine the deputization of settlers by the Canadian state in order to expand and protect territory and the way this cultivates racist affect and encourages (often fatal) acts of violence. Finally, I consider the way whiteness in Canada becomes a territorializing force, and sketch out a model of private property I call settler whitespace. In the third chapter, I consider the fascist rhetoric around “the great replacement” and “white genocide” in relation to the structure of settler colonialism. I consider the logic of replacement in Canada as not just a territorial project, but one that also creates a racially exclusionary idea of Canadian nationalism. -
Undefined People and the Confucian Populism Se-Hyoung Yi* Department of Political Science; University of Houston-Clear Lake2700 Bay Area Blvd
ci al S ence OPEN ACCESS Freely available online tic & li P o u P b f l i o c l A a f n f r a u i r s o Journal of J ISSN: 2332-0761 Political Sciences & Public Affairs Review Article Undefined People and the Confucian Populism Se-Hyoung Yi* Department of Political Science; University of Houston-Clear Lake2700 Bay Area Blvd. Houston, TX 77058, USA ABSTRACT Contemporary populism has been explained by an inherent antagonism between the innocent pure people and the powerful corrupt elite class. This understanding of politics necessarily attempts to define both who the people are and who the enemies of the people are in a political community. This essay analyzes the populist desire to verify the authenticity of the people by drawing on a different version of populism: Confucian populism. With its strong emphasis on the collective will of the people and the optimism about ordinary people’s capability of moral self-cultivation, Confucianism seems to meet some of the most important standards of contemporary populism. However, situating the people in a series of ever-expanding concentric circles of relationships, Confucianism undefines the people, resisting the relentless desire of contemporary populism to verify who is the authentic and pure people and who is not. This essay addresses that contemporary populism is not the only way to define populism, but it may be redirected or tamed in a more inclusive and democratic way by learning from a different understanding of “people.” Keywords: Populism; Confucianism; People; Mencius INTRODUCTION and reactionary movements in modern democracy. -
Title: Jason Stanley on How Fascism Works Podcast: Half Hour of Heterodoxy Episode: 33
Title: Jason Stanley on How Fascism Works Podcast: Half Hour of Heterodoxy Episode: 33 Transcript This is a professional transcript but it may contain errors. Please verify its accuracy by listening to the episode. Chris Martin: This is Half Hour of Heterodoxy. I’m Chris Martin. My guest today is Jason Stanley. Jason is Jacob Urowsky Professor of Philosophy at Yale University. He formerly specialized in the philosophy of language, but has recently changes his focus to populism and politics, with his books How Propaganda Works, published in 2015, and How Fascism Works, which hits bookstores this month. Chris Martin: Hi, Jason. Jason Stanley: Hi, Chris. Good to hear from you. Chris Martin: How are things in New Haven? Jason Stanley: New Haven is – it’s summer in New Haven. The students are gone. It’s all about bringing kids to camp and trying to deal with getting writing done. Chris Martin: All right. I’m sure you have plenty of books in the works but we’re here to talk about your new book, How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. And there have been several books on fascism recently, books by David Frum, [0:00:47] [Indiscernible], Tim Snyder whom you cite in your acknowledgments. What sets your book apart in terms of its goal and coverage? Jason Stanley: Well, I think that the other people who have written on fascism, I mean take for instance Snyder, he is a historian. And so, he is going from historical expertise and generalizing from a particular case. What I’m trying to do as a philosopher is I’m trying to come up with a general structure, a general structure that resonates across cultures and across time. -
1 Fascism As a Social Kind Jason Stanley the Concept of Democracy
Fascism as a Social Kind Jason Stanley The concept of democracy is not tied to a particular time and place. Even if democracy originated at some point, perhaps 5th and 4th Century BC in Athens, the concept of democracy describes a structure that is realized in different places under very different material conditions. We can understand democracy as a voting system, one that reflects majority rule. We can also understand democracy as a culture, one that values liberty and equality (on some suitable interpretation). Both democracy as a voting system and democracy as an ideology (that is, a culture) have wide generality. Democracy has drawn popular support in countries with widely different histories and social conditions. Its appeal to a population does not depend solely on historically quite specific social structures existing – or if it does, these would be very general ones, shared by otherwise distant societies. What about concepts like liberalism, socialism, communism, and capitalism? These are more specific than the concept of democracy; their origin times are more recent. In the case of these concepts, one must be attentive to the possibility that their elucidation reflects social structures local to their origins. The aim of Léopold Sédar Senghor’s essay, “The African Road to Socialism: Attempt at a Definition”, is to formulate a concept of socialism that is applicable to the countries in Africa.1 The obstacle to this project, he argues, is that many of the tools and concepts of socialist thinking involve assumptions that are local to a European historical context. Take, for example, Marx’s concept of dialectical materialism. -
The Rise of Fanaticism and the Impact on Society
THE RISE OF FANATICISM AND THE IMPACT ON SOCIETY By Sadie Wolfe B.A. (Hood College) 2018 Portfolio Submitted in satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HUMANITIES in the GRADUATE SCHOOL of HOOD COLLEGE May 2021 Accepted: Dr. Jay Harrison Dr. Corey Campion Portfolio Advisor Program Director Dr. Karen Hoffman Dr. April M. Boulton Committee Member Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Heather Mitchell-Buck Committee Member Table of Contents: Introduction………………………………………………………….. 1 The Suppression of the Cistercian Monasteries………………………....14 Obedience and Authority: The Moral Consequences of Obeying……...30 The Ukrainian Famine of 1932-33 Exposed……………………………47 Bibliography…………………………………………………………….62 Wolfe 1 Introduction Revolution and progress, genocide and destruction, death and rebirth are spurred by the radical ideas of people, movements, and ideologies. Ferdinand Foch, a French general who served as the Supreme Allied Commander during World War I once remarked that, “ the most powerful weapon on earth is the human soul on fire.”1 Fanaticism is the outcome of a human soul on fire through which it can be used to progress society or destroy it. This project will largely focus on how fanaticism negatively impacts individuals and society and how it leads directly to violence, genocide, terrorism, and the destruction of culture and identity. This occurs because the fanatic blindly follows their ideological system and uses it to justify their quest to gain power and a sense of self importance. It also serves as a misguided -
By Ernst Fraenkel
Washington University Law Review Volume 27 Issue 4 January 1942 Review of “The Dual State: A Contribution to the Theory of Dictatorship,” By Ernst Fraenkel Heinz Guradze Park College Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Heinz Guradze, Review of “The Dual State: A Contribution to the Theory of Dictatorship,” By Ernst Fraenkel, 27 WASH. U. L. Q. 603 (1942). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol27/iss4/4 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1942] BOOK REVIEWS Professor Carnahan has demonstrated a familiarity with life insurance problems not ordinarily found in one not connected with a life insurance company. In each subdivision of the book he has examined the cases in- volving these problems in the light of principles underlying Conflict of Laws. While the unrelated array of cases seem to announce a mass of inconsistent rules and principles, nevertheless the approach used by Professor Carnahan -of directing attention to the treatment of one phase of one section of the whole field of conflict of laws-shows that within these narrow limits sub- stantial agreement among the courts may be found. The complexities of the subject itself are such that at best it is difficult to keep clearly in mind what one is reading. -
For God, for Country, for Universalism: Sovereignty As Solidarity in Our Age of Terror
FOR GOD, FOR COUNTRY, FOR UNIVERSALISM: SOVEREIGNTY AS SOLIDARITY IN OUR AGE OF TERROR Maxwell O. Chibundu * I. INTRODUCTION ....................................883 II. THE EXCEPTIONALISM OF SEPTEMBER 11 ................887 III. THE CHALLENGE OF TERROR ..........................889 IV. NATIONALISM IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION ............899 V. TERRORISM AND THE POST -M ODERN LIBERAL STATE ...... 907 VI. CONCLUSION ......................................920 I. INTRODUCTION “Nations and peoples can lose their heads.” 1 On September 11, 2001, three hijacked jet airliners deliberately were crashed into buildings in New York City and Washington, D.C. 2 A fourth aircraft, apparently intended for the same purpose, crashed into a field in Pennsylvania. 3 The lives of approximately three thousand persons were snuffed out in a matter of barely over an hour, 4 and another two thousand families suffered direct physical and psychological injuries. 5 The Pentagon, a building that houses the United States Department of Defense, was significantly damaged. The World Trade Center towers, the tallest structures in the City of New York, the emblems of the commercial and * Professor, University of Maryland School of Law. I would like to thank my colleagues, Professors Penelope Andrews, Robert Condlin, Lee Hall, and Robert Suggs for their helpful comments and editorial suggestions. I would also like to express my appreciation to the University of Maryland School Library Research Fellow, Ryan Easley, for his research help. I am grateful to the Florida Law Review and to its editors for the opportunity to participate in this colloquy, and for making this a much more readable piece than it would have been otherwise. The errors, of course, are mine. -
Between Surveillance and Exile: Biopolitics and the Roma in Italy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 2, 2009, 265-87 Between Surveillance and Exile: Biopolitics and the Roma in Italy Isabella Clough Marinaro The American University of Rome Abstract: This article argues that the recent treatment of the Roma population in Italy can be best understood within the context of international debates on the rising use of biopolitics to govern refugees, illegal immigrants and other undesired groups. The study examines the evolution of Italy’s policy of containing Roma in camps since the 1980s and of subjecting them to increasing surveillance, culminating in the drive to collect the fingerprints of the entire ethnically-defined group in 2008 and carry out mass deportations of foreign Roma. It demonstrates that although Italy’s centre-right government has intensified official anti-Roma discrimination, these recent events are a coherent progression in a strategy of biopolitical control of Roma which has been evolving in Italy – and especially in the capital – for nearly thirty years. Drawing particularly on Giorgio Agamben’s discussions of homo sacer and the state of exception, it is argued here that a campaign is underway in Italy to force Roma to reside in relatively safe but isolated state- run camps in which their private lives are under the constant scrutiny and control of the authorities, or to become internal exiles, bare life in a condition of constant flight from the police and vigilante attacks. The article emphasises that while Roma are increasingly subjected to the two polarities of surveillance and exile, the process of stripping them of their political rights and exerting power over their bodies is still evolving and taking multiple forms.