LARYNGEAL PHENOMENA IN TAHLTAN

by

TANYA MARIE BOB

B. A., The University of British Columbia, 1997

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Department of Linguistics

We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

October 1999

© Tanya Marie Bob, 1999 in presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

Department of UnC^A^ES

The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada

Date OctoV-irrr \S ,. \0iftft

DE-6 (2788) Abstract

This thesis investigates the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan, a northern Athapaskan language. This thesis does not examine the phonetic properties of all Tahltan consonants. Instead, this thesis focuses on the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants, which have been described inconsistently in Tahltan, to determine their laryngeal specification. This thesis also examines the observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure to help determine the laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. In addition, several morphophonemic processes are examined to determine the phonological laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. Based on the phonetic findings, and observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, I will argue that stop consonants in Tahltan exhibit four laryngeal articulations: voiced, voiceless unaspirated voiceless aspirated and glottalized. Based on the morphophonemic evidence, I will argue that fricative consonants exhibit two laryngeal articulations: voiced and voiceless. Furthermore, I will argue that glottal stop is specified for the laryngeal specification [constricted glottis] (henceforth [CG]) and that [h] is specified for the laryngeal specification [spread glottis] (henceforth [SG]). Table of Contents Page

Abstract ii

Table of Contents iii

List of Figures v

Acknowledgements vi

Chapter One Introduction 1 1.1 Language Information 1 1.2 Tahltan Consonant Inventory 1 1.3 Dual Mechanism Hypothesis 2 1.4 Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis 3 1.5 Outline 4

Chapter Two Phonetic Analysis of Stops 6 2.1 Objective 6 2.2 Background 6 2.2.1 Tahltan Stop Consonants 6 2.2.2 Voiced and Voiceless Unaspirated Stops 8 2.2.3 Acoustic Properties of Voiced and Voiceless unaspirated stops 9 2.3 Methods 10 2.4 Results 13 2.4.1 Post-Sibilant Stop Consonants 13 2.4.2 Post-Nasal Stop Consonants 15 2.4.3 Intervocalic Stop Consonants 17 2.4.4 Summary 19 2.5 Discussion 19 2.6 Conclusion 24

Chapter Three Syllable Structure Constraint 25 3.1 Theoretical Assumptions 25 3.2 Background 26 3.2.1 Tahltan Consonant Inventory 26 3.2.2 Orthographic Conventions 26 3.2.3 Tahltan Syllable Structure 27 3.3 Data 30 3.3.1 Consonants in Syllable-Initial Position 30 3.3.2 Consonants in Syllable-Final Position 31 3.3.3 Summary 32 3.4 Syllable Structure Constraint 32 3.5 Conclusion 33

Chapter Four Classifiers 34 4.1 The Classifier Prefixes and Laryngeal Specification 34 4.2 Function 34 4.3 Tahltan Verb 35 4.4 Theoretical Assumptions 36 4.5 Hypothesis 36

iii 4.6 h-Classifier 37 4.6.1 Morphophonemic Effects 37 4.6.2 Analysis , 41 4.6.3 Summary 44 4.7 1-Classifier 44 4.7.1 Morphophonemic Effects 44 4.7.2 Analysis 47 4.7.3 Summary 48 4.8 d-Classifier 48 4.8.1 Morphophonemic Effects 48 4.8.2 Analysis 51 4.8.3 Summary 53 4.9 0- Classifier 53 4.9.1 Morphophonemic Effects 55 4.9.2 Analysis 55 4.9.3 Summary 56 4.10 Conclusion 56

Chapter Five Noun Stem-Initial and Stem-Final Voicing Alternations 57 5.1 Theoretical Assumptions 57 5.2 Continuant Voicing 57 5.2.1 Data 58 5.2.2 Analysis 60 5.2.3 Summary 63 5.3 Word-Final Devoicing 63 5.3.1 Data 64 5.3.2 Analysis 65 5.3.3 Stem-Final Stop Consonants 66 5.3.4 Summary 67 5.4 Conclusion 67

Chapter Six Morphophonemic Effects in Optimality Theory 68 6.1 Theoretical Assumptions 68 6.2 Summary of Morphophonemic Processes 69 6.3 Constraints and Constraint Ranking 70 6.4 Morphophonemic Processes in Optimality Theory 75 6.4.1 1-classifier 75 6.4.2 d- classifier 76 6.4.3 h- classifier 77 6.4.4 Continuant Voicing 80 6.4.5 Word-Final Devoicing 84 ,

6.5 Conclusion 85

Chapter Seven Conclusion 86

Bibliography 87

APPENDIX A: Elicitation 90

APPENDIX B: Waveforms and Spectrograms 92

iv List of Figures Page

Figure (1) Post-sibilant [b]; [esba:ke] 'my moccasins' 92

Figure (2) Post-sibilant [d]; [esdihe] 'my grouse' 92

Figure (3) Post-sibilant [g]; [esgendame] 'my horse' 93

Figure (4) Post-nasal [b]; [inba:tke] 'your moccasins' 93

Figure (5) Post-nasal [g]; [ingawe] 'your drum' 94

Figure (6) Intervocalic [b]; [mebede] 'his food' 94

Figure (7) Intervocalic [d]; [medegane] 'his sockeye' 95

Figure (8) Intervocalic [g]; [megahe] 'his rabbit' 95

v Acknowledgements

I wish to thank all the members of my thesis committee, Dr. Patricia Shaw, Dr. John Alderete and Dr. Doug Pulleyblank for all their support, encouragement and invaluable advice. I would like to extend many thanks to my advisor Patricia Shaw for graciously sharing her Tahltan fieldnotes and for her guidance through out my thesis. Again, I would like to extend my thanks to John Alderete for all the encouragement over the past year, for being such a good listener and for organizing our trip to Telegraph Creek. I would also like to extend my thanks to Doug Pulleyblank for being such an excellent professor over the years and for his support and encouragement. Furthermore, I would like to thank Dr. Guy Carden and Dr. Bryan Gick for their help with the phonetic analysis study. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my friends and family in Telegraph Creek and Iskut, British Columbia, who graciously shared their knowledge of the Tahltan language and culture with me. I would also like to thank the Tahltan band council, who funded me while working toward my masters degree. I would also like to thank my friends and classmates for all their help and encouragement over the past two years. I especially would like to thank my friend Christine, who after linguistics 100 convinced me to take just one more year of linguistics! Finally, this thesis would not of been possible without the love and support of my family. Thank you, mom, dad and Yat. I've appreciated everything you've done for me.

vi Chapter One Introduction

This thesis investigates the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan, a northern Athapaskan language. This thesis does not examine the phonetic properties of all Tahltan consonants. Instead, this thesis examines the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants, which have been described inconsistently in Tahltan, to determine their laryngeal specification. This thesis also examines the observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure to help determine the laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. Finally, several morphophonemic processes are examined to determine the phonological laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan.

1.1 Language Information

The Athapaskan language family consists of three subgroups, which are spread out across

North America: Northern, Pacific Coast and Apachean. The Apachean subgroup of languages are spoken in the southwest of the United States, while the Pacific Coast languages are spoken along the pacific coast of the United States. The Northern Athapaskan languages are spoken in the northwest of the United States and Canada. More specifically, the Northern Athapaskan languages are spoken in: interior Alaska, Northwest Territories, Yukon, interior British

Columbia, northern Alberta, northern Saskatchewan and northern Manitoba.

This thesis focuses on the northern Athapaskan language Tahltan. Tahltan is spoken by the First Nations people who occupy the Stikine Plateau area of northwestern British Columbia.

Tahltan is spoken in the present day communities of Telegraph Creek, Iskut and Dease Lake.

This thesis presents data from Tahltan speaker residents of Telegraph Creek and Iskut, British

Columbia.

1.2 Tahltan Consonant Inventory

The Tahltan consonant inventory is presented in (1). Similar to other Athapaskan languages, in Tahltan, stop consonants exhibit a three-way laryngeal contrast, fricatives exhibit a two-way laryngeal contrast and there is a single set of sonorant consonants.

1 (1) Tahltan Consonant Inventory labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar w a. P t t8 ts ti dz k k q ? h h h h h wh b. t teh ts ti ts k k qh c. t' t9' ts' ti' ts' k' kw' q'

w d. 9 s i s 5 X x X h e. 6 z 1 z y Y Yw

f. m n y w

a. plain stop d. voiceless fricative b. voiceless aspirated stop e. voiced fricative c. glottalized stop f. sonorant

In the Athapaskan literature, the three series of stop consonants are typically phonetically described as voiceless unaspirated (plain stops), voiceless aspirated and glottalized. The two series of fricative consonants are described as voiced and voiceless.

In the Tahltan literature, the series of plain stop consonants have been described inconsistently. Although never the focus of an investigation, Tahltan plain stop consonants have been described as voiceless unaspirated (Hardwick 1984) and as voiced (Shaw 1981; Shaw 1982;

1983; Nater 1989).1 In Tahltan, the remaining series of stop consonants are described as voiceless aspirated and glottalized, while the fricatives are described as voiceless and voiced.

These descriptions are consistent with the descriptions in the Athapaskan literature.

1.3 Dual Mechanism Hypothesis

The Dual Mechanism Hypothesis proposed by Rice (1994) is a hypothesis which concerns the phonological laryngeal treatment of the plain/aspirated stop contrast and the voiced/ voiceless fricative contrast in Athapaskan languages. Rice (1994) argues for the Dual Mechanism

Hypothesis based on varied phonological evidence from Slave, Navajo and Koyukon.2 Under the

Dual Mechanism Hypothesis, voiceless unaspirated stops are specified for the feature [stop] and unmarked for laryngeal features. The aspirated stops are specified for the feature [stop] and the laryngeal feature [SG]. With regards to the fricatives, voiceless fricatives are unspecified for

1 The phonetic symbol for voiceless unaspirated stops will be used to represent this series of stop consonants.

2 More specifically, Rice (1994) argues that there are lexical and postlexical processes in Athapaskan languages and that lexical processes support the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis, but postlexical do not. See Rice (1994) for details.

2 laryngeal features, while the voiced fricatives are specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]. The

Dual Mechanism Hypothesis is laid out in (2). In (2), x is used to indicate which feature(s) each group of consonants is specified for.

(2) Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994)3

voiceless voiceless voiceless voiced unaspirated aspirated fricative fricative Spread glottis X Voice X Stop x X

As previously mentioned, in the Athapaskan literature stop consonants are described phonetically as voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and glottalized, while fricatives are described as voiced and voiceless. The Dual Mechanism Hypothesis, which concerns the phonological laryngeal specification of stops and fricatives, is consistent with the phonetic description of Athapaskan consonants.

1.4 Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis

In this thesis, based on the phonetic findings, I will argue for revisions to the Dual

Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994). Recall that plain stop consonants have been described inconsistently in the Tahltan literature. They have been described as voiceless unaspirated

(Hardwick 1984) and as voiced (Shaw 1981; Shaw 1982; 1983; Nater 1989). To determine the phonetic laryngeal specification of Tahltan plain stop consonants, a phonetic study, which examined the acoustic properties of plain stops, was conducted. The results from the phonetic study indicate that there are voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops in the Tahltan; thus based on phonetic evidence, I will argue for the addition of the category voiced stop to the Dual

Mechanism Hypothesis. The revised Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (henceforth Laryngeal

Mechanism Hypothesis) is laid out in (3). Once again, x is used to indicate which feature(s) each group of consonants is specified for.

3 Rice (1994) does not identify the laryngeal specifications of glottalized stops, glottal stop and [h]; thus the specifications of these consonants are not present in figure (2).

3 (3) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994) voiced voiceless voiceless voiceless voiced stop aspirated unaspirated fricatives fricatives stops stops

stop X X X

voice X X

SG X

In the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis Rice (1994), Rice does not identify the laryngeal specifications of glottalized stops, glottal stop and [h] (see (x)). To provide a more complete hypothesis, I hypothesize that glottalized stops are specified for the feature [stop] and the laryngeal feature [CG]; the laryngeal consonant glottal stop is specified for the feature [CG]; and the consonant [h] is specified for the feature [SG]. This is exemplified in (4).

(4) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994) voiced voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h stop aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X voice X X SG X X CG X X

In the remainder of this thesis, the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis are tested against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure and morphophonemic evidence. The morphophonemic evidence considered includes the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes. It will be shown that observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure support the laryngeal specifications of the stop consonants in the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In addition, it will be shown that morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing and morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the laryngeal specifications of the fricative consonants, glottal stop and [h] in the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis.

1.5 Outline

This thesis examines the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan. Recall that there is uncertainty surrounding the phonetic laryngeal specification of plain stop consonants in Tahltan. To determine the phonetic laryngeal specification of Tahltan plain stop consonants, a phonetic study, which examined the acoustic properties of plain stops, was conducted. In chapter two, this phonetic study is presented and

4 discussed. In this chapter, I will argue for revisions to the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice

1994) based on the results from the phonetic study of plain stop consonants. Specifically, I argue that the category voiced stop be added to the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis. Then in chapters three through five, the claims of the revised Dual Mechanism Hypothesis, i.e. Laryngeal

Mechanism Hypothesis, are tested. In chapter three, the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis are tested against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. In this chapter it will be shown that observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure support the laryngeal specifications of the stop consonants in the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In chapters four and five, the claims of the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis are tested against morphophonemic evidence. More specifically, chapter four, examines the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing, which targets stem-initial fricatives, and word-final devoicing, which targets word-final fricatives, to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In this chapter it will be shown that morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word- final devoicing support the laryngeal specification of [voice] for the fricative consonants. In chapter five, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes (a prefix, which directly precedes the verb stem) are examined in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis. In this chapter it will be shown that morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the laryngeal specifications of the fricative consonants, glottal stop and [h] in the

Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In chapter six, assuming the laryngeal specifications under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing, word- final devoicing and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes are accounted for in

Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993). It will be shown that assuming the laryngeal specifications of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing, word-final devoicing and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes can accounted for in Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993). Finally, in chapter seven concluding remarks are made.

5 Chapter Two Phonetic Analysis of Plain Stops

Stop consonants are present in the consonant inventories of all known languages

(Maddieson 1984). In Athapaskan languages it is clear stop consonants exhibit a three way

laryngeal contrast. Within the Athapaskan literature, the three series of stop consonants are typically described as voiceless unaspirated (plain stops), voiceless aspirated and glottalized. In

Tahltan, the series of plain stop consonants have been described inconsistently. Although never the focus of an investigation, Tahltan plain stops have been described as voiceless unaspirated

(Hardwick 1984) and as voiced (Shaw 1981; Shaw 1982; 1983; Nater 1989).1 To determine the phonetic laryngeal specification of Tahltan plain stop consonants, a phonetic study, which examined the acoustic properties of plain stops, was conducted. In this chapter, this phonetic

study is presented and discussed.

This chapter is divided into six sections. In section 2.1, the objective of the study is

presented. In section 2.2, background information is provided. Specifically, the Tahltan consonant inventory is presented, voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops are discussed and the acoustic properties of voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops are also discussed. In section 2.3, the methods are presented. In section 2.4, the results from this study are presented. In section

2.5, the results are discussed, and finally, in section 2.6 concluding remarks are made.

2.1 Objective

There are specific acoustic properties, which differentiate voiced and voiceless sounds.

The goal of this study is to examine the acoustic properties of Tahltan plain stop consonants to determine if they are voiced, i.e. have the acoustic properties of voiced sounds, or voiceless, i.e. have the acoustic properties of voiceless sounds.

2.2 Background

2.2.1 Tahltan Stop Consonants

In Tahltan, stop consonants exhibit a three way laryngeal contrast. As previously mentioned, there is uncertainty surrounding the laryngeal status of plain stop consonants. The plain stop consonants are identified in (1). The remaining stop consonants, which are also present

1 In general, voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops are referred to as plain stops. At present, in Tahltan, it is uncertain if the series of plain stops are voiced or voiceless unaspirated. Until the laryngeal specification is determined this series of stops will be referred to simply as 'plain stops'. Once the laryngeal specification is determined this series of stops will be referred to as voiced or voiceless unaspirated.

6 in (1), are described as voiceless aspirated and glottalized in Tahltan. This is consistent with the description in the Athapaskan literature.

(1) Tahltan Stop Consonants2

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar • lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar

w a. P t te ts tl ts k k q ?

h h h h h h wh b. t te ts ti ts k k qh c. t' t9' ts' ti' ts' k' q' a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop

With the exception of the labial stop consonant [p] and glottal stop, all stop consonants (affricate and non-affricate) participate in the three-way laryngeal contrast discussed above. This is exemplified in (2). (2) Three-way Laryngeal Contrast

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal

w a. P te t ts ti ts k k q ?

h h h h h h wh b. te t ts ti ts k k qh w, c. te' t' ts' ti' ts' k' k q' a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop

In Tahltan there are two types of stop consonants: affricate and non-affricate. The affricate stops have either a fricated mid-sagittal release or a lateral release. In Tahltan, all affricates are coronal in place of articulation. This is exemplified in (3). (3) Affricate Stop Consonants

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal

w a. P te t ts ti ts k k q ?

h h h h h h wh b. te t ts ti ts k k qh w, c. te' t' ts' ti' ts' k' k q' a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop

2 Until the laryngeal specification is determined, the phonetic symbol for voiceless unaspirated stops will be used to represent this series of stop consonants.

7 Unlike affricate stop consonants, non-affricate stop consonants contrast in place of articulation. For example, in Tahltan, there are labial, coronal, dorsal and laryngeal non-affricate stop consonants. This is exemplified in (4). (4) Non-affricate Stop Consonants

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal

w a. P te t ts rt ts k k q ? h h h kwh h b. t9h th tsh rt ts k q rt' k' kw' c. t9' t' ts' ts' q' a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop

Not all stop consonants will be discussed in this chapter. This chapter will focus on plain non-affricate stop consonants. Specifically, this chapter will focus on the acoustic laryngeal properties of the labial stop consonant [p], the coronal stop consonant [t], and the dorsal stop consonant [k]. These consonants are identified in (5). (5) Consonants Focused on in this Study

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal

w a. P te t ts rt ts k k q ? h h h h kwh h b. te t tsh rt ts h k q w c. te' f ts' rt' ts' k' k ' q' a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop

2.2.2 Voiced and Voiceless Unaspirated Stops As previously mentioned, Tahltan plain stop consonants have been described as voiced and as voiceless unaspirated. The difference between voiced and voiceless unaspirated stop consonants has to do with: (a) vocal fold vibration, and (b) the position of the vocal folds. Voiceless unaspirated stops are the most common type of stop consonant; they are present in 92% of the world's languages (Maddieson 1984). During the production of a voiceless unaspirated stop the vocal folds are apart and the glottis is open. Since the vocal folds are pulled apart there is no vocal fold vibration; instead, air passes directly through the glottis. In certain environments, voiceless unaspirated stops are partially voiced. For example, if a voiceless unaspirated stop is preceded by a voiced segment, i.e. a vowel, sonorant or voiced consonant, there may be a few periods of voicing immediately after the oral closure because the vocal folds are not separated enough by the time the oral closure is reached. The exact amount of voicing depends on the language and the speaker.

8 During the production of a voiced stop, the vocal folds are brought together, but are not tightly closed. Air passes between the vocal folds, which causes them to vibrate. There is

variation in the exact amount of vocal fold vibration. This variation is dependent on the

language, the speaker and/or the environment of the stop consonant. For example, some

languages, such as French, have voiced stops, which require energetic efforts to sustain vocal fold

vibration throughout the stop closure (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996). Even in environments

which require significant efforts to sustain vocal fold vibration (i.e. word-initially and following

voiceless segments) vocal fold vibration is maintained. In other languages, vocal fold vibration is

dependent on the environment. For example, following voiced segments (i.e. vowels, sonorant

and voiced consonants) there is vocal fold vibration throughout the stop closure. In comparison,

following voiceless segments there is no vocal fold vibration. In other words, the vocal folds are

in a position for voicing, but no vocal fold vibration occurs.

In some languages, such as English, the vocal folds are in a position for voicing, but do

not vibrate throughout the stop closure (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996). Even when preceded

and followed by voiced segments, voicing ends soon after the oral closure and begins shortly after

the stop is released. English stops are referred to as voiced by some researchers because the

articulators, i.e. the vocal folds, are in a position for voicing. Other researchers refer to English

stops as voiceless unaspirated because acoustically they are voiceless, i.e. there is no vocal fold

vibration. In this thesis, the acoustic, not the articulatory properties, of plain stops are examined;

thus stop consonants which are like English stops will be referred to as voiceless unaspirated, not

voiced.

In this phonetic study, the acoustic properties of plain stops are examined to determine if

plain stops are voiceless unaspirated or voiced. More specifically, the acoustic properties of plain

stops will be examined to determine if plain stops are: voiceless unaspirated in all environments;

voiceless unaspirated, but partially voiced following voiced sounds (i.e. vowels and sonorants);

voiced in all environments; or voiced following voiced sounds, but voiceless following voiceless

sounds.

2.2.3 Acoustic Properties of Voiced and Voiceless Unaspirated Stops

A waveform is a graphic representation of a vibratory event showing amplitude versus

time. There are periodic and aperiodic waveforms. A periodic waveform consists of consists of a

regular pattern of vibration that repeats itself. The regular pattern of vibration corresponds to the

pulses produced by the vibrating vocal folds. Voiced sounds, i.e. vowels, sonorants and voiced

consonants (including stops), produce periodic waveforms. Recall that in some languages,

9 voiceless unaspirated stops are partially voiced in certain environments. The partially voiced

portion of the voiceless unaspirated stop also produces a periodic waveform. The voiceless

portion of the voiceless unaspirated stop produces an aperiodic waveform. An aperiodic

waveform consists of an irregular pattern of vibration that does not repeat itself. In addition to voiceless unaspirated stops, other voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives produces aperiodic waveforms. Recall that in some languages, such as English, the vocal folds are in a position for voicing, but there is little or no vocal fold vibration, even when following voiced sounds. Since there is no vocal fold vibration an aperiodic waveform is produced.

Sound spectrograms are machine-made graphic representation of sounds in terms of their component frequencies, in which time is shown on the horizontal axis, frequency on the vertical axis, and the intensity of each frequency at each moment in time is shown by the darkness of each mark (Ladefoged 1993). In a spectrogram, the most obvious indication of a stop consonant is the

stop closure. For example, the stop closure of voiceless stop is absent of formants and is truly

silent. Similarly, the stop closure of a voiced stop is absent of formants, however, in contrast to the closure of a voiceless stop, a low-frequency band of energy referred to as a voice bar characterizes the stop closure of a voiced stop.

In this study of Tahltan plain stops, the acoustic properties discussed above (i.e. periodicity and a voice bar versus aperiodicity and no voice bar) will be used to distinguish a voiced stop from a voiceless unaspirated stop. Other acoustic properties, which distinguish voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops are: vowel length, with longer vowels before voiced stops;

length of the stop closure, with a longer closure for voiceless unaspirated stops; and strength of the release burst, with a stronger burst for voiceless unaspirated stops. These acoustic properties will be considered in future phonetic studies.

2.3 Methods

In this phonetic study, the data analyzed is from two sets of fieldnotes with accompanying tapes. One set of fieldnotes was collected by P.A. Shaw in Telegraph Creek,

British Columbia in 1983.3 The second set of fieldnotes was collected by myself, in collaboration with J.D. Alderete, in Telegraph Creek and Iskut, British Columbia in June 1999.4 In total, the

speech of five speakers was analyzed, one speaker from P.A. Shaw's fieldnotes and four speakers

3 The data was analyzed with the permission of P.A. Shaw. This fieldwork was supported in part by the Linguistic Division of the British Columbia Provincial Museum.

4 This fieldwork was supported in part by a Phillips Fund Grant for Native American Research awarded to John D. Alderete.

10 from the fieldnotes collected by myself, in collaboration with J.D. Alderete. Of the five speakers, three are male and two are female. Two of the speakers are from the Tahltan community of Iskut and three speakers are from the Tahltan community of Telegraph Creek. The demographics of the Tahltan speaker did not factor into the results.

The data collected in Telegraph Creek in 1983 was designed to determine general properties of the Tahltan phonology and morphology. In comparison, the data collected in June

1999 consisted of a 50-word list, which was designed to determine the laryngeal specification of plain stop consonants. The word list was carefully organized to ensure that each plain stop consonant appeared in several near-minimal set environments: post-sibilant, post-nasal and

intervocalically. In all examples, the stop consonant in question is the initial consonant of a noun

stem, which is preceded by a possessive prefix.5 The possessive prefix is the first person

singular, [es], the second person singular, [in], or the third person singular, [me]. The data analyzed from P.A. Shaw's fieldnotes were identical in that the stop consonants, [p], [t] and [k] were noun stem-initial, and were preceded by a possessive prefix.

Each speaker was asked to produce two tokens of each word. Using the acoustic software Signalyze, a waveform and a spectrogram were produced for each token. Using the waveforms and spectrograms, two acoustic measurements were made. First, the duration of all

stop consonants was measured. Second, the voiced portion, i.e. the periodic portion, of each stop consonant was measured. The stop duration and voicing duration measurements were taken in the following word-internal environments: post-sibilant and preceding a vowel, post-nasal and preceding a vowel, and intervocalically. From the recorded measurements, the mean stop duration and mean voicing duration were calculated for each speaker. In addition to the mean, the voicing percentage of each stop consonant was calculated by dividing the mean voicing duration by the mean stop duration.

All stop duration measurements were taken from the closure onset to the onset of voicing of the following vowel. This is exemplified in (6).

(6) Stop Duration

[es], [m] or <- stop duration vowel [me]

closure onset voicing onset

5 The prefixed nouns collected, from Tahltan speakers, are presented in Appendix A.

11 In examples where the voicing duration was equivalent to the stop duration, the voicing duration (similar to the stop duration) was measured from closure onset to the onset of the following vowel. This is exemplified in (7). In (7), voicing is indicated with a wavy line. (7) Voicing Duration stop duration ->• [es], voicing duration -> [in] or vowel [me]

closure onset voicing onset

In examples where the voicing duration was less than the stop duration, the voicing duration was measured from (a) the closure onset to the offset of voicing (at some point within the stop consonant) or (b) from the onset of voicing (at some point within the stop consonant) to the onset of the following vowel. This is exemplified in (8) and (9) respectively. In (8) and (9), voicing is indicated with a wavy line and lack of vocal fold vibration (voicelessness) is indicated with a dashed line. (8) Voicing Duration

stop duration —» voicing [es], duration [in] or vowel [me]

closure onset voicing onset

(9) Voicing Duration stop duration [es], voicing duration [in] or vowel [me]

closure onset voicing onset

In examples without voicing, i.e. without a periodic waveform, the voicing duration was zero. This is exemplified in (10). Similar to above, a dashed line indicates lack of vocal fold vibration.

12 (10) No Voicing Duration

stop duration [es], no voicing duration [in] or vowel [me]

closure onset voicing onset

In the following section, the results are presented. In this section, stop consonants will be referred to as voiced, partially voiced or voiceless. Stop consonants will be referred to as voiced if the voiced duration is equivalent to the stop duration; partially voiced if the voicing duration is less than the stop duration, but greater than zero; or voiceless if the voicing duration is zero.6

2.4 Results

In this section the acoustic measurements, i.e. the stop duration, voicing duration and voicing percentage, are tabulated. This section is divided in four sub-sections. In section 2.4.1 through 2.4.3 respectively, the acoustic measurements, for [p], [t] and [k], in post-sibilant, post• nasal and intervocalic positions are presented and discussed. In section 2.4.4, a summary of the results is provided.

2.4.1 Post-Sibilant Stop Consonants

In (11) through (13) respectively, the acoustic measurements of [p], [t] and [k] in post- sibilant position are tabulated. In column one of each table, the speaker is identified, in column two, the mean stop duration is presented, in column three, the mean voicing duration is presented, and in column four, the voicing percentage in given.

(11) Results of [p] in Post-Sibilant Position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage ( V)* ( V)* 1 47.26 139.82 33.80 % 2 48.59 139.57 30.38 % 3 89.21 127.72 69.85 % 4 119.74 179.40 66.74 % 5 0 146.92 0% * ( V) indicates that voicing was measured from the onset of voicing, within the stop closure, to the onset of voicing of the following vowel.

6 In the results section, stop consonants will be referred to as voiced, voiceless or partially voiced. Based on these results, I will hypothesize a laryngeal specification (i.e. voiced or voiceless unaspirated). This hypothesis will be presented in the discussion section (section 2.5).

13 For speakers one through four, the stop consonant [p] was partially voiced in post-sibilant

position. Recall that partially voiced stops have a voicing duration, which is less than the stop

duration, but greater than zero. For speakers one and two, there is little variation in the voicing

percentage. For example, 31% was the lowest, while 34% was the highest.7 Similarly, for

speakers three and four, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 67% was the lowest, while 70% was the highest. For speakers one through four, as ( V) indicates, the

voicing duration was measured from the onset of voicing (which is within the stop closure) to the

onset of voicing of the following vowel. In other words, the stop consonant, [p] was voiced prior to the onset of voicing of the following vowel.

Unlike speaker one through four, for speaker five, the stop consonant, [p] was voiceless

in post-sibilant position. In other words, 0% of the stop duration was voiced in post-sibilant

position.

Figure (l)8 consists of a waveform and spectrogram of the word, [esbeze], 'my knife'. In

(1), the post-sibilant stop, [p] is identified with vertical lines. In the waveform and spectrogram there are indications, the post-sibilant stop consonant, [p] is partially voiced. In the waveform

there is periodicity through part of the stop closure and in the spectrogram there is a voice bar through part of the stop closure. The periodicity and voice bar begin within the stop closure and

extend to the onset of voicing of the following vowel.

In (12) and (13) respectively, the acoustic measurements of [t] and [k] in post-sibilant

position are tabulated.

(12) Results of [t] in Post-Sibilant Position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage 1 0 158.97 0% 2 0 134.81 0% 3 0 136.97 0% 4 0 181.27 0% 5 0 140.93 0%

7 In the text, the percentages have been rounded off to the nearest whole number. 8 All figures are presented in Appendix B.

14 (13) Results of [k] in Post-Sibilant Position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage 1 0 145.30 0% 2 0 133.64 0% 3 0 113.13 0% 4 0 176.48 0% 5 0 156.11 0%

For all five speakers, the stop consonants, [t] and [k] were voiceless. In other words, 0% of the stop duration was voiced.

Figure (2) consists of a waveform and spectrogram of the word [esdihe], 'my grouse'. In

(2), the post-sibilant stop, [t] is identified with vertical lines. There are indications that the post-

sibilant stop, [t] is voiceless. In the waveform there is no periodicity and in the spectrogram there

is no voice bar.

Figure (3) consists of a waveform and spectrogram of the word [esgendam], 'my horse'.

In (3), the post-sibilant stop, [k] is identified with vertical lines. There are indications that the post-sibilant stop, [k] is voiceless. In the waveform there is no periodicity and in the spectrogram there is no voice bar.

2.4.2 Post-Nasal Stop Consonants

In (14) through (16), the acoustic measurements of [p], [t] and [k] in post-nasal position are tabulated.

(14) Results of [p] in Post-Nasal Position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage 1 54.71 54.71 100% 2 46.70 46.70 100% 3* 4 173.28 173.28 100% 5 35.22 (n_J* 113.01 31.17% (n_J* * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

For speakers one through four, the stop consonant, [p] was voiced in post-nasal position.

In other words, 100% of the stop duration was voiced. Unlike speakers one though four, for

speaker five, the stop consonant, [p] was partially voiced. Specifically, 31 % of the stop duration

9 Unfortunately, for speaker three, there is no data in which the stops, [b], [t] and [k] follow the possessive morpheme [in]; thus for speaker three, the stops were not analyzed in post-nasal position.

15 was voiced. As (n ) indicates, voicing began at the stop closure and ended within the stop closure.

Figure (4) consists of a waveform and spectrogram of the word [inbede], 'your food'. In

(4), the stop consonant, [p] is identified with vertical lines. In the waveform and spectrogram there are indications that the post-nasal stop consonant, [p] is voiced. For the duration of the stop

consonant, the waveform is periodic and there is a voice bar in the spectrogram.

In (15), the acoustic measurements of [t] in post-nasal position are tabulated.

(15) Results of [t] in Post-Nasal Position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage (n )* (n )* 1 34.24 48.73 70.26 % 2 51.16 81.56 62.73 % 3 4 103.15 151.67 68.01 % 5 40.32 123.68 32.60% * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

For all speakers, the stop consonant, [t] was partially voiced. For speakers one, two and

four, there was little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 63% was the lowest

voicing percentage, while 70% was the highest. For speaker five, 32.60% of the stop closure was

voiced. For all speakers, as (n ) indicates, the voicing began at the closure onset and ended

during the stop closure.

In (16), the acoustic measurements of [k] in post-nasal position are tabulated.

(16) Results of [k] in post-nasal position

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage (n )* (n )* 1 42.58 82.26 51.76% 2 37.74 61.18 61.69% 3 4 144.50 162.65 88.84 % 5 52.38 136.30 38.43 % * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

Similar to [t], for all speakers, the stop consonant [k] was partially voiced. Unlike [t],

across speakers there is large variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 39% was the

lowest voicing percentage, while 85% was the highest voicing percentage. Although the voicing

percentage varies greatly, for all speakers, as (n ) indicates, the voicing began at the closure

onset and ended within the stop closure.

16 Figure (5) consists of a waveform and a spectrogram of the word [ingawe], 'your drum'.

The post-nasal consonant, [k] is partially voiced. In the waveform, there is periodicity through

part of the closure and in the spectrogram, there is a voice bar through part of the closure. Notice that the voicing begins at the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] and ends within the stop closure.

2.4.3 Intervocalic Stop Consonants

In (17) through (19), the acoustic measurements of [p], [t] and [k] in an intervocalic

environment are tabulated.

(17) Results of [p] Intervocalically

speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage (e_J* (e_J* 1 120.97 137.43 88.02 % 2 135.84 149.27 91.00%

4 144.85 166.53 86.98 % 5 42.30 164.78 25.67 %

* (e ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

For all speakers, the stop consonant, [p] was partially voiced intervocalically. For

speakers, one, two and four, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 87% was the lowest voicing, while 91% was the highest voicing percentage. In contrast to speakers one, two and four, the voicing percentage for speaker five is very low, only 25% of the stop duration is voiced.

Figure (6) consists of a waveform and a spectrogram of the word [mebede], 'his food'.

The intervocalic consonant, [p] is partially voiced. In the waveform, there is periodicity through

part of the closure and in the spectrogram, there is a voice bar through part of the closure. Notice that the voicing begins at the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] and ends within the stop closure.

In (18), the acoustic measurements of [t] in an intervocalic environment are tabulated.

10 Unfortunately, for speaker three, there is no data in which the stops, [b], [t] and [k] follow the possessive morpheme [me]; thus for speaker three, the stops were not analyzed in an intervoclaic environment.

17 (18) Results of [t] Intervocalically speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage (O* (e_J* 1 96.32 147.79 65.17% 2 88.91 145.05 61.30% 3 4 167.51 268.25 62.45 % 5 77.01 168.39 45.73 % * (e ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

For all speakers, the stop consonant, [t] was partially voiced intervocalically. For speakers, one, two and four, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 61% was the lowest voicing, while 65% was the highest voicing percentage. In contrast to speakers one, two and four, the voicing percentage for speaker five is low, only 46% of the stop duration is voiced. Figure (7) consists of a waveform and a spectrogram of the word [medegane], 'his sockeye'. The intervocalic consonant, [t] is partially voiced. In the waveform, there is periodicity through part of the closure and in the spectrogram, there is a voice bar through part of the closure. Notice that the voicing begins at the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] and ends within the stop closure. In (19), the acoustic measurements of [k] in an intervocalic environment are tabulated. (19) Results of [k] Intervocalically speaker voicing duration stop duration voicing percentage (e_J* (e_)* 1 38.12 156.24 24.4 % 2 39.51 166.01 23.80 % 3 4 125.47 192.61 65.14% 5 44.40 182.40 24.34 % * (E ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure.

For all speakers, the stop consonant, [k] was partially voiced intervocalically. For speakers, one, two and five, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 23.80% was the lowest voicing, while 24.40% was the highest voicing percentage. In contrast to speakers one, two and four, the voicing percentage for speaker four is very high, 65% of the stop duration is voiced.

18 Figure (8) consists of a waveform and a spectrogram of the word [megahe], 'his rabbit'.

The intervocalic consonant, [k] is partially voiced. In the waveform, there is periodicity through

part of the closure and in the spectrogram, there is a voice bar through part of the closure. Notice that the voicing begins at the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] and ends within the stop closure.

2.4.4 Summary

The results are summarized in (20). In (20), the voicing percentage of the plain stops,

[p], [t] and [k], in each environment is presented.

(20) Summary of Results

speaker post-sibilant post-nasal intervoca ic

b d g b d g b d g 1 34% 0% 0% 100 % 70% 52% 88% 65% 24% 2 31 % 0% 0% 100 % 63 % 62% 91 % 61 % 24% 3 70% 0% 0% 4 65% 0% 0% 100 % 68% 89% 87% 62% 65% 5 0% 0% 0% 31 % 32% 39% 26% 46% 24%

The results show that there are several distinct differences between [p], [t] and [k] in

post-sibilant, post-nasal and intervocalic positions. For example, in post-sibilant position, the

stop consonant, [p] was the only consonant to be partially voiced. The plain stops, [t] and [k]

were consistently voiceless in this position. In post-nasal position, the stop consonant, [p] was

the only consonant to be fully voiced. The plain stops, [t] and [k] were consistently partially

voiced in this position. Intervocalically, the stops, [p], [t] and [k] were all partially voiced.

However, for speakers one, two and four, the stop, [p] has the highest voicing percentage. In fact,

this is the case in all environments, [p] always has the highest voicing percentage.

2.5 Discussion

Recall that in Tahltan, plain stop consonants have been described as voiceless unaspirated

(Hardwick 1984) and as voiced (Shaw 1981; Shaw 1982; Shaw 1983; Nater 1989). To determine

a laryngeal specification the acoustic properties of Tahltan plain stop consonants were examined.

Based on the phonetic results, presented in the previous section, I hypothesize that the labial stop

consonant is voiced, i.e. [b], while the remaining plain stop consonants are voiceless

19 unaspirated." This hypothesis, in conjunction with the fact there are aspirated and glottalized stops in Tahltan, implies that Tahltan stops exhibit four distinct laryngeal articulations: voiced, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and glottalized. The Tahltan stop consonants are presented in (21).

(21) Tahltan Stop Consonants

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial dental inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b

w b. t to ts rt ts k k q ?

h h h h h h wh c. t te ts rt ts k k qh d. t' t9' ts' rt' ts' k' q'

a. voiced stop b. voiceless unaspirated stop c. voiceless aspirated stop d. glottalized stop

In the remainder of this section, evidence, which supports this hypothesis, will be presented and discussed. Specifically, phonetic, cross-linguistic and aerodynamic evidence will be presented and discussed. Also in this section, I will argue that the current hypothesis provides evidence for revisions to the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994) (chapter one-section 1.3).

Recall that the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis is a hypothesis, which concerns the laryngeal specification of stop and fricative consonants in Athapaskan languages.

The phonetic results, presented in the previous section, support the hypothesis that the plain stop consonant, [b] is voiced, while the remaining plain stop consonants are voiceless unaspirated. In post-sibilant, post-nasal and intervocalic positions, the stop consonant, [b] was voiced or partially voiced.12 The fact that [b] was partially voiced in post-sibilant position was

" In this phonetic study, the acoustic properties of the affricate, labio-velar and uvular stops were not examined. Based on the phonetic properties of the stops, [d] and [k], I hypothesize that all stops, with the exception of [b], are voiceless unaspirated. To verify this hypothesis future phonetic studies will have to be conducted. 12 The results for speaker five were not consistent with the results of other speakers. Future phonetic studies will have to conducted to determine if the results of speaker five are specific to this speaker or specific to a group of speakers. Since there is no evidence supporting one hypothesis over the other, the results for speaker five were not taken into consideration when constructing the present hypothesis.

20 crucial in hypothesizing that the stop, [b] is voiced. In post-nasal and intervocalic positions, the stop, [b] is preceded by voiced sounds, but in post-sibilant position, [b] is preceded by a voiceless sound. The fact that [b] is voiced/partially voiced in post-nasal and intervocalic positions has a phonetic explanation, i.e. [b] is voiced following voiced sounds. However, the fact that [b] is partially voiced in post-sibilant position does not have a phonetic explanation; thus I hypothesize that the stop consonant [b] is voiced.

In comparison, [d] and [k] were voiceless in post-sibilant position and were partially voiced in post-nasal and intervocalic positions. In other words, [t] and [k] were partially voiced when preceded by voiced sounds, and were voiceless when preceded by the voiceless sounds.

Therefore, I hypothesize that the stops [t] and [k] are voiceless unaspirated. To account for the fact that [t] and [k] are partially voiced in post-nasal and intervocalic positions, I hypothesize that

[t] and [k] are phonetically voiced when preceded by voiced sounds.

Maddieson (1984) shows that cross-linguistically there is a relationship between voicing and place of articulation. This relationship is exemplified in (22). In (22), the number of languages with voiced and voiceless stops produced at bilabial, alveolar and velar places of articulation are presented.

(22) Frequency of Plain Stops by Place of Articulation (Maddieson 1984)

bilabial alveolar dorsal plain voiceless 263 290 283 plain voiced 199 195 175

The results show that across languages, the most common voiceless stop is the alveolar stop, [t], closely followed by dorsal stop, [k] and finally, the labial stop, [p]. In comparison, the most common voiced stop is labial stop [b], closely followed by alveolar stop, [t] and finally, the dorsal stop, [k]. The fact that the labial stop [b] is the most common voiced stop is consistent with the hypothesis that the labial stop consonant, [b] is voiced in Tahltan. Maddieson (1984) goes on to show that the relationship exemplified in (22) is also reflected in the consonant inventories of languages. In 24 languages, the alveolar stop [t] and the dorsal stop [k] are present, but the labial stop [p] is not. In 18 of the 24 languages, there is a series of voiced stops, which includes the labial stop consonant, [b]. With regards to voiced stops, in 21 languages, the labial stop consonant [b] is present, but the dorsal stop [k] is not. In 15 of the 21 languages, the labial stop

[b] and alveolar stop [t] are present and in 6 of these languages, the labial stop [b] is the only voiced consonant. Several of these facts are consistent with the hypothesis for Tahltan plain

13 Across speakers there was variation in voicing percentage (see (11) in section 2.4.1); future phonetic studies will have to be conducted to determine if this variation is speaker-related or dialect-related.

21 stops, which states that the labial stop consonant [b] is voiced, while the remaining plain stop consonants are voiceless unaspirated. First, under this hypothesis, and similar to the facts above, the voiceless alveolar stop consonant [t] and voiceless dorsal stop [k] are present, but the voiceless labial stop [p] is not. Second, under this hypothesis, and similar to the facts above, the voiced labial stop consonant [b] is present, but the voiced alveolar and dorsal stops, [t] and [k], are not.

The hypothesis that the stop consonant [b] is voiced, while the remaining stop consonants are voiceless unaspirated is also supported by aerodynamic evidence (Kingston 1996). During the production of voiced stops, the vocal folds are vibrating. In order to maintain vocal fold vibration, air must flow between the vocal folds from the sub-glottal cavity to the supra-glottal cavity. In order for air to flow between these cavities, the air pressure in the supra-glottal cavity must be greater than the air pressure in the sub-glottal cavity. One way to slow down the increase in air pressure in the supra-glottal cavity is to have greater volume in the oral cavity. Thus, a stop consonant, which is produced at the front of the mouth is more likely to remain voiced throughout the stop closure because the volume of the oral cavity is greater. In comparison, a stop consonant produced at the back of the mouth is less likely to remain voiced throughout the stop closure, because the volume of the oral cavity is smaller. In other words, a stop consonant with a labial place of articulation, i.e. [b], is most likely to be voiced, while a stop consonant with a dorsal place of articulation, i.e. [k], is least likely to be voiced. This articulatory evidence supports the hypothesis that [b] is voiced, while the remaining stops are voiceless unaspirated (i.e. [b], which is produced at the front of the mouth, is voiced, while [t] and [k], which are produced further back in the mouth, are voiceless unaspirated).

The hypothesis, present in this section, provides evidence for revisions to the Dual

Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994). Recall that the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis is a hypothesis, which concerns the laryngeal specification of stop and fricative consonants in Athapaskan languages. The Dual Mechanism Hypothesis proposed by Rice (1994) is presented in (23). The x is used to indicate which feature(s) each series of consonants is specified for.

(23) Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994)

voiceless voiceless voiceless voiced unaspirated aspirated fricative fricative Spread glottis X Voice X Stop X X

22 Recall that in the Athapaskan literature, stop consonants are described as voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and glottalized, while fricatives are described as voiced and voiceless. The

Dual Mechanism Hypothesis proposed by Rice (1994) is consistent with these descriptions.

In this chapter, I hypothesize that the labial stop consonant, [b] is voiced, while the remaining plain stop consonants are voiceless unaspirated. Under the Dual Mechanism

Hypothesis proposed by Rice (1994) there is no category voiced stop. Based on the present hypothesis, I argue that the category voiced stop be added to the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis to account for the fact [b] is voiced. The Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is presented in (24).

(24) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994)

voiced voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h stop aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X voice X X

SG X X

CG X X

In this thesis I assume, following Clements (1985) and Sagey (1986) that representations are hierarchically structured. In (25), the hierarchical representations under the Laryngeal

Mechanism Hypothesis are laid out.

(25) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis Structural Representations

[b] Voiceless unaspirated stop I Root Root / \ / \ [stop] Laryngeal [stop] Laryngeal I [voice]

Voiceless aspirated stop Glottalized stop Root Root / \ / \ [stop] Laryngeal [stop] Laryngeal I [CG] [SG]

Voiceless fricatives Voiced fricatives Root Root

Laryngeal I [voice]

23 Glottal stop

Root Root

Laryngeal Laryngeal

[CG] [SG]

2.6 Conclusion

The goal of this chapter has been to examine the acoustic properties of Tahltan plain stops in order to determine a laryngeal specification. Based on phonetic results, in conjunction with cross-linguistic, aerodynamic and historical evidence, I have hypothesized that the stop consonant, [b] is voiced and that the remaining plain stop consonants are voiceless unaspirated.

24 Chapter Three Syllable Structure Constraint

In this chapter, the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism are tested against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. Specifically, this chapter will focus on the stop and fricative consonants, which surface in syllable-initial and syllable-final position, i.e. in onset and coda positions, in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.

In section 3.1, the Laryngeal Mechanism is restated, ln section 3.2, background information is provided. Specifically, the Tahltan consonant inventory is presented, the Tahltan orthographic consonant inventory is presented, and also there is information about Tahltan syllable structure. In section 3.3, data, which exemplifies the distribution of consonants in syllable-initial and syllable-final positions, is presented. In section 3.4, a syllable structure constraint, which accounts for the distribution of consonants, is hypothesized. In this section, it will be shown that the patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, in conjunction with the syllable structure constraint, support the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Finally, in section 3.5, concluding remarks are made.

3.1 Theoretical Assumptions

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. The Laryngeal

Mechanism Hypothesis was introduced in chapter two. Recall that based on the phonetic study of plain stop consonants, the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994) was revised. Specifically, the category of voiced stop was added to the Hypothesis. The Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is presented in (1).

(1) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994) b voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X

voice X X SG X X CG X X

25 3.2 Background

3.2.1 Tahltan Consonant Inventory

This chapter will focus on the consonants, which surface in syllable-initial and syllable- final positions, in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Recall that the Tahltan consonant inventory consists of four laryngeal series of stop consonants, two laryngeal series of fricative consonants and a single series of sonorant consonants. The Tahltan consonant inventory is presented in (2).

(2) Tahltan Consonant Inventory

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b

w b. t te ts ti ts k k q ?

h h h h h h kwh c. t te ts ti . ts k qh «. d. f te' ts' ti' tS' k' k q'

w e. e s i s (~e) X x X h f. 6 z 1 i (~ y) Y Yw

g- m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

3.2.2 Orthographic Conventions

In the Athapaskan literature specific orthographic conventions have been established.

1 For example, voiceless aspirated stops, i.e. [t ], are typically represented with the phonetic symbols for voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj. Voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj, are represented with the phonetic symbols for voiced stops, i.e. fdj. In syllable-final position, voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. ft], are represented with the phonetic symbol for voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj, not the orthographic symbol, i.e. fdj. In chapter two, I hypothesized that the labial stop consonant, i.e. [b], is voiced. In the orthography, the phonetic symbol for voiced stops, is used to represent this stop consonant, i.e. [b]. These orthographic conventions are summarized in (3). Following (3), in (4), the Tahltan orthographic consonant inventory is presented. These orthographic conventions are followed in this thesis.

26 (3) Orthographic Conventions phonetic orthographic syllable-initial b b t d th t

syllable-final t t

(4) Tahltan Orthographic Consonant Inventory

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b b. d dS dz dl dz 9 9W G ? c. t te ts ti ts k kw q w, d. t' te' ts' ti' ts' k' k q'

e. e s i s (~ 9) X xw X h f. 6 z 1 z (~y) Y Yw K

g- m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

3.2.3 Tahltan Syllable Structure To better understand Tahltan syllable structure, it is important to have a basic understanding of the Tahltan verb and noun; thus before discussing Tahltan syllable structure, the Tahltan verb and noun will be briefly introduced. The Tahltan verb consists of a verb stem, which

is composed of a root plus aspectual suffix; and prefix morphemes.1 The verb stem and verbal prefixes all fall into identifiable classes, all of which are identified in (5). (5) Tahltan Verb (Hardwick 1984)

object postposition adverb distributive incorporated direct object unspecified/ stem non-sing, subject 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

derivational conjugation mode subject classifier verb stem 8 9 10 11 12

The aspectual suffix varies in phonological shape. This variation depends upon mode and the phonological shape of the root, i.e. if the root is open or closed (Hargus 1988).

27 An example of a Tahltan verb is presented in (6). In (6), the numbers, under the morpheme breakdown, correspond to the number associated with the verbal prefixes in (5). Also, in (6) the verb stem is identified in square brackets.

(6) Tahltan Verb

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h [dos] da de ne h [dos] he's boiling O

In Tahltan, a noun minimally consists of a noun stem, which is composed of a root plus a stem formative suffix. Unlike the Tahltan verb, noun stems are not preceded by a series of prefixes. Instead, a noun may consist of a stem alone, may be affixed or may be part of a compound. The different types of nouns are exemplified in (7). The first example in (7) is an independent noun stem. In the second example, the noun stem [dih] is affixed. More specifically, the noun stem is preceded by the first person singular possessive prefix, [es], and is followed by the possessive suffix, [e]. The third example is a compound, which consists of two noun stems.

(7) Nouns

Independent Noun Stem dih grouse

Affixed Noun Stem es dih e my grouse

Compound

tutsedle [tu] + [tsedle] creek [water] + [small]

Now that the Tahltan verb and noun have been briefly introduced, Tahltan syllable structure will be discussed. In Tahltan, syllables are primarily open, i.e. CV or CV:. Open syllables are present in the examples in (8). In the first example, the verbal prefixes all have the syllable form CV. In the second example, the verb stem, [0e] has an open syllable form CV. In the third and fourth examples respectively, the noun stems have the open syllables forms CV and

CV:. In the final example, the possessive prefix, [me] has the open syllable form CV. In (8), all open syllables are presented in square brackets.

28 (8) Open Syllables

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h dos [da] [de] ne h dos he's boiling O

7 12 he h 0e he h [Ge] they 're tanning O

[tu] water

[6e:] belt

[me] [di] [he] his grouse

Closed syllables are also present in Tahltan, they have the following forms: CVC or VC.

In Tahltan, closed syllables are found in two environments: word-finally and directly preceding the stem. Closed syllables are present in the examples in (9) and (10). The examples in (9) have closed syllables in word-final position. In the first example, the verb stem has the closed syllable form CVC, and in the second example, the noun stem has the closed syllable form CVC.

(9) Word-final Closed Syllables

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h [dos] da de ne h [dos] he's boiling O

[bes] knife

The examples in (10) have closed syllables directly preceding the stem. The first and second examples respectively have the closed syllable forms CVC and VC directly preceding the verb stem. The third and fourth examples have the closed syllable forms CVC and VC directly preceding the noun stem. In (10), the closed syllables are identified in square brackets.

(10) Closed Syllables directly preceding the Stem

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h dos da de [neh] dos he's boiling O

11 12 h 0e [eh] 0e he's tanning O (i.e. hide)

[dah] bede our food

[es] bede my food

29 3.3 Data

Recall that this chapter will focus on the stop and fricative consonants, which surface in syllable-initial and syllable-final positions, in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis. In this section, data, which exemplifies the distribution of consonants in syllable- initial and syllalbe-final positions, are presented.

3.3.1 Consonants in Syllable-Initial Position

All stop consonants, i.e. voiced, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, glottalized and glottal stop, surface syllable-initial position. This is exemplified in (11).

(11) Stop Consonants in Syllable-Initial Position

voiced [b]e:s knife [b]ede food

voiceless unaspirated [d]ih grouse [dl]une mouse [d5]iya necklace [9]ah rabbit

voiceless aspirated [t]ene road [t6]e: rock [ts]ic nose [ts]a:k'odle rain bucket [k]e: foot

glottalized [t'liyA hook [t']o:g wart [t0']alu:d8e eyebrows [tO']ati moss/diapers [k']ug paper

glottal stop [?]ei beaver dam

Similar to stop consonants, both series of fricatives, i.e. voiced and voiceless, surface in syllable-initial position. This is exemplified in (12).

30 (12) Fricatives in Syllable-Initial Position

voiceless [I]uwe fish [9]e: belt [s]e:g spit [9]ina slave [xjel trap [h]odzih caribou

voiced [6]a0 snow [y]Anje geese

3.3.2 Consonants in Syllable-Final Position

Voiceless unaspirated stops and glottal stop surface in syllable-final position. This is exemplified in (13).

(13) Stop Consonants in Syllable-final Position

voiceless unaspirated dustenre[t] bottle ciYe:[t] pillow t9'a[ti] moss/diaper kek'i[t9] box de0dlin tse[ts] green wood t'o:[k] wart te'i[k] tobacco

glottal stop ela[?] bark

The voiced stop consonant, [b] does not surface in syllable-final position, nor do the voiceless aspirated and glottalized stops.

Voiceless fricatives, but not voiced fricatives surface in syllable-final position. Examples with voiceless fricatives in syllable-final position are presented in (14).

(14) Fricative Consonants in Syllable-final Position

voiceless unaspirated te[8] cane tA[8] arrow mi:[I] snare du[s] cat tii[c] grease ku[x] rice di[h] grouse

31 3.3.3 Summary In (15), there is a summary of the stop and fricative consonants, which surface in syllable-initial and syllable-final positions in Tahltan. (15) Syllable-initial and Syllable-final Consonants

voiced voiceless voiceless glottalized voiced voiceless [h] stop unaspirated aspirated stops fricative fricatives m stop stop syllable-initial X X X X X X X X syllable-final X X X X

3.4 Syllable Structure Constraint As shown above, voiceless unaspirated stops, voiceless fricatives, glottal stop and [h] surface in syllable-final position. Voiced stops, voiceless aspirated stops, glottalized stops and voiced fricatives do not surface in syllable-final position. To account for these facts, I hypothesize that [-sonorant] consonants, i.e. stops and fricatives, which have a primary place specifications and a secondary laryngeal specification, i.e. [voice], [SG] or [CG], do not surface in syllable-final position. This hypothesis is expressed with the following syllable structure constraint. (16) Syllable Structure Constraint * [-sonorant] / \

[place] [laryngeal]J o

Note that in the specification of glottal stop and [h] laryngeal is the primary place specification; therefore they will not be subject to this constraint. Recall that the goal of this chapter is to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the stop consonant, [b] is specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]; thus the hypothesis above can account for the fact that [b] does not surface in syllable- final position. In other words, [b] does not surface in syllable-final position because it has the laryngeal specification [voice], as the hypothesis states, [- sonorant] consonants, which have a laryngeal specification do not surface in syllable-final position. If [b] were unspecified for the laryngeal specification [voice], i.e. were grouped with the voiceless unaspirated stops, there would be no explanation for why [b] does not surface in syllable-final position. Thus the fact that [b] does not surface in syllable-final position supports the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.

32 3.5 Conclusion The goal of this chapter is to test the claims of the Laryngeal against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the stop consonant, [b] is specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]. The fact that [b] is specified for the feature [voice] provides an explanation for the asymmetry of what stops occur in syllable final position.

33 Chapter Four Classifiers

The morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes tell us a lot about the laryngeal specification of fricative and stop consonants. This chapter will examine the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis. Recall that the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis concerns the laryngeal specification of stop and fricative consonants. This chapter is divided into ten sections. In section 4.1, the classifier prefixes are identified. In this section the importance of the classifier prefixes in relation to laryngeal specifications is also discussed. In section 4.2, the function of the classifier prefixes is briefly discussed. The classifier prefixes interact with the following verb stem-initial fricatives and the preceding subject prefixes. To identify the position of the classifier morphemes in relation to the verb stem and subject prefixes, the Tahltan verb is presented in section 4.3. In section 4.4, the Laryngeal Mechanism is restated and briefly discussed. In sections 4.6 through 4.9 the morphophonemics of each classifier prefix is exemplified and an analysis for each classifier prefix is presented and discussed. Finally, in section 4.10 concluding remarks are made.

4.1 Classifier Prefixes and Laryngeal Specification

In Athapaskan languages four classifiers have been identified. In Tahltan these classifiers are d-, 1-, 0- and h-. The laryngeal status of verb stem-initial fricatives is directly dependent on the h-, 1- and 0- classifiers. When the h- classifier is present verb stem-initial

fricatives are consistently voiceless. When the 1- classifier is present verb stem-initial fricatives

are consistently voiced. When the 0- classifier is present fricatives are voiced following a voiced

segment and voiceless following a voiceless segment, i.e. voicing assimilation. The d-classifier

also interacts with stem-initial fricatives. When the d-classifier is present the feature [stop] associates to the verb stem-initial fricatives. In addition to fricatives, the d classifier interacts

with glottal stop. With the exception of the d- classifier interacting with glottal stop, classifiers

do not affect stem-initial stop and sonorant consonants.

4.2 Function

At present, in Tahltan the function of the classifier prefixes has not been studied in detail.

The function of classifiers has been studied in other Athapaskan languages; however, the

functions are still not completely understood. What is understood, with regard to classifier

34 functions, does appear to be fairly consistent across languages. In this section the function of the classifiers will be summarized. When possible Tahltan examples will be used to exemplify the classifier functions.

In Athapaskan languages, one of the four classifiers consistently co-occurs with the verb.

Such classifiers have no distinct function, but are simply lexically specified. In addition to being lexically specified, the d- and h- classifiers have derivational functions. The h- classifier derives transitive or causative verbs from intransitive verbs. Constructions in which the d- classifier is present include reflexives, reciprocals and passives. The following Tahltan data shows that in reflexive constructions the d- classifier is consistently present (Hardwick 1984).

(1) d- classifier in reflexive constructions morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 9-10 11-12 w yen s h [xwase] yi h [x 9se] I tickled him

6 8 9-10 11 12- ?ede de ye n s d [xwase] ?ede de s [gwase] I tickled myself

The d- classifier also occurs in intransitive constructions, which have a prefix indicating a customary action (i.e. 'She went again' versus 'She went') or an action "back" (i.e. 'She went back' versus 'She went'). Future research will determine to what extent the function of the classifier prefixes in Tahltan is the same as other Athapaskan languages.

4.3 Tahltan Verb

The Tahltan verb consists of a verb stem, which is composed of a root plus aspectual

suffix; and prefix morphemes.1 The verb stem and verbal prefixes all fall into identifiable classes, all of which are identified in (2).

(2) Tahltan verb (Hardwick 1984)

object postposition adverb distributive incorporated direct object unspecified/ stem non-sing subject 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

derivational conjugation mode subject classifier verb stem 8 9 10 11 12

The aspectual suffix varies in phonological shape. This variation depends upon mode and the phonological shape of the root, i.e. if the root is open or closed (Hargus 1988).

35 This chapter is concerned with the morphophonemics of the classifier prefixes, which precede the verb stem and follow the subject morphemes. The effects of the classifier prefixes can be seen on the following verb stem-initial consonant or on a preceding subject morpheme

(position 11). The subject morphemes are posited to have the following forms in the underlying representation.

(3) Subject morphemes (Hardwick 1984) first person singular s- second person singular n- third person singular unmarked first person plural 0id-2 second person plural ah- third person plural unmarked

The third person plural subject morpheme is unmarked in position 11 preceding the classifier prefixes. Instead, the third person plural subject morpheme, [he] surfaces in position 7.

4.4 Theoretical Assumptions

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to examine the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. The

Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is restated in (4).

(4) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994)

b voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops

stop X X X X

voice X X

SG X X CG X X

4.5 Hypothesis

In the analysis of the morphophonemic effects classifier prefixes, I assume following

Rice (1989), verb stem-initial fricatives are unmarked in lexical representation for laryngeal specification. Fricatives: (a) remain unmarked for laryngeal specification or (b) surface with the laryngeal specification [voice]. Fricatives unspecified for laryngeal specification are voiceless

2 The final consonant [d] of the first person singular never surfaces as an independent segment. The final consonant [d] is analyzed as a floating feature[stop] in this analysis (section 4.8). For convenience, the final consonant [d] of the first person plural will be written with a [d], not a floating [stop] feature.

36 under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In comparison, fricatives marked for the laryngeal specification [voice] are voiced under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In the analysis of the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes it will become clear that fricatives with the specification [voice] acquire this laryngeal specification from a preceding classifier prefix.

4.6 h- classifier

4.6.1 Morphophonemics of the h- classifier

In Tahltan, the h- classifier comes from the Proto-Athapaskan classifier *i. In some

Athapaskan languages, including Tahltan, the h- classifier is phonetically realized as [h]; thus it is referred to as the h- classifier.

In Tahltan, the h- classifier is unique for several reasons: a) it is the only classifier realized phonetically as an independent segmental slot; b) it is the only classifier to interact with the subject morpheme; and c) it is the classifier consistently followed by verb stem-initial voiceless fricatives. As shown in (5), the h- classifier is realized phonetically as [h] in the third person singular and third person plural. In all the examples in table (5) the h- classifier directly precedes the verb stem, which is identified in square brackets.

(5) Third person singular and third person plural3 morpheme breakdown4 Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 h [9e] e h [0e] he's tanning O (i.e. hide) 7 12 he h [0e] he h [0e] .they're tanning O (i.e. hide)

3 The data in this chapter is cited with permission from Patricia A. Shaw's fieldnotes collected in Telegraph Creek, British Columbia in 1981-82, and from a Telegraph Creek speaker resident of Dawson Creek, British Columbia, in 1983. This fieldwork was supported in part by the Linguistics Division of British Columbia Provincial Museum. The generalizations and analysis in this chapter is based on this set of fieldnotes.

4 The numbers correspond to the verbal prefixes identified in (2). Two prefix morphemes often surface as a single morpheme; this interaction is indicated with a hyphen (-).

5 The word-initial vowel, [e] is an epenthetic vowel.

37 3 11 12 de h [xui] de h [xui] he's throwing O 3 7 12 de he h [xui] hi de h [xui] they 're throwing O

11 12 h [XW9S] e h [xwase] he's tickling O 7 12 w he h [x as] he h [xw9se] they 're tickling O

The h- classifier interacts with the preceding second person singular subject morpheme,

[n]. When the h- classifier is present, it coalesces with the second person singular morpheme, [n], surfacing as [n].

(6) Second person singular morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 n h [9e] in [9e] you're tanning O (i.e. hide)

3 11 12 de n h [xui] de n [xui] you 're throwing O

11 12 w n h [x as] in [xwase] you 're tickling O

In the first person singular, the h- classifier shows no overt effect. This is exemplified in

(7). (7) First person singular morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 s h [9e] e9 [9e] I'm tanning O (i.e. hide)

3 11 12 de s h [xui] de s [xui] I'm throwing O

11 12 s h [xwas] es [xwase] I'm tickling O

6 Before [n] the epenthetic vowel, [e] surfaces as [i]. 7 The first person singular, [s] surfaces phonetically as [s], [s] or [9]. Similarly, the initial consonant of the first person plural, [9] surfaces phonetically as [s], [s] or [9]. This is a result of coronal harmony, see Shaw 1991 for discussion and analysis of Tahltan consonant harmony.

38 The second person plural subject morpheme is [ah-]; thus if is difficult to tell if: a) the h- classifier has no overt effect or b) if the h- classifier is realized phonetically and the subject morpheme [h] is deleted. (8) Second person plural morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 ah h [0e] ah [0e] you 're (pi) tanning O

3 11 12 de n h [xui] de n [xui] you 're throwing O

11 12 n h [xwas] in [xwase] you 're tickling O

Particularly significant is the fact that in the first person plural, the d-effect, a process discussed in section (4.8), occurs and the h- classifier shows no overt effect. (9) First person plural morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 0id h [0e] 0i [dSe] we 're tanning O

3 11 12 de 0id h [xui] de 0i [gui] we 're throwing O

11 12 0id h [xwas] si [gwase] we 're tickling O

39 The characteristics of the h- classifier (described above) are exemplified in the complete verbal paradigms in (10).

(10) Phonological effects of the h- classifier morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

11 12 s h [Ge] eG [Ge] I'm tanning O (i.e. hide) 11 12 n h [Ge] in [Ge] you 're tanning O 11 12 h [Ge] e h [Ge] he's tanning O 11 12 Gid h [Ge] Gi [d5e] we 're tanning O 11 12 ah h [Ge] ah [Ge] you 're (pi) tanning O 7 12 he h [Ge] he h [Ge] they 're tanning O

3 11 12 de s h [xui] de s [xui] I'm throwing O 3 11 12 de n h [xui] de n [xui] you 're throwing O 3 11 12 de h [xui] de h [xui] he's throwing O 3 11 12 de Gid h [xui] de Gi [gui] we 're throwing O 3 11 12 de ah h [xui] d ah [xui] you 're (pi) throwing O 3 7 12 de he h [xui] hi de h [xui] they 're throwing O

11 12 w9se] I'm tickling O s h [xwas] es [x 11 12 w you 're tickling O n h [xwas] in [x ase] 11 12

w h [xwas] e h [x ase] he's tickling O 11 12

w we 're tickling O Gid h [xwas] si [g ase] 11 12 ah [xwase] you 're (pi) tickling O ah h [xwas] 7 12 he h [xwase] they 're tickling O he h [xwas]

40 The paradigms above give imperfective forms. In contrast, in the perfective the first person singular subject, [s] is deleted and the h classifier surfaces phonetically. This is exemplified in (11).

(11) Phonological effects of the h- classifier

3 8 8 11 12 imperfective da de ne s h [dos] da de ne s [dos] I'm boiling O 3 8 8 11 12 perfective da de ne s h [dos] da de ne h [dos] I boiled O

11 12 imperfective s h [gani] es [gani] I'm drying O 9-10 11 12 perfective 0e n s h [gan] Oi h [gan] I dried O

11 12 imperfective s h [xwase] es [xwase] I'm tickling him 9-10 11 12 perfective ye n s h [xwase] yi h [xwase] I tickled him

4.6.2 Analysis of the h- classifier

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to examine the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In this section it will be shown that the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis can account for the morphophonemic effects of the h- classifier. More specifically it will become clear that the laryngeal feature [SG] is active within the phonology.

For Slave, Rice (1986, 1989b) proposes that all classifiers are floating features.

Following Rice, I assume the h- classifier in Tahltan is a floating [SG] feature, which precedes the verb stem and follows the subject morpheme.

(12) h- classifier

s [xui] [SG] 11 12

I will begin by showing how the present analysis of the h- classifier accounts for the interaction between the h- classifier and the subject morphemes in Tahltan. In the third person singular and third person plural the h- classifier, i.e. the floating feature [SG], surfaces as an independent segment [h]. The reason the h- classifier surfaces as an independent segment has to do with the Tahltan syllable structure. In Tahltan syllables are primarily open, i.e. CV or CW.

41 There are two environments where syllables are closed: word-finally, i.e. the ultimate syllable, and in the position directly preceding the verb stem, i.e. the penultimate syllable. The latter position, the coda position of the penultimate syllable, is where the h- classifier is realized phonetically. In the third person singular, which is morphologically unmarked, and third person plural, which surfaces in position seven, there is no competition from any other prefixes for segmental realization in the coda position, so the floating [SG] feature surfaces as an independent segment [h]. This is exemplified in (13) and (14).

(13) Third person singular

de [xui] de h [xui] [SG] _> | [SG] 3 11 12 3 11 12

(14) Third person plural

de he [xui] de he h [xui] [SG] _» | [SG] 3 7 11 12 3 7 11 12

In the case of other pronominal subjects in the paradigm, there is competition for what gets realized in the pre-stem coda position. In the second person singular, the penultimate coda position is occupied by the subject morpheme, [n]. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to subject morpheme, [n]. The result is the voiceless nasal [n]. This is exemplified in

(15) .

(15) Second person singular

de n [xui] de n [xui] [SG] ° \ [SG] 3 11 12 3 11 12

In the first person singular and second person plural the h- classifier shows no overt effect. It is possible that (a) the h- classifier remains unparsed; (b) the h- classifier deletes; or (c) the h- classifier associates vacuously. Possibility (c) would follow from the hypothesis that fricatives are specified for the feature [SG]. Possibility (c) is exemplified in (16) and (17).

42 (16) First person singular

de s [xui] de s [xui] [SG] _> \ [SG] 3 11 12 3 11 12

(17) Second person plural

de ah [xui] de ah [xui] [SG] _> \ [SG] 3 11 12 3 11 12

Historical evidence supports the fact fricatives are specified for the feature [SG]. Recall that the h- classifier comes from Proto-Athapaskan *i. This historical/diachronic change can be analyzed as a process of debuccalization, i.e. loss of the oral cavity articulation [lateral], leaving

only the laryngeal specification [SG]. This further supports the hypothesis that fricatives are

specified for the feature [SG].

(18)

*i h A _» | [lar] [lat] [lar]

I I [SG] [SG]

However, the hypothesis that fricatives are specified for the feature [SG] is not consistent

with the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis

fricatives are not specified for the feature [SG]. Also, the hypothesis that fricatives are specified

for the feature [SG] is problematic for the analysis of continuant voicing, chapter five, and the

analysis of the d-effect, section 4.8. Thus I assume historically that fricatives were specified for the feature [SG], but synchronically the feature [SG] is not active as a distinctive specification on

fricatives in the phonology.

When the h- classifier is present, verb stem-initial fricatives are consistently voiceless. It

is possible that (a) the h- classifier remains unparsed or (b) the h- classifier associates vacuously.

If possibility (b) is assumed, once again, it has to be assumed that fricatives are specified for the

feature [SG]. As previously mentioned, this is: (a) not consistent with the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis and (b) problematic for the analysis of continuant voicing, chapter 5, and the d-effect,

section 4.8. In addition, if possibility (b) is assumed, the following question arises: why doesn't

43 the feature [SG] associate to voiceless unaspirated stops? Under the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis voiceless unaspirated stops are unspecified for laryngeal specification. If the h- classifier associates to verb stem-initial consonants, one would expect voiceless aspirated stops to surface as voiceless unaspirated stops.8 For example:

(19)

* n [gani] n [kani] [SG] \ / [SG]

11 12 11 12

Possibility (b) is problematic for a number of reasons; thus I assume the h- classifier does not associate to verb stem-initial consonants, i.e. remains unparsed.

4.6.3 Summary

In this analysis the h- classifier is anaylzed as a floating [SG] feature. In the third person singular and plural, the h- classifier is realized phonetically as [h] in the penultimate coda position. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to the final consonant, [n] of the subject morpheme, devoicing it to [n]. In the first person singular and second person plural, the h- classifier associates vacuously to the subject morpheme. It never associates to a ver stem- initial segment to its right.

4.7 1- classifier

4.7.1 Morphophonemic effects of the 1- classifier

In Athapaskan languages the 1- classifier is hypothesized to be derived from the classifier

To solve this problem one could assume plain stop consonants are specified for the feature [voice], and that the presence of the feature [voice] would disallow the feature [SG] to associate due to the co• occurrence constraint *[SG]/[voice]. For example: n gani in gani [SG] [voi] -> [SG] [voil 11 12 11 12 One issue to consider, with regards to this solution, is that the phonological and phonetic specifications are not consistent. Recall that in the phonetic study, discussed in chapter two, plain stops were voiceless unaspirated, not voiced. Therefore I hypothesize stop consonants are not specified for the feature [voice].

44 combination *d- + *i - (d + h) (Stanley 1969).9 In Tahltan it is not apparent the 1- classifier is derived from this combination; however in some Athapaskan languages (i.e. Slave, Sekani) it is clearly apparent that this is the case. Recall that the d- and h- classifiers have derivational functions. In Slave, when the d- classifier is derivationally added to an h-classifier verb the effect is that of the 1- classifier. For example: Obj. + de + d + h + [sa]; [deza] (Rice 1989: pg. 458).

In Tahltan the 1- classifier never surfaces as an independent segment. One can tell the 1- classifier is present by its phonological effects on verb stem-initial fricatives. The fricatives affected by the 1- classifier are identified in the Tahltan consonant inventory in (20).

(20) Fricatives affected by the I- classifier

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b b. t te ts ti ts k kw q ?

h h h kwh h h h c. t te ts ti ts k qh d. t' te' ts' ti' ts' k' kw' q'

w e. e s i s (~9) X x X h f. 5 z 1 z (~ y) Y Yw K

g- m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

The voiced counterparts of the lateral consonant, [I], i.e. [1], and the palatal consonant,

[§]> 'e- [y]> are not fricatives phonetically. However, in Athapaskan languages the lateral consonant [1] and the palatal consonant [y] form a natural class with the fricative consonants and thus are grouped with the fricatives in the consonant inventories.

9The fact that the 1- classifier derived from the *d- + *i- sequence, provides evidence that plain stops are voiced. *d + *i _> 1 [stop] liar] [lat] [lar][lat] [voi] [voi]

The phonetic evidence, present in chapter x, does not support this synchronically. Recall that the voiceless unaspirated stop was voiceless unaspirated. To account for the fact 1- derives from *d- + *i- (h), I assume historically plain stops were specified for the feature [voice], but synchronically the feature [voice] is not active as a distinctive specification on stops in the phonology

45 When the 1- classifier is present, verb stem-initial fricatives are voiced, except in the first person plural where the d-effect (discussed in section 4.8) occurs. Unlike the h- classifier, the 1- classifier does not interact with preceding subject morphemes. Particularly significant is the fact that the h- classifier surfaces as an independent segment in the third person singular and third person plural; under the same circumstances the 1- classifier does not surface as an independent

segment. In the verbal paradigms in (21), the characteristics of the 1- classifier are exemplified.

(21) Phonological effects of the 1- classifier10

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English Gloss 8 8 11 12 ne i s 1 [0it] ni 0 [Sit] I got hot 8 8 11 12 ne i n 1 [0it] ni n [Sit] You (sg) got hot 8 8 11 12 ne i 1 [Git] ni [Sit] He got hot 8 8 11 12 ne i 0id 1 [Git] ne Gi [dSit] We got hot 7 8 8 12 he ne i 1 [Git] he ni [Sit] They got hot

3 11 12 ka s 1 [sei] ka s [zei] I hollered 3 11 12 ka en 1 [sei] ka n [zei] You (sg) hollered 3 11 12 ka 1 [sei] ka [zei] He hollered 3 11 12 kaGid 1 [sei] ka si [dzei] We hollered 3 11 12 ka ah 1 [sei] ka da h [zei] You (pi) hollered 7 3 11 12 he ka s 1 [sei] ka he [zei] They hollered

10 Unfortunately in (21), there are no verbs with a stem-initial [i]. In other morphophonemic processes which target fricatives, [i] is affected (the d-effect, continuant voicing), since this is the case I strongly believe this is an accidental gap. However in order to be absolutely certain, more data needs to be collected.

46 11 12 s h [ca?e] e s [ya?e] I got sick 11 12 n h [ca?e] e n [ya?e] You (sg) got sick 11 12 h [ca?e] e [ya?e] He got sick 11 12 Bid h [ca?e] e si [dza?e] We got sick 11 12 ah h [ca?e] ah [ya?e] You (pi) got sick 7 12 he h [ca?e] e he [ya?e] They got sick

3 9 10 11 12 na 0e n s 1 [xi] na s [ri] I saved O

At present, it is unclear if the 1- classifier affects verb stem-initial stop consonants. The uncertainty has to do with the fact that the 1- classifier is never realized as an independent segment; thus if a verb has a stop in stem-initial position one cannot tell if the 1- classifier is present or not. Secondly, the 1- classifier has no apparent derivational function; thus one cannot refer to a specific construction and know for certain the 1- classifier is present. However, the process of voicing assimilation (section 4.9) and continuant voicing (chapter five) do not affect stop consonants; thus I hypothesize the 1- classifier does not affect stop consonants.

4.7.2 Analysis of the 1- classifier

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to examine the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In this section it will be shown that the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis can account for the morphophonemic effects of the 1- classifier. More specifically it will become clear that the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active in the fricative class.

Following Hardwick (1984) on Tahltan, Hargus (1985) on the closely related language

Sekani and Rice (1989) on Slave, I hypothesize that the 1- classifier is a floating feature [voice].

(22) 1- classifier

ka s [sei] [voice] 3 11 12

47 Throughout the verbal paradigm, the 1- classifier associates to verb stem-initial fricatives.

In other words, when the 1- classifier is present, verb stem-initial fricatives acquire the laryngeal specification [voice]. This is exemplified in (23).

(23)

ka s [sei] ka s [zei] [voice] —>• / [voice] 3 11 12 3 11 12

Unlike the h- classifier, the 1- classifier has no effect on the subject morphemes. If the 1- classifier affected the subject morphemes, one would expect the first person singular subject morpheme [s] to surface as [z]. Note further that there is no regressive assimilation of voice either: the voiceless [s] and voiced [z] are contiguous in the output string, for example [kaszei], I hollered.

4.7.3 Summary

When the 1- classifier, analyzed as a feature [voice], is present, it associates to verb stem- initial continuants; thus fricatives are consistently specified for the laryngeal feature [voice] following the 1- classifier. At present, it is unclear if stop consonants are affected by the 1- classifier. The 1- classifier, unlike the h- classifier, has no overt effect on subject morphemes.

4.8 d- classifier

4.8.1 Morphophonemic effects of the d- classifier

In Tahltan the d- classifier never surfaces as an independent segment. However, in other

Athapaskan languages (i.e. Hupa, Koyukon) the d- classifier surfaces as a segment; thus it is referred to as the d- classifier. In Tahltan, the d- classifiers realization with a ?-initial stem is [f], which is what establishes its [coronal] value.

One can tell the d- classifier is present by its phonological effect on verb stem-initial fricatives and glottal stop. The consonants affected by the d- classifier are identified in the

Tahltan consonant inventory in (24).

48 (24) Consonants affected by the d- classifier

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b w b. t te ts ti ts k k q ? h h h h h h h kwh c. t te ts ti ts k q w d. t' te' ts' ti' ts' k' k ' q'

e. e s i s (~S) X xw X h

f. 8 z 1 z (~ y) Y Yw K

g- m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

In the Athapaskan literature the interaction between the d- classifier and verb stem-initial consonants is referred to as the d-effect (Howren 1971). As seen in (25.a) the consonant that surfaces as a result of the d-effect has the stop quality of the [d] and the place articulation of the fricative consonant; (25.b) shows its application'on a ?-stem; and (25.c) represents its failure to effect any surface change on any other consonant.

(25) D-effect alternations (Hardwick 1984)

classifier stem-initial output consonant a. d + i H> dl d + 6 _> dS d + s _> dz d + x g d + xw _> gw

b. d + ? t'

c. d + C -> C

The alternations in (25) are exemplified in (26) and (27). In (26), the d-effect is triggered by the presence of the d- classifier. In the leftmost column of table (26) a Tahltan verb is presented, two examples are given with each verb. The first example in each set shows that if the

0- or h- classifier is present, then the d-effect does not occur. The second example in each set is

in the first person singular reflexive (myself). The reflexive prefix [?ede] (position 9)

49 consistently co-occurs with the d classifier; therefore the d-effect does occur. To clearly indicate where the phonological change is taking place, the stem is identified in brackets in each example.

(26) Examples of the d-effect triggered by the d- classifier morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

9-10 11-12

0e n s h [xin] Ge h [xin] I killed O

6 9-10 11 12-

?ede Ge n s d [xin] ?ede se s [gin] I killed myself

9-10 11-12 yen s h [xwase] yi h [xwase] I tickled him 6 8 9-10 11 12- ?ede de ye n s d [xwase] ?ede de s [gwase] I tickled myself 9-10 11 12

Gen s 0 [?un] Gi [?un] I shot O

6 9-10 11 12- ?ede Ge n s d [?un] ?ede s [t'un] I shot myself

In addition to the d- classifier, the final consonant of the first person plural ([Gid]) (position

11) interacts with verb stem-initial fricatives. This interaction between the final consonant of the first person plural ([Gid]) (position 11) and verb stem-initial fricatives is also subsumed under the d-effect in the Athapaskan literature. The consonants that surface as a result of these interactions are identical to those in (25).

In (27) the d-effect is triggered by the final consonant of the first person plural [Gid].

Similar to (26), two examples are provided with each verb. The first example of each set is in the first person singular; thus the d-effect is not present. The second example is in the first person plural; therefore the d-effect is present. In these examples the h-, 0- or 1- classifiers is present; these classifiers show no overt effect in the presence of the d-effect.

50 (27) Examples of the d-ieffec t triggered by the first person plural [0id] morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss

8 8 9-10 11 12 u deye0s h [iet] ?u de h [let] I melted it 8 8 9-10 11 12 u de ye 0 9id h [iet] ?u de 9i [diet] We melted it

11-12 e s h [0e] e h [0e] I'm tanning it 11-12 e Gid h [0e] 0i [doe] We 're tanning it

8 11 12 de s h [xui] de s [xui] I'm throwing it 8 11 12

de Gid h [xui] de 0i [gui] We 're throwing it

9-10 11-12 0en s0 [iih] 0i [lih] I tasted it 9-10 11-12

Gen 0id0 [iih] 0i [dlih] We tasted it

8 11 12-

de s 0 [seh] de s [s:eh] I'm spitting 8 11 12

de Gid 0 [seh] de si [dzeh] We 're spitting

8 9-10 11 12 de 0n s 0 [xui] de s [xui] I scraped it 8 9-10 11 12

de 0 n s 0 [xui] de Gi [gui] We scraped it

1 2 3 9 10 11 12

?e ya tA Ge n s0 [?otG] ?e ra tA Gi [?otG] I washed it 1 2 3 9 10 11 12

?e ya tA Ge n Gid 0 [?otG] ?e ra tA Gi [t'otG] We washed It

3 11 12 ka s 1 [sei] ka s [zei] I hollered 3 11 12 ka 0id 1 [sei] ka si [dzei] We hollered 51 4.8.2 Analysis of the d- classifier classifierRecal prefixel thas tt oth tese goat thel oclaimf thiss chapteof the rLaryngea is to examinl Mechanise the morphophonemim Hypothesis. c Ieffectn thiss sectioof then it will be shown that the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis can account for the morphophonemic

effects of the d- classifier.

Following Shaw (1991) on Tahltan, I assume the d- classifier is a feature [stop], which

precedes the verb stem and follows the subject.

(28) d- classifier ?ede s [sei]

[stop]

6 11 12

When the d- classifier is present, the feature [stop] associates to the verb stem-initial

fricatives. The output is a consonant specified for the feature [stop] and no laryngeal

specification, i.e. a voiceless unaspirated stop consonant.

(29)

?ede s [sei] ?ede s [dzei]

[stop] "* [stop] 6 11 12 6 11 12

The d- classifier also interacts with glottal stop. Following Shaw (1991), I assume

consonants unspecified for place features receive the place feature [coronal] as a default oral

place specification. The markedness assumptions of Shaw's analysis would be interpreted in the

Optimality Theory framework adopted here in terms of the place markedness hierarchy *Labial,

* Dorsal » *Coronal » ""Pharyngeal (see Shaw 1991 for motivation of this from Tahltan

consonant harmony).

(30)

?ede s [?un] ?ede s [t'ei] [stop] [lar] -> /A | [stop] [lar] [pi] [CG] | | [CG] [cor] 6 11 12 6 11 12

In the discussion of the h- classifier it was suggested that there is a possibility that

fricatives are specified for the feature [SG]. In this discussion it was also mentioned this was

problematic for the analysis of the d-effect. If fricatives are specified for the feature [SG], one

would expect an aspirated stop to surface as a result of the d-effect, not a voiceless unaspirated

stop. For example:

52 (31)

?ede s [sei] * ?ede s [tsei] /\ [stop] [SG] [stop] [SG] 6 11 12 6 11 12

This lack of aspiration on derived stop consonants supports the hypothesis that fricatives are not

specified for the laryngeal feature [SG]. This is consistent with the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis.

The d- classifier does not interact with the preceding subject morpheme. If it did, one would expect the first person singular subject morpheme, [es] to surface as [edz]. Similar to the 1- classifier, the d- classifier never surfaces as an independent segment. Recall that the third person

singular and third person plural are both morphologically unmarked in position 11. The h- classifier surfaces as an independent segment, [h] in these positions; the d- classifier under the

same circumstances does not surface as an independent segment.

4.8.3 Summary

When the d- classifier, represented as a feature [stop], is present the [stop] feature combines with the place features of the following fricative consonant; the result is a voiceless

unaspirated stop. The d- classifier also interacts with glottal stop. The result is [f], a consonant with the feature [stop] from the d- classifier, the feature [CG] from the glottal stop and the place feature [coronal] from the realization of the least marked oral cavity Place articulation.

4.9 0- classifier

The 0- classifier never surfaces as an overt segment. When the 0- classifier is present

stem-initial fricatives are voiceless following a voiceless segment, and are voiced following a voiced segment (voicing assimilation). This process of voicing assimilation is exemplified in

(32). Notice that the morphophonemic effects of the 0- classifier are unlike the morphophonemic effects of the 1- classifier. When the 1- classifier is present, stem-initial fricatives are consistently voiced. In contrast, when the 0- classifier is present, fricatives are only voiced following voiced segments. Similar to the h- and 1- classifier, the d-effect occurs in the first person plural.

53 (32) Voicing assimilation

morpheme breakdown Tahltan example English gloss 3 11 12 da s 0 [tei] da s [iei] I'm holding pi O 3 11 12 da n 0 [te*] da n [lei] you 're holding pi O 3 11 12 da 0 [tei] da ya [lei] he's holding pi O 3 11 12 da Gid 0 [iei] da Gi [dlei] we 're holding pi 0 3 11 12 da ah 0 [tei] d ah [iei] you 're (pi) holding pi 0 3 7 12 da he 0 [tei] da ha ya [lei] they 're holding pi O

8 11 12 de s 0 [seh] de s [seh] I'm spitting 8 11 12 de n 0 [seh] di n [zeh] you 're spitting 8 11 12 de 0 [seh] de [zeh] he's spitting 8 11 12 de Gid 0 [seh] de si [dzeh] we 're spitting 8 11 12 de ah 0 [seh] d ah [seh] you 're (pi) spitting 7 8 12 he de 0 [seh] ha de [seh] they 're spitting

3 11 12 na s 0 [Get] na G [Get] I'm standing 3 11 12 na n 0 [Get] na n [Set] you 're standing 3 11 12 na 0 [Get] na [6et] he's standing 3 11 12 na Gid 0 [Get] na Gi [doet] we 're standing 3 11 12 naah0 [Get] n ah [Get] you 're (pi) standing 3 7 12 na he 0 [Get] na he [Set] they 're standing

In the perfective, when the 0- classifier is present, the first person singular subject deleted. This is exemplified in (33). (33) Phonological effects of the 0- classifier

imperfective ie ne s [tsis] I'm folding perfective ie ni [tsis] I folded

imperfective de s [seh] I'm spitting perfective di [zeh] I spat

4.9.1 Analysis of the 0- classifier

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to examine the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In this section it will be shown that the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis can account for the morphophonemic effects of the 0- classifier.

When the 0- classifier is present, verb stem-initial fricatives are voiced in the second person singular, third person singular and third person plural. I hypothesize that stem-initial

fricatives acquire the laryngeal specification [voice] from a preceding vowel or nasal consonant.

This requires the additional hypothesis that the feature [voice] is phonologically active on vowels

and nasals.

(34) Second person singular

de n 0 [seh] de n I -> I [voice] [voice] 8 11 12 8 11 12

(35) Third person singular

de 0 [seh] de 0 [zeh] I [voice] [voice]' 8 11 12 8 11 12

(36) Third person plural

he de 0 [seh] he de

[voice] [voice] 8 12 7 8 12

In the first person singular and second person plural, verb stem-initial fricatives do not

receive a laryngeal specification [voice]; thus these fricatives surface as voiceless.

55 (37) First person singular

de s 0 [seh] de s 0 [seh]

8 11 12 .8 11 12

(38) Second person plural

de ah 0 [seh] de ah 0 [seh] -> 8 11 12 8 11 12

4.9.2 Summary

The morphophonemic effects of the 0- classifier can be accounted for under the

Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. The behavior of the 0- classifier requires the additional hypothesis that the feature [voice] is phonologically active on vowels and nasals.

4.10 Conclusion

The Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis accounts for the laryngeal behavior of the morphophonemic effects of the h-, 1-, d- and 0- classifiers. Specifically, the h- classifier accounts for the hypothesis the laryngeal feature [SG] is active within the phonology. The 1- and

0- classifiers account for the hypothesis the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active in the fricative class. The 0- classifier requires the additional hypothesis that the feature [voice] is phonologically active on vowels and nasals.

56 Chapter Five Noun Stem-Initial and Stem-Final Voicing Alternations

Continuant voicing is a familiar morphophonemic process in Athapaskan languages (Kari

1973, Cook 1984, Hargus 1988, Rice 1988, 1991 and others). When the process of continuant voicing is present, noun stem-initial voiceless fricatives surface as voiced fricatives.1 In

Athapaskan languages, there is also a process of word-final devoicing. When the process of word-final devoicing is present noun stem-final voiced fricatives surface as voiceless fricatives.

This chapter will examine data from Tahltan, which exhibits the process of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.

This chapter is divided into four sections. In section 5.1, the Laryngeal Mechanism

Hypothesis is restated. In section 5.2, the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing is exemplified and an analysis for the process of continuant voicing is presented. In section 5.3, the

phonological process of word-final devoicing is exemplified and an analysis for the process of word-final devoicing is presented. Finally, in section 5.4 concluding remarks are made.

5.1 Theoretical Assumptions

Recall that the goal of this chapter is to examine the processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. The

Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is restated in (1).

(1) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994)

b voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X voice X X SG X X CG X X

5.2 Continuant Voicing

The process of continuant voicing is present in many Athapaskan languages (e.g. Navajo,

Sarcee, Slave, Sekani and others). When continuant voicing is present, voiceless fricatives

surface as voiced fricatives. The process of continuant voicing does not affect all fricative

1 In Athapaskan languages, the process of continuant voicing also affects preposition stem-initial fricatives. At present, in Tahltan, there are no examples which exhibit the continuant voicing of prepositions stem- initial fricatives; thus this thesis will focus on the continuant voicing of noun stem-initial fricatives.

57 consonants. Instead, it affects noun stem-initial fricatives, but only when the noun stem is preceded by derivational morphology. The consonants affected by the process of continuant voicing, i.e. the voiceless fricatives, are identified in the Tahltan consonant inventory in (2). The consonants, which surface as a result of continuant voicing, i.e. the voiced fricatives, are also identified in (2). (2) Consonants Affected by Continuant Voicing

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b b. t te ts ti ts k kw q ? h h h h h h wh c. t te ts ti ts k k qh d. t' te' ts' ti' ts' k' q'

w e. o e , s i s (~9) X x X h e f. 6 z 1 z (~ y) Y Yw

%• m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop , g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

Notice that the process of continuant voicing does not affect the fricative [h]. First, [h] does not have a voiced counterpart, and secondly, [h] is specified for the feature [SG], and in this analysis the feature [SG] does not co-occur with the feature [voice].

5.2.1 Data When a noun stem is preceded by the possessive morpheme, the process of continuant voicing is present.2 In this section, possessed nouns, which exhibit the process of continuant voicing, are presented, but prior to this the Tahltan possessive morphemes are identified.

In Tahltan, the possessive morphemes consist of a prefix and the suffix [e].3 The possessive morphemes are presented in (3).

2 In Athapaskan languages, the process of continuant voicing also affects compounds. Unfortunately, at present, in Tahltan, there is only one example, which exhibits continuant voicing in compounds; thus continuant voicing in compounds will not be discussed in this thesis. Example: [tGiyu] hair [tGi] head +[xu] hair.

3 In the possessive construction, the noun stem is not always followed by the possessive suffix [e]. For example, noun stems which end in a vowel are not followed by the possessive suffix.

58 (3) Tahltan possessive morphemes (Hardwick 1984) possessive prefix possessive suffix first person singular es- -e second person singular en- -e third person singular me- -e first person plural dah- -e second person plural hu- -e third person plural hu- -e

The first person singular and the first person plural have final consonants, which are voiceless, i.e. [s] and [h] respectively, while the remaining prefixes end in a vowel or a nasal consonant.

This is significant because the process of continuant voicing still occurs even though a voiced segment does not precede the noun stem-initial fricative. In other words, the fact the process of continuant voicing occurs following a voiceless consonant is evidence that this is not a phonetic process.

The process of continuant voicing is exemplified in (4). In the leftmost column of (4) are independent noun stems. Notice that the stem-initial fricatives are voiceless. In columns two and three, the noun stem is preceded by a possessive prefix; thus the process of continuant voicing is present. In column two, the noun stem is preceded by the possessive prefix [es], first person singular. In column three, the noun stem is preceded by the possessive prefix, [me], third person singular.4 Notice that the process of continuant voicing is present following the voiceless fricative [s] and following the vowel [e].

(4) Continuant Voicing

independent noun stem first person singular third person singular English gloss

led es led e me led e smoke iu:d es lud e me lu:d e scab iuwe es luwe me luwe fish Be: eG 6e: me 3e: belt se:g es zeg e me ze:g e spit sei es zei e me zei e hook cm es yine me yin e song cina es yina me yina slave xei es yel e me yel e trap xei es yel e me yel e packsack xos es yoz e me yoz e thorn

4 The process of continuant voicing is present following all possessive prefixes. The first person singular and third person singular are exemplified in (4) in order to show that the process of continuant voicing occurs following voiceless consonants and following voiced segments.

59 The process of continuant voicing does not affect a second class of noun stem-initial fricatives. The independent noun stem and the possessed noun both have voiced stem-initial fricatives. This is exemplified in (5).

(5) Stem-initial Voiced Fricatives

independent noun stem first person singular third person singular English gloss

8a0 e0 5a0 e me 8a0 e snow yAnje es yAnje me yAnJe geese The process of continuant voicing does not affect noun stem-initial stop consonants.

When a possessive prefix is added to an independent noun stem, the stem-initial stop consonant does not change. This is exemplified in (6).

(6) Noun Stem-initial Stop Consonants independent noun stem first person singular third person singular English gloss be:s es be:z e me be:z e knife bede es bede me bede food dih es dih e me dih e grouse decin es decin e me decin e stick dlune es dlune me dlune mouse d6iya es dfiiya'e me ddiya'e necklace gah es gah e me gah e rabbit gaw es gaw e me gaw e drum tene es tene me tene road tu:nade01in es tu:enadeGlin me tu:enade01in waterfall t9e: e0 t0e: me t0e: rock tsic es tsic me tsic. nose ca:k'odle es ca:k'odl e rain bucket ke: es ke? me ke? shoe/foot ku:g es ku:g e me ku:g e trunk t'iyA es t'iyA me t'iyA hook t'o:g es t'o:g e me t'o:g e wart t0'alu:d5e e0 t0'alu:dde eyebrows tG'art es tO'ati me t0'ati moss/diapers k'ug es k'ug e me k'ug e paper

5.2.2 Analysis

In this section, previous analysis of continuant voicing will be presented, followed by the present analysis of continuant voicing.

The process of continuant voicing has been analyzed as a process of continuant devoicing

(Kari 1973, Cook 1984). For Navajo, Kari (1973) hypothesizes that stem-initial fricatives are underlyingly specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]. To account for voiceless stem-initial

60 fricatives in word-initial position, Kari (1973) assumes noun stem-initial fricatives lose the specification [voice] when in word-initial position. Cook (1984) hypothesizes the same for the

Athapaskan language Sarcee.

Rice (1988, 1989, and 1991) disagrees with Kari (1973) and Cook (1984). Rice (1988,

1989, and 1991) provides strong evidence in favor of the continuant voicing hypothesis. First, a devoicing hypothesis does not account for independent noun stems with voiced fricatives, i.e. the data in (5), restated in (7).

(7) Stem-Initial Voiced Fricatives independent noun stem first person singular third person singular English gloss

3a0 e0 3a0 e me 3a0 e snow yAnje es YAnJe me YAnJe geese

Second, when a noun stem is incorporated into the verb complex, noun stem-initial fricatives are voiceless. This is exemplified in the following example. Rice analyzes data from

Slave. However, the following example is from Tahltan shows that this same generalization holds in Tahltan as well.

(8) Incorporated Noun Stem independent noun stem English gloss incorporated noun stem English gloss xa hair me[xa]?esits I combed O (a dog)

The example is (x) is problematic for the devoicing hypothesis. Recall that Kari (1973) and Cook

(1984) hypothesize that stem-initial fricatives are underlyingly specified for the feature [voice], and that they loss the specification [voice] in word-initial position. In (8), the noun stem-initial fricative is voiceless, however the noun stem-initial fricative is not in word-initial position.

To account for the process of continuant voicing, Rice (1988, 1989, and 1991) hypothesizes that stem-initial fricatives are unmarked for the laryngeal specification [voice].

Rice (1988, 1989 and 1991) hypothesizes that a linking morpheme, which consists of the feature

[voice], is inserted when a noun stem is preceded by a specific set of s morphemes, such as the possessive morpheme. Rice (1988, 1989 and 1991) assumes that the linking morpheme, which consists of the feature [voice], associates to noun stem-initial fricatives, resulting in a voiced fricative. This is exemplified in (9).

61 (9) Continuant Voicing (Rice 1988, 1989 and 1991)

independent noun stem possessed noun stem

led es led e

I [voice]

Recall that there are noun stem-initial fricatives, which are voiced in the independent noun stem and in the possessive construction (see (5) or (7)). Rice (1989) hypothesizes that these fricatives are specified underlyingly for the feature [voice]. As a result, they do not participate in the process of continuant voicing. This is exemplified in (10).

(10) Fricatives Underlyingly Specified for the Feature [voice]

independent noun stem possessed noun

6a0 es 6a9 e

I I [voice] [voice]

Recall that the goal of this chapter was to examine the process of continuant voicing in order to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. The continuant devoicing hypothesis proposed by Kari (1973) and Cook (1984), and the continuant voicing hypothesis proposed by Rice (1988, 1989 and 1991) both support the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. In other words, both analyses support the hypothesis that the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active within the fricative class. As we will see, the present analysis also supports the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Specifically, the present analysis, like the previous analysis, supports the claim that the feature [voice] is phonologically active within the fricative class.

Following Rice (1988, 1989 and 1991), I assume this is a process of continuant voicing, not a process of continuant devoicing as Kari (1973) and Cook (1984) have hypothesized. Also following Rice (1988, 1989 and 1991), I hypothesize stem-initial fricatives are unspecified for the laryngeal specification [voice]. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis fricatives unspecified for laryngeal specification are voiceless. To account for the process of continuant voicing, i.e. to account for the fact noun stem-initial fricatives are voiced in the possessive construction, I assume noun stem-initial fricatives receive a laryngeal specification [voice] from a

"stem joiner" or "linking morpheme", which consists of the feature [voice]. I hypothesize that the stem joiner [voice] is present in certain nominal derivational constructions, such as the possessive construction. When the stem joiner [voice] is present, it associates to the noun stem- initial fricatives. This is exemplified in (11).

62 (11) Continuant voicing

independent noun stem possessed noun

kd es led e I [voice]

To account for the non-alternating fricatives, i.e. stem-initial fricatives, which are voiced

in the independent noun stem and in the possessive construction, I assume, following Rice

(1989), this class of fricatives are specified underlyingly for the laryngeal specification [voice].

This is exemplified in (12).

(12) Fricatives Underlyingly Specified for the Feature [voice]

independent noun stem possessed noun

6a6 ES 6a9 e I I [voice] [voice]

5.2.3 Summary

In this section, the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing has been examined.

Examination of this process has shown that the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active within the fricative class. This supports the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.

5.3 Word-Final Devoicing

The process of word-final devoicing is present in some Athapaskan languages (e.g.

Koyukon). The process of word-final devoicing affects noun stem-final fricatives. When the process of word-final devoicing is present, voiced fricatives surface as voiceless fricatives.

The consonants affected by the process of word-final devoicing, i.e. the voiced fricatives, are identified in the Tahltan consonant inventory in (13). The consonants, which surface as a result of word-final devoicing, i.e. the voiceless fricatives, are also identified in the consonant

inventory in (13).

63 (13) Consonants Affected by Word-final Devoicing

labial coronal dorsal laryngeal labial alveolar inter• alveolar lateral palatal velar labio- uvular glottal dental velar a. b b. t te ts ti ts k kw q ? h h h h 1 kwh h c. t t9h ts ti* ts k q w d. f t9' ts' ti' ts' k' k ' q'

w s i X x h e. 9 s (~9) X f. 6 z 1 z (~ y) Y Yw K

g- m n w a. voiced stop e. voiceless fricative b. voiceless unaspirated stop f. voiced fricative c. voiceless aspirated stop g. sonorant d. glottalized stop

5.3.1 Data The process of word-final devoicing is exemplified in (14). Recall that the possessive morpheme consists of a prefix and the possessive suffix, [e]. When a noun stem is followed by the possessive suffix, [e], stem-final fricatives are voiced. When a noun stem is independent, stem-final fricatives are voiceless. It is crucial to note that the stem-final fricatives in the possessive construction are not word-final. In comparison, the stem-final fricatives in the independent noun stem are word-final. (14) Word-final Devoicing independent noun stem first person singular third person singular English gloss mi:i es mid e me mil e snare ke:ti'ui es ke.-ti'ul e me ke:ti'ul e shoelaces ti'ui es ti'ul e me ti'ul e rope be:s es be:z e me be:z e knife tiic es tiey e me tiey e grease

There is a second class of fricatives, which are not affected by the process of word-final devoicing. The independent noun stem and the possessed noun, both have voiceless stem-final fricatives. This is exemplified in (15).

64 (15) Stem-final Voiceless Fricatives

independent noun stem first person singular English gloss

teG eG teG e cane tAs es tAs e arrow ts'as ests'ase set line sei es sei e gaf kux es kux e rice dus es dus e cat ge0 eG ge9 e king salmon t'es es t'es e charcoal

5.3.2 Analysis

In this section, previous analysis of word-final devoicing will be presented, followed by the present analysis of continuant voicing.

In the Tahltan literature, the process of word-final devoicing has been described as a

process of voicing (Nater 1989). Under the voicing hypothesis, stem-final fricatives, which are voiceless in the independent noun stem become voiced in the possessive construction. However there is data with non-alternating fricatives (see (15)), i.e. the data with stem-final voiceless fricatives, which are voiceless in the independent noun stem and in the possessed noun. These

forms are problematic for the voicing hypothesis. In other words, the voicing hypothesis cannot

account for the fact fricatives remain voiceless in the possessive construction. Thus I assume the

devoicing hypothesis.

Similar to stem-initial fricatives, I hypothesize that the stem-final fricatives in forms like those in (15) are unspecified for the laryngeal specification [voice]. Recall that under the

Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, fricatives unspecified for laryngeal specification are voiceless.

This therefore represents the unmarked case.

Recall that there were a select group of stem-initial fricatives, which were underlyingly

specified for the laryngeal specification [voice]. I hypothesize that, similar to stem-initial fricatives, a select group of stem-final fricatives represented by the data in (14) are specified for the feature [voice]. I hypothesize that this class of fricatives participate in the process of word-

final devoicing. In other words, stem-final fricatives, which are underlyingly unspecified for the

laryngeal feature [voice], lose the laryngeal specification [voice] in word-final position. This is exemplified in (16). Notice that in the possessive construction, the stem-final fricative is not word-final; thus the laryngeal specification [voice] is not lost. In the noun stem, the stem-final fricative is word-final; thus the laryngeal [voice] is lost.

65 (16) Word-final Devoicing

possessed noun independent noun stem

es mil e mii

I [voice]

5.3.3 Stem-Final Stop Consonants

In the Tahltan literature, noun stem-final stop consonants are described as voiceless when word-final and voiced when followed by the possessive suffix [e] (Hardwick 1984; Nater 1989).

Recall that Nater (1989) hypothesizes that stem-final fricatives participate in a process of voicing, not a process of devoicing. Nater (1989) hypothesizes that, in addition to fricative consonants, stop consonants participate the process of voicing, i.e. stem-final stops, which are voiceless in the independent noun stem become voiced in the possessive construction. As previously mentioned,

I assume a devoicing hypothesis, not a voicing hypothesis. Second, I hypothesize that stem-final stop consonants do not participate in the process of word-final devoicing. In other words, I hypothesize that stem-final stop consonants are phonologically voiceless in word-final position and in the possessive construction. Instead, I hypothesize that stem-final stops are phonetically, not phonologically, voiced in stem-final position of the possessive construction.

(17) Stem-Final Stop Consonants

independent noun stem first person singular English gloss

dustenret es dustenred e bottle ca:kina?it es ca:kina?id e rain jacket cire:t es cire:d e pillow tG'Axdake:t e0 t0'Axdake:d e pipe tG'ati e0 tO'adl e moss/diaper kek'ite es kek'idd e box de9dlin tsets es deOdlin tsedz e green wood t'o:k es t'o:g e wart tG'ik e0 tG'ig e tobacco k'uk es kug e trunk

Stops in stem-final position in the possessive construction surface in intervocalic positons and, as was seen in chapter two are subject to a phonetic process of partial voicing.

66 5.3.4 Summary

In this section, the process of word-final devoicing has been examined. Examination of this process has shown that the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active within the fricative class. This supports the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.

5.4 Conclusion

Two processes have been examined in this chapter, continuant voicing and word-final devoicing. When the process of continuant voicing is present, noun stem-initial voiceless fricatives surface as voiced fricatives. When the process of word-final devoicing is present, noun stem-final voiced fricatives surface as voiceless fricatives. Examination of both processes supports the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Specifically, the processes support the hypothesis that the laryngeal feature [voice] is phonologically active within the fricative class.

67 Chapter Six Morphophonemic Processes in Optimality Theory

Thus far, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes (chapter four), the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and the process of word-final devoicing (chapter five) have been examined. In this chapter, these processes will be accounted for in Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993). This chapter is divided into five sections. In section 6.1, the theoretical assumptions are discussed. In section 6.2, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes, the process of continuant voicing and the process word-final devoicing are summarized. In section 6.3, the constraints and constraint ranking are presented. In section 6.4, the morphophonemic processes are accounted for using Optimality Theory. Finally, in section 6.5 concluding remarks are made.

6.1 Theoretical Assumptions Recall that this thesis assumes the laryngeal specification of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. The Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is restated in (1). (1) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994)

b voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X voice X X SG X X CG X X

In this thesis I assume, following Clements (1985) and Sagey (1986), phonological representations are hierarchically structured. In (2), the hierarchical representations under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis are laid out. Note that all segments with oral/pharyngeal cavity constriction are also assumed to have Place specification (Labial, Coronal, Dorsal, Pharyngeal); as the present focus is the laryngeal specification of the major classes, Place is not included in these diagrams.

68 (2) Dual Mechanism Hypothesis Structural Representations [b] Voiceless unaspirated stop I Root Root / \ / \ [stop] Laryngeal [stop] Laryngeal I [voice]

Voiceless aspirated stop Glottalized stop Root Root / \ / \ [stop] Laryngeal [stop] Laryngeal I [SG] [CG]

Voiceless fricatives Voiced fricatives Root Root I Laryngeal I [voice]

Glottal stop [h] I I Root Root I I Laryngeal Laryngeal I I [CG] [SG]

6.2 Summary of Morphophonemic Processes In this section, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes, the process of continuant voicing and the process word-final devoicing are summarized. The morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes are summarized in (3). Recall that there are four classifier prefixes: h-, 1-, d- and 0-. The classifier prefixes immediately precede the verb stem and follow the subject prefixes.

69 (3) Summary of the Morphophonemic Effects of the Classifier Prefixes

analysis target output 1- - floating feature - verb stem-initial fricatives - voiced fricatives [voice] d- - floating feature - verb stem-initial fricatives - voiceless unaspirated stops [stop] - verb stem-initial glottal - glottalized coronal stop [f] stop h- - a floating feature - second person singular -fo] [SG] subject morpheme [n] - in the third person singular and plural the h- classifier surfaces as an independent segment [h] 0- - voicing assimilation; - verb stem-initial fricatives - voiced fricatives the feature [voice] spreads from a subject morpheme

In (4), the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing and the process of word-final devoicing are summarized.

(4) Summary of Continuant Voicing and Word-final Devoicing process analysis target output continuant - a floating feature [voice] is a - noun stem-initial fricatives - voiced voicing stem joiner fricative word-final - a parsed feature [voice] - noun stem-final fricatives - voiceless devoicing delinks in word-final position fricative

6.3 Constraints and Constraint Ranking

Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993) is a non-derivational theory. Within

Optimality Theory a set of candidates are evaluated according to series of ranked and violable constraints. The optimal candidate, i.e. the output form, is the candidate, which best satisfies or minimally violates the grammar's constraint hierarchy. In this analysis of Tahltan, the following constraints are crucial:

Grounded Conditions:

Grounded conditions (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994) require that certain features co- occur and that others do not. The Grounded Conditions hypothesis states that feature co• occurrence invoked in natural language must be phonetically motivated. According to the

Grounded Conditions hypothesis, feature co-occurrence which is not phonetically motivated may not be invoked in natural language. In this analysis of Tahltan, the Grounded Conditions, which are crucial, follow from the second claim. The crucial Grounded Conditions are as follows:

70 * [CG]/[VOICE]: A segment specified for the feature [CG] cannot be specified for the feature

[voice].

Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, glottal stop and glottalized stop are specified for the feature [CG]. During the production of glottal stop and glottalized stops the vocal folds are pressed together tightly. Similarly, during the production of a voiced stop the vocal folds are brought together. Unlike glottal stop and glottalized stops, during the production of a voiced consonants, the vocal folds are not brought together tightly; instead they are brought together loosely, so that air is able to pass between them. Vocal folds cannot simultaneously be in the position for glottal stop/glottalized stops and voiced sounds, i.e. there is no glottal stop or glottalized stop, which ise voiced (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996). This fact is expressed phonologically with the grounded condition *[CG]/[voice].

* [SG]/[VOICE]: A feature specified for the feature [SG] cannot be specified for the feature

[voice].

The consonant [h] and aspirated stops are specified for the feature [SG]. During the production of [h] and aspirated stops the vocal folds are pulled apart, allowing air to pass through the glottis. In comparison, during the production of a voiced segment the vocal folds are brought together loosely. Vocal folds, which are simultaneously in the position for [h]/ aspirated stops and voiced consonants are not possible. This fact is expressed phonologically with the grounded condition *[SG]/[voice].

*[STOP]/[DORSAL]/[VOICE]: A segment cannot be specified for the features [stop], [dorsal] and [voice].

*[STOP]/[CORONAL]/[VOICE]: A segment cannot be specified for the features [stop], [coronal] and [voice].

*[STOP]/[LABIAL]/[VOICE]: A segment cannot be specified for the features [stop], [labial] and

[voice].

71 These three grounded conditions follow from phonetic evidence presented in chapter two.

Recall that the bilabial stop consonant [b] was voiced in all the word-internal environments investigated: post-sibilant and preceding a vowel, post-nasal and preceding a vowel, and intervocalically. In comparison, [d] and [g] were voiceless unaspirated in post-sibilant position.

Only when surrounded by voiced segments were [d] and [g] fully voiced or partially voiced.

Recall that these acoustic results were not surprising. Compared to [d] and [g], [b] is the easiest stop consonant to voice. During the production of [b] there is a large space above the glottis. For a relatively long period of time air can flow from the lungs, through the glottis and into this relatively large space. As long as the air is flowing the vocal folds are kept vibrating. Unlike [b], the space above the glottis during the production of [d] and [g] is quite small. Because the cavity is so small, voicing can only be maintained for a short period of time (Ohala and Riodan 1979;

Kingston 1996). These phonetic facts are expressed phonologically with the following grounded conditions: *[stop]/[dorsal]/[voice], *[stop]/[coronal]/[voice] and *[stop]/[labial]/[voice]. In addition to these constraints, the following constraint hierarchy follows from these phonetic facts:

(5) Constraint Hierarchy

*[stop]/[dorsal]/[voice] » *[stop]/[coronal]/[voice] » *[stop]/[labial]/[voice]

This constraint hierarchy is consistent with the phonetic fact that dorsal stops are the least likely to be voiced, while labial stops are the most likely to be voiced.

Faithfulness Constraints:

Faithfulness constraints require identity between an input form and an output form. In this analysis, the following Faithfulness constraints are crucial:

MAX IO: Any segment in the input must have a correspondent in the output.

This Max constraint prevents the deletion of any segment, ensuring that the output is as faithful as possible to the input.

MAX IO PATH: Any path between a segment and any feature in the input must have a correspondent path in the output.

DEP IO PATH: Any path between a segment and any feature in the output must have a correspondent path in the input.

72 These Max and Dep constraints prevent the deletion (Max) or insertion (Dep) of links to any

features, ensuring that the output is as faithful as possible to the input.

Alignment Constraints:

In this analysis of Tahltan, Featural Alignment constraints (Akinlabi 1996) are crucial.

Featural Alignment constraints require that the edge of a grammatical category be aligned with an

edge of a prosodic feature. The Featural Alignment constraints required in this analysis are as

follows:

ALIGN ([VOICE], LEFT, VERB STEM, LEFT): Align the left edge of the feature [voice] with

the left edge of the stem.

Recall that in this thesis, the 1- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [voice], which associates

to verb stem-initial fricatives and glottal stop. This Alignment constraint ensures that when the

feature [voice], i.e. the 1- classifier, is parsed, it aligns only with the left edge of the verb stem, i.e. the stem-initial consonant.

ALIGN ([STOP] FEATURE, LEFT, VERB STEM, LEFT): Align the left edge of the feature

[stop] with the left edge of the stem.

Recall that in this thesis, the d- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [stop], which associates

to verb stem-initial fricatives and glottal stop. This Alignment constraint ensures that when the

feature [stop], i.e. the d- classifier, is parsed, it aligns only with the left edge of the verb stem, i.e. the stem-initial consonant.

ALIGN ([SG], RIGHT, VERB STEM, LEFT): Align the right edge of the feature [SG] with the

left edge of the stem.

Recall that in this thesis, the h- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [SG]. Unlike the 1-, d-

and 0-, which affect verb stem-initial consonants, the h- classifier affects the preceding subject

morpheme, and does not affect verb stem-initial consonants. This alignment constraint ensures

that when the feature [SG], i.e. h- classifier, is parsed, the right edge of the feature [SG] is aligned

73 with the left edge of the verb stem. In other words, the h- classifier is associated with the subject morpheme, which precedes the verb stem, not with the verb-stem initial consonant.

ALIGN ([VOICE], LEFT, NOUN STEM, LEFT): Align the left edge of the feature [voice] with the left edge of the stem.

Recall that in this thesis, to account for the process of continuant voicing, I assume a stem joiner, which consists of the feature [voice], associates to noun stem-initial fricatives. This alignment constraint ensures that when the feature [voice], i.e. stem joiner, is parsed, it aligns only with the left edge of the noun stem, i.e. the noun stem-initial consonant.

PARSE [VOICE]: The feature [voice] must associate to a segment.

PARSE [STOP]: The feature [stop] must associate to a segment.

PARSE [SG]: The feature [SG] must associate to a segment.

The Parse constraints ensure that when the features [voice], [stop] and [SG] are present, they link to a segment.

Syllable Structure Constriant:

* [-Sonorant] I

[Laryngealljj: A segment at the right edge of a syllable cannot be specified for the features

[-sonorant] and [voice]. Abbreviation: *[-s] [v]

Recall that fricatives and stops are voiceless in word-final position. This constraint ensures that fricative and stop consonants are not specified for the feature [voice] in word-final position.

In this analysis of Tahltan, it is crucial that the constraints (identified above) are ranked as follows:1

1 These constraint rankings will be motivated in the following section.

74 (6) Constraint Ranking

* [CG]/[voice] : * [SG]/[voice] : * complex * [-son] : * [stop]/ *[stop]/ : Max : Align ([stop], ! ! coda/onset : [voice]/ [voice]/ 1 i IO i left, verb [larla j [dorsal] [coronal] : : stem, left)

Align ([voice], | Parse ; Parse Max IO ; Parse Dep IO ; *[stop]/ j Align ([SG], left, verb stem, • right, verb | [stop] j [SG] Path ; [voice] Path 1 [voice]/ left) ; stem, left) i [labial]

6.4 Morphophonemic Processes in Optimality Theory

This section is divided in five parts. In sections 6.4.1 through 6.4.3, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes are accounted for using Optimality Theory. In section 6.4.4 and

6.4.5 respectively, the processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing are accounted for using Optimality Theory.

6.4.1 1-classifier

In this thesis, the 1- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [voice], which associates to verb stem-initial fricatives. To account for the morphophonemic effects of the 1- classifier in

Optimality Theory the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial:

ALIGN ([VOICE], LEFT, PARSE » DEP IO VERB STEM, LEFT); [VOICE] PATH

Tableau (1) demonstrates how these constraints account for the morphophonmic effects of the 1- classifier.

Tableau (1) Morphophonemics of the 1- classifier in Optimality Theory2 kasfzei] I hollered ka s [sei] align (verb stem, Parse [voice] Dep IO Path [v] left, [voice], left) a. ka s [^ei] [v] **! b. ka s [sei]

[v] *! c. ka s [sei] ** [v/ *! d. ka s [zei] *

—> t

2 In all tableaux, only the verb stem, which is presented in square brackets, i.e. [], is underlyingly specified for feature specification.

75 In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the verb stem-initial fricative, [z] and to the verb stem-internal vowel, [e]; thus Dep IO Path is violated twice. In candidate (b), the feature

[voice] is not parsed; thus the Parse [voice] constraint is violated and this candidate is eliminated.

In candidate (c), the feature [voice] is parsed to the verb stem-internal vowel, [e]; thus Dep IO

Path is violated once. The Align ([voice], left, verb stem, left) constraint is also violated by candidate (c) because the feature [voice] is aligned with the left edge of the verb stem-internal vowel, [e], not with the verb stem-initial consonant. In the optimal candidate (d), the feature

[voice] is aligned with the verb-stem initial fricative; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. The optimal candidate satisfies all other constraints. Comparison of candidate (b) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Dep IO Path below Parse [voice].

6.4.2 d- classifier

In this thesis, the d- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [stop], which associates to verb stem-initial fricatives. Recall that this interaction is referred to as the d-effect in the

Athapaskan literature. The consonants, which surface, as a result of the d-effect are voiceless unaspirated stops. In order to account for the d-effect in Optimality Theory the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial:

ALIGN ([STOP], LEFT, PARSE » DEP IO VERB STEM, LEFT); [STOP] PATH

Tableau (2) demonstrates how these constraints account for the d-effect in Optimality Theory.

Tableau (2) D-effect kasi[dzei] I tickled myself

ka si [sei] align (verb stem, Parse [stop] Dep 10 path [s] left, [stop], left) a. kasi [dzedl] [sj""*~ **l b. ka si [sei] [s] *! c. kadzi[dzei] *! ** d. kasi [cjzei] * [s] ->

In candidate (a), the feature [stop] is aligned to the verb stem-initial and verb stem-final consonant; thus Dep IO Path is violated twice. Dep IO Path is the only constraint violated by this candidate. In candidate (b), the feature [stop] is not parsed; thus the constraints Parse [stop] is

76 violated and this candidate is eliminated. In candidate (c), the feature [stop] is parsed to the verb stem-initial consonant and to the preceding subject morpheme; thus Dep IO Path is violated twice. In this candidate the feature [stop] is aligned to the left edge of the subject morpheme, not the left edge of the verb stem; thus the Align ([stop], left, verb stem, left) constraint is also violated. Similar to candidate (a), the optimal candidate (d), only violates Dep IO Path. Unlike candidate (a), the optimal candidate (d), only violates Dep IO Path once. Comparison of candidate (b), with the optimal candidate (d), shows crucial ranking between Parse [stop] and Dep IO Path.

6.4.3 h- classifier In this thesis, the h- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [SG]. Recall that in this analysis of the h- classifier, verb stem-initial consonants are not affected by the h-classifier. Instead, the h- classifier interacts with the preceding subject morpheme. In the third person singular and third person plural, the h- classifier is realized phonetically as an independent segment, [h]. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to the associates to the second person singular subject morpheme, [n], which results in the voiceless nasal, [n]. In the first person singular and second person plural, I hypothesize that the h- classifier associates vacuously (i.e. shows not overt effect) to the preceding subject morpheme. In order to account for the morphophonemic effects of the h- classifier, the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial: * COMPLEX CODA, MAX ALIGN ([SG], PARSE » DEP IO COMPLEX ONSET; IO; RIGHT, VERB STEM, LEFT); [SG] PATH

Tableaux (3) through (5) demonstrate how these constraints account for the morphophonemic effects of the h- classifier. Recall that in the third person singular, the h- classifier is realized phonetically as the independent segment, [h]. This is exemplified in the following tableau. Similarly, in the third person plural, the h- classifier is realized as an independent segment, [h]. An Optimality account of the third person plural is identical to tableau (3).

77 Tableau (3) Morphophonemic Effects of the h- classifier in Optimality Theory e h [0e] he's tanning O

e [8e] * complex MaxIO align (verb stem, Parse [SG] Dep IO Path [sg] coda/onset left, [SG], right) a. e [OB] [sg] *! b. e h[0e] [sg] * —>

In candidate (a), the feature [SG] is not parsed; as a result Parse [SG] is violated. In the optimal candidate (b), the h- classifier is realized phonetically as an independent segment, [h]; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that, once again, it is crucial to rank Parse [SG] above Dep IO Path. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to the second person singular subject morpheme, [n], which results in the voiceless nasal, [n]. This is exemplified in the following tableau. Tableau (4) Morphophonemic Effects of the h- classifier in Optimality Theory in [0e] you 're tanning O

in [8E] * complex MaxIO align (verb stem, Parse [SG] Dep IO Path [sg] coda/onset left, [SG], right) a. in h [9e] [sg] *! * b. ih[0e] [sg] *! * c. in [9e] [sg] *! d. in h [8e] [sg] *! ** e. in [9e] [sg] * ->

In candidate (a), the h- classifier is phonetically realized, the subject morpheme is present and verb stem-initial consonant is also present; thus the *Complex Coda/Complex Onset constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In candidate (b), the h- classifier is realized phonetically; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. In this candidate the subject morpheme is not present; thus the Max IO constraint is also violated. In candidate (c), the feature [SG] is not parsed; hence Parse [SG] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. In candidate (d), the h- classifier is phonetically realized. The feature [SG] is also

78 parsed to the second person singular subject morpheme [n]; therefore Dep IO Path is violated twice. The *Complex Coda/Onset constraint is also violated by this candidate because the subject morpheme, h- classifier and verb stem-initial consonant are all present. In the optimal candidate (e), the feature [SG] is parsed to the second person singular subject morpheme, [n]; as a result the Dep 10 Path constraint is violated. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. Comparison of candidate (c), with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Dep IO Path below Parse [SG].

In the first person singular, the h- classifier associates vacuously to the subject morpheme. This is exemplified in tableau (5). Similarly, in the second person plural, the h- classifier associates vacuously to the preceding subject morpheme. An Optimality account of the second person plural is identical to tableau (5).

Tableau (5) Morphophonemic Effects of the h- classifier in Optimality Theory e0 [0e] I'm tanning O

e e [9e] * complex Max IO align (verb stem, Parse [SG] Dep IO Path [sg] coda/onset left, [SG], right) a. e 9 h [9e] [sg] *! * b. 8 h, [9e] [sg] *! C. 8 9 [08] [sg] *! d. e 9 [9e] [sg'] *! e. e ^ [9e] [sg] * —>

In candidate (a), the h- classifier is realized phonetically. In this candidate, the subject morpheme, the h- classifier and the verb stem-initial consonant are present; thus the ""Complex

Coda/Onset constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In candidate (b), the h- classifier is phonetically realized. In this candidate, the subject morpheme is not present; as a result Max 10 is violated. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate.

In candidate (c), the feature [SG] is not parsed; thus the Parse [SG] constraint is violated. In candidate (d), the feature [SG] is parsed to the verb stem-initial fricative. This is a violation of the Align ([SG], right, verb stem, left) constraint. Dep 10 Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (e), the feature [SG] is parsed vacuously to the subject morpheme, [0]; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. This is the only constraint violated by this

79 candidate. Comparison of candidate (c), with the optimal candidate (e), shows crucial ranking between Parse [SG] and Dep IO Path.

6.4.4 Continuant Voicing

Recall that the process of continuant voicing occurs when the noun stem is preceded by a possessive prefix. When the process of continuant voicing is present, voiceless fricatives surface as voiced fricatives. To account for the process of continuant voicing, I assume a stem joiner, which consists of the feature [voice], is present in the possessive construction. When present, the stem joiner, i.e. feature [voice], associates to noun stem-initial fricatives. To account for the morphophonemic process of continuant voicing in Optimality Theory the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial:

ALIGN ([VOICE], LEFT, PARSE » DEP IO NOUN STEM, LEFT); [VOICE] PATH

Tableau (6) demonstrates how these constraints can account for the process of continuant voicing.

Tableau (6) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory es [led] e my smoke

es [ieijl] e align (noun stem, left, Parse [voice] Dep IO Path [s] [voice], left) [v] a. es [iecj] e |f[s] *! [v] b. es [leij] e [s] [v] c. es [led] e /[s] *! * [v] d. es [ledl e l i / [s] * [v] —>

In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is not parsed; hence the constraint Parse [voice] is violated. In candidate (b), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial fricative and to the noun stem-internal vowel, [e]; as a result Dep IO Path is violated twice. In candidate (c), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-internal vowel, [e]; therefore Dep IO Path is violated once. In this candidate, the feature [voice] is not aligned with the left edge of the noun stem; thus

80 the Align ([voice], left, noun stem, left) constraint is also violated. In the optimal candidate (d), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial fricative; thus Dep IO Path is violated once.

The optimal candidate satisfies all other constraints. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Dep IO Path below Parse [voice].

Recall that the process of continuant voicing does not affect h-initial noun stems. In order to account for this, the following grounded condition is crucial: *[SG]/[voice]. Tableaux

(7) will demonstrate how this constraint prevents the feature [voice] from associating to h-initial noun stems.

Tableau (7) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory es [hodzih] e my caribou

es hodzihe * [SG] Parse [voice] Dep IO Path [sg] [v] a. es [hodzih]e /fsg] *! * [v] b. es [hodzih]e [sg] * [v] ->

In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial, [h]. Underlyingly

[h] is specified for the feature [SG]; thus the *[SG]/[voice] constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (b), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by the optimal candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank

*[SG]/[voice] above Parse [voice].

Recall that the process of continuant voicing does not affect noun stem-initial aspirated stops, voiceless unaspirated stops, glottalized stops and glottal stop.3 In order to account for this, the following constraints are crucial:

*[CG]/ *[SG]/ *[STOP]/ *[STOP]/ » PARSE

[VOICE]; [VOICE]; [DORSAL]/ [CORONAL]/ [VOICE]

[VOICE]; [VOICE];

Tableaux (8) through (10) will demonstrate how these constraints prevent the feature [voice] from associating to noun stem-initial stop consonants.

3 Recall that underlyingly, the labial stop, [b] is specified for the feature [voice]. I hypothesize that the feature [voice] associates vacuously to the stop consonant [b]. See tableau (11) for Optimality analysis.

81 In tableau (8), the feature [voice] does not affect the noun stem-initial aspirated stop consonant. Tableau (8) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory ES [tu:] e my water

es [tu:] e * [CG]/[voice] * [SG]/[voice] * [stop]/[voice]/ * [stop]/[voice]/ Parse [si[sg] [dorsal] [coronal] [voice] M

a. es [du:] e *! /[sftsg] [v] b. es [tu:] e [sftsg] * [v] —> In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial stop, [t]. Underlyingly [t] is specified for the features [stop] and [SG]; thus the *[SG]/[voice] constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (b), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by the optimal candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank *[SG]/[voice] above Parse [voice].

In tableau (9), the feature [voice] does not affect the noun stem-initial glottalized stop consonant. Tableau (9) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory ES [k'ug] E my paper

es [k'ug] e * [CG]/[voice] * [SG]/[voice] * [stop]/[voice]/ * [stop]/[voice]/ Parse [sTfcg] [dorsal] [coronal] [voice] M a. es [cfug] e / [sHcg] *! [v] b. es [k'ug] e [sftcg] * [v] ->

In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial stop, [k']. Underlyingly [k'] is specified for the features [stop] and [CG]; thus the *[CG]/[voice] constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (b), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by

82 the optimal candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank *[CG]/[voice] above Parse [voice].

In tableau (10), the noun stem-initial consonant is the stop consonant [d]. Recall that the stop consonant, [d] is voiceless unaspirated; under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis voiceless unaspirated stops are unspecified for laryngeal features. To ensure that the stem joiner, i.e. feature [voice], does not associate to the voiceless unaspirated stop [d], the grounded condition *[stop]/[coronal/[voice] is crucial. This is exemplified in tableau (10).

Tableau (10) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory es [dih] e my grouse

es [dih] e * [CG]/[voice] * [SG]/[voice] * [stop]/[voice]/ * [stop]/[voice]/ Parse [s] [cor] [dorsal] [coronal] [voice] Iv] a. es [dih] e / [sf [cor] *! [v] b. es [dih] e [sftcor] * [v] ->

In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the stem-initial stop consonant [d]. In addition to the feature [voice] the stem-initial stop [d] is specified for the feature [stop] and

[coronal]; therefore the *[stop]/[voice]/[coronal] constraint is violated. In the optimal candidate

(b), the feature [voice] remains un-parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Parse [voice] below *[stop]/[voice]/[coronal].

In tableau (11), the noun stem-initial consonant is the bilabial stop consonant, [b]. Recall that under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis the bilabial stop consonant, [b] is specified for the features [stop] and [voice]. This laryngeal feature specification follows from phonetic evidence presented in chapter two. Recall that the stop consonant, [b] was voiced, while the stop consonants, [d] and [g] were hypothesized to be voiceless unaspirated. To ensure that the feature

[voice] is parsed to the stop consonant, [b] the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial:

PARSE [VOICE]; MAX IO PATH » *[STOP]/[LABIAL]/[VOICE]

V 83 Tableau (11) Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory es [be:s] e my knife

es [be:z] e Max IO Path Parse [voice] * [stop]/[voice]/ & [v] [labial] [v] . a. es [be:z] e [sTM *! * [v] b. es [pe:z] e [s] *! * [v] b. es [be:z] e /[sfiv] * [v] —>

In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. The grounded condition *[stop]/[labial]/[voice] is also violated by this candidate because the noun stem-initial stop consonant, [b] is specified for all three of these features. In candidate (b), the feature [voice], which is associated to [b] in the input, is not present in the output; thus the Max

IO Path constraint is violated. Since the feature [voice] is not associated to the stop, [b], the

*[stop]/[labial]/[voice] constraints is not violated. In this candidate, the feature [voice] is not parsed in this candidate; thus the Parse [voice] constraint is violated. In the optimal candidate (c), the feature [voice] is parsed vacuously to the verb stem-initial stop consonant [b]; thus the Parse

[voice] constraint in not violated. Two constraints are violated by the optimal candidate: Dep IO

Path and *[stop]/[voice]/[labial]. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Dep IO Path below Max IO Path. Comparison of candidate (b) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank Dep IO Path and * [stop]/[voice]/[labial] below

Max IO and Parse [voice].

6.4.5 Word-Final Devoicing

Recall that, in this thesis, I hypothesize two classes of stem-final fricatives: one, which are unspecified for laryngeal specification in word-final position, and a second class, which are specified for the feature [voice]. Recall that the second class of fricatives participated in the process word-final devoicing. Specifically, I assume fricatives, which are underlyingly specified for the feature [voice], lose this specification in word-final position. To account for the process of word-final devoicing in Optimality Theory the following constraints are crucial:

* [-Sonorant] » MAX IO

[Laryngeal] la; PATH

84 Tableaux (12) and (13) demonstrate how the process of word-final devoicing can be accounted for in Optimality Theory.

Tableau (12) Word-final devoicing in Optimality Theory [mii] snare [mil] * [-sonorant] Max IO Path [v] [laryngeal], a a. [mil] [V] *! b. [mil] —> *

In candidate (a), feature [voice] remains parsed to the stem-final fricative, [1]; thus

*[voice]]a constraint is violated. The optimal candidate (b) violates the Max IO Path constraint because the feature [voice], parsed to the stem-final fricative in the input, is not present in the output. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank

Max IO Path below *[voice]]o\

Similar to fricatives, stop consonants are voiceless in word-final position. The following tableau demonstrates how this fact is accounted for in Optimality theory.

Tableau (13) Word-final devoicing in Optimality Theory

[ku:k] trunk [king] * [-sonorant] Max IO Path [s] [dor] [laryngeal] a

a. [ku:g] [s] [d] [v] *! b. [ku:g] [s] [dor] —>

In candidate (a), a feature [voice] has been added and is parsed to the word-final stop consonant [g]; thus Dep IO Path is violated. The *[voice]]a constraint is violated by this candidate because the voiced word-final stop is in a coda position. The optimal candidate satisfies all constraints.

6.5 Conclusion

In this chapter, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes, the process of continuant voicing and the process of word-final devoicing were accounted for within Optimality

Theory.

85 Chapter Seven Conclusion

This thesis has examined the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan. Specifically, the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants have been examined. Based on the phonetic findings, the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994), which is a hypothesis that concerns the laryngeal specification of stop and fricative consonants, was revised. The revisions included the addition of the category voiced stop, and extended the specifications of laryngeal mechanisms to include [CG]. (1) Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994)

voiced voiceless voiceless glottalized voiceless voiced glottal h stop aspirated unaspirated stops fricatives fricatives stop stops stops stop X X X X voice X X SG X X CG X X

In addition to the phonetic evidence, in this thesis it has been shown that patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, the morphophonemic processes continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Specifically, it was shown that observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure support the laryngeal specifications of the stop consonants, while the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing and morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the laryngeal specifications of the fricative consonants, glottal stop and [h]. Finally, it has been demonstrated that assuming the laryngeal specifications of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes could be accounted for with an Optimality Theoretic analysis (McCarthy and Prince 1993).

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In (1) through (3), the prefixed nouns, which were collected form Tahltan speakers, and which were analyzed for the present phonetic study, are presented. In (1), the plain stops, [p], [t] and [k] follow the sibilant [s], which is part of the first person possessive morpheme [es].

(1) Post-Sibilant Plain Stop Consonants

es V (stem-initially)

es[p]eze my knife es[p]ade my mittens es[p]atk£ my moccasins es[p]ede my food

es[t]ihe my grouse Es[t]e9tee5e my squirrel Es[t]egane my sockeye es[t]ebehe my sheep es[t]ustenvet my bottle

Es[k]ahe my rabbit es[k]awe my drum Es[k]endam my horse Es[k]uhs my ant ES[k]E0E my king salmon

In (2), the plain stop consonants [p], [t] and [k] follow the nasal [n], which is part of the second person possessive morpheme [in].

(2) Post-Nasal Plain Stop Consonants

in V (stem-initially)

in[p]eze your knife in[p]ade your mittens in[p]atk£ you moccasins in[p]£de your food

in[t]ihE your grouse in[t]e9t6E6e your squirrel in[t]£ganE your sockeye in[t]£b>£h£ your sheep in[t]ust£nvet your bottle

in[k]ah£ your rabbit in[k]awe your drum in[k]£ndam your horse in[k]uhe your ant in[k]£9E your king salmon

90 In (3), the plain stops [p], [t] and [k] are intervocalic. In all examples, the plain stop

consonants, follow the third person possessive morpheme [me] 'his' and precede a stem-internal vowel. (3) Intervocalic Plains Stop Consonants

v_v me[p]eze his knife me[p]ade his mittens me[p]atke his moccasins me[p]ede his food

me[t]ihe his grouse me[t]e9t9ede his squirrel me[t]egane his sockeye me[t]ebehe his sheep meftlustenyet his bottle

me[kahe his rabbit me[k]awe his drum me[k]endame his horse me[k]uhe his ant me[k]e9e his king salmon

91 Appendix B

Figure (1) Post-sibilant [p]; [esba:ke] 'my moccasins' Figure (3) Post-sibilant [k]; [esgendame] 'my horse'

Figure (4) Post-nasal [p]; [inba:tke] 'your moccasins'

'!'""«' H .... || I : ,

m -i-

93 Figure (5) Post-nasal [k]; [ingawe] 'your drum'

Figure (6) Intervocalic [p]; [mebede] 'his food'

-32Q0--

-2300- mm -1400- ,; '••im,,,,,

-500

-1460 )\. [! ll 80

-11 00

-2380-

400 500 ms

94 Figure (7) Intervocalic [t]; [medegane] 'his sockeye'

95