Nobody is a friend of ours I am being the devil's advocate You could get a million dollars ave to keep cap e bottle an say, • t recall [expletive if ved 1 hold anything back TIME ft-1E WEE PAY NEwSMACAZIwE

Founders: Barron HADDEN 1898-1929 HeNIIIV R. Luca 1898 1967

Editor-in-Chief: Hedley Donovan Chairman of the Board: Andrew Heisk ell President: James R. Shepley Group Vice President, Magazines: Arthur W. Keylor Vice Chairman: Roy E. Larsen

MANAGING EDITOR Henry Anatole Grunwald

MCMANUS (STANDING, RIGHT) WITH NATION TRANSCRIPT CREW ASSISTANT MANAGING EDITORS Murray J. Gart, Edward L. Jamieson, Richard M. Seamier'

SENIOR EDITORS: Laurence I. Barrett Ruth Brine, Clell Bryant, George 1. A-LETTER FROM THE PUBLISHER Church John T. Eisen, Timothy Foote, Otto Friedrich, Leon Jaroff, Ronald P. Kriss. Jvliarsholl Loeb, Jason McManus, Donald Neff. Diplomatic Editor: Jerrold L. Scheeler International Editors R. Edward Jackson To sift and analyze President Nixon's edited Watergate tape tran- European Editor. Jesse L. Birnbaum. Associates Curtis Prendergast. scripts, TIME, like the rest of the press, had a tall order. Nation Se- ASSOCIATE EDITORS: James Atwater, William Bender, Gilbert Cant, Ger- ald Clarke, Jay Cocks, Spencer Davidson, Michoel Demurest, William R. Doer. nior Editor Jason McManus and Washington Bureau News Editor nor, Martha M. Duffy, Jose M. Ferrer Ili, Frederic Golden, James Grant, Philip John Stacks assigned nearly two dozen staffers to the job. Herrera, Robert Hughes, Geoffrey James, Timothy M. James, T.E. Kolem, Stefan Kanter, Ed Magnuson, Frank B. Merrick, Mayo Main, Lance Morrow, In New York City ten copies of the transcripts—each 7 in. thick Burton Pines, R.Z. Sheppard, William E. Smith, Peter Staler, Edwin G. Warner. and weighing 6 lbs.—greeted five teams of Nation writers and re- CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Christopher P. Andersen, Richard Bernstein, Pa- tricia Bloke, Andrea Chambers. Joan Downs, Judy Fayord, Neil D. Gluckin, porter-researchers as they arrived at work Wednesday. One team Paul Gray, Marguerite Johnson, Jack Kramer, Bob McCabe, Gino Mallet, Don- ald M. Morrison, Mark Nichols, Frederick Painton, Clare M. Rosen, Philip Taub- compiled the narrative portion of this week's cover stories, while two man, Mark Vishniak, Ivan Webster, Jock E. White, Roger Wolmuth, others began a thorough analysis of the conversations, comparing REPORTER-RESEARCHERS: Marylois Purdy Vego (Chief), Nancy I. Williams (Deputy) them with known testimony. A fourth pair read every page. studying Department Hoods: Mario Luisa Cisneros (letters), Rosalind Halksorsen, Dor- the mood and style of the White House under fire. The fifth group othy Haystead, Ursula Nadasdy, Reiss° Silverman, Senior Staffs Priscilla B. Badger, Audrey Boll, Patricia Becker', Jean Bergerud, looked at the roles of selected Watergate protagonists. Peggy T. Berman, Margaret G. Booth Nancy Met). Chase, Anne Constable, Meanwhile, six correspondents in Washington divided the ma- Marta Fitzgerald Dorion, Gail Eisen, Robert L. Goldstein, Leah Shanks Gor- don, Patricia N. Gordon, Harriet Heck, Anne Hopkins, Marion Knox, Sara C. terial so that each could examine roughly 200 pages. Four others, in- Medina, Nancy Newman, Sue 11 °fiery, Betty Suyker, F. Sydnor Vandersehmidt, Rosemarie T. Zodikov, cluding Bureau Chief Hugh Sidey, used the transcripts for additional Susan Altchek, Sarah Bedell, Sarah Button, Diana Crosbie, Rosamond Draper, aspects of last week's assignments. Reports Stacks: "Nobody feels he Georgia Harbison, Amonda Macintosh, Gaye McIntosh, Nancy MeMorris, Al- exandra Mezey, Brigid O'Haro-Forster, Hilary Ostler's, Victoria Sales, Susan can do his job without reading these transcripts line by line. We have M. Reed Alexandra 'Henderson Rich, Jay Rosenstein, Bonita Siverd Anna Sas. nowski Zona Sparks, Mary Themo, Cassie Thompson, Edward Tivnan, Jean been covering Watergate for two years. and now for the first time we Susanne S. Washburn, Genevieve Wilson, Paul A. Witteman, Linda have some of Nixon's own pieces of evidence." Young. CORRESPONDENTS: Murray J. Garr (Chief), Benjamin W. Cate {Deputy) Senior Correspondent: John L. Steele SIDE). (STANDING, REAR) WITH WASHINGTON BUREAU TEAM Washington: Hugh Sidey, John F. Stocks, Bonnie Angelo, David Beckwith, John M. Berry, Stanley W. Cloud, Walter Bennett, Jess Cools, Simmons Fen- tress, Dean E. Fischer, Hays Gorey, Jerry Hannifin, Samuel R. ficer, Joseph J. 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NOISY DEMONSTRATORS TAUNTING THE PRESIDENT AS HE LEAVES THE 1974 EXPOSITION IN SPOKANE, WASH. After a brief suspended judgment, the severity of his difficulties seeped across the nation. found "strong evidence" in the tran- said: "I can just tell from our conver- ed to do it in a way that would cause scripts that Nixon was guilty of induc- sation that these are things you can have ing his aides to commit perjury and of the least unnecessary damage in a high- no knowledge of." ly charged political atmosphere to the obstructing justice—both indictable There may well have been many as- crimes and therefore impeachable of- Administration." pects of the cover-up that Nixon had However laudatory or understand- fenses by Nixon's own definition. Kur- no knowledge of until Dean spelled out land added: "1 can't find either ambi- able in human terms, those motives the chapter and verse on March 21. But might not hold up in a court of law—or guity or any evidence which tends to the transcripts before indicate he cer- exonerate him." Dean Michael Sovern an impeachment proceeding. They do tainly had knowledge that more than not really explain why, having learned of Columbia University Law School just the seven men indicted on Sept. 15 looked closely at the transcript for the of evident crimes from Dean on March were involved, and that in at least one 21, it was not until April 16 that Nixon crucial March 21, 1973, meeting at instance, that of White House Aide Gor- which, Nixon later said, he learned for finally discussed with his Attorney Gen- don Strachan, a member of his staff had eral his knowledge of probable crimes the first time that White House aides twice lied to federal investigators in de- were deeply enmeshed in Watergate. by White House aides. That conversa- nying knowing about the break-in and tion was initiated by Richard Klein- Sovern concluded: "In context, the tran- was prepared to lie again before the Sen- script would support a prima facie case dienst, then Attorney General. More- ate Watergate committee. Dean told over, the evidence of the transcripts for impeachment." One former high Nixon of that on March 13, and Nixon (see Nixon Administration official said excerpts beginning page 20) shows time agreed that committing the perjury was and again a President torn between try- bluntly and bitterly that the President's probably a good idea: "I guess he should ing to let the truth come out and then impeachment was now guaranteed, add- have, shouldn't he?" The exchange even ing: "If I were Pete Rodino (Judiciary agreeing to some fresh device or attempt led Nixon to wonder whether Strachan to avoid just that. His disclosures on Committee chairman], I'd say we don't might have informed White House need anything else. I'd say thank you. April 16 seem to have come only be- Chief of Staff H.R. ("Bob") Haldeman cause so many of the conspirators were Mr. President—and adios. - of the cover-up. The President in his speech and St. talking to the Watergate prosecutors. On learning of the cover-up, what did Clearly, the cover-up was going to be ex- Clair in his brief attempted to defend the President do? The operation that Nixon in some—but not all—of the most ploded with or without his acting. When Dean described to the President on he learned that Jeb Stuart Magruder, potentially damaging areas of evidence March 21 constituted a criminal con- presented in the transcripts. An anal- deputy director of the Committee for the spiracy to obstruct justice. By law, any Re-Election of the President, had gone ysis of their contentions and of the tran- citizen must report the discovery of a script evidence in three key areas: to the prosecutors and changed his ear- crime at once. In his speech, Nixon as- lier perjured story, Nixon asked almost When did the President learn of the serted that "after March 21, my actions cover-up?John pathetically: "What got Magruder to Dean testified to the Sen- were directed toward finding the facts talk? 1 want to take the credit for that." ate Watergate committee that he in- and seeing that justice was done fairly ferred that Nixon was "fully aware" of Did Nixon order the payment of hush and according to the law." money to E. Howard Hunt? One of the the effort to hide White House staff in- But he also admitted that, in trying volvement in the Watergate break-in as reasons that Dean laid out the cover-up to decide what to do, he was motivated for Nixon on March 21 was that at least early as Sept. 15, 1972. Nixon and St. by more than simple considerations of Clair argue that the President learned one of the jailed Watergate seven was es- justice and law. He was concerned for calating his money demand for keeping of the cover-up only on March 21, 1973, "close advisers, valued friends" who when Dean told him. They point out silent. The immediate problem was a might be involved, the "human impact fresh request for $120,000 by Hunt, the that Dean, after all, himself requested on ... some of the young people and the meeting to lay out for the President CIA alumnus and White House consul- their families," and "quite frankly," the tant who had pleaded guilty to break-in all the facts of the cover-up. They cite "political implications." He said: "I that in the process of doing so, Dean and bugging charges. Dean did not know wanted to do what was right. But I want- how to meet the urgent request. Hunt TIME, MAY 13, 1974 11 THE NATION was threatening to tell about some of lem, he says: "That's why for your im- mands of the committee—as well as his pre-Watergate clandestine activities mediate things you have no choice but those of Special Watergate Prosecutor for the White House. including the bur- to come up with the $120,000, or what- Leon Jaworski—for more tapes. Ex- glary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg's ever it is. Right?" Dean replies: "That's plained one presidential adviser: "We psychiatrist. (ElLsberg was the man who right." And Nixon says: "Would you felt a growing concern that it was be- released the secret Pentagon papers on agree that that's the prime thing that coming a test of manhood between the the Wet Nam War.) Authorizing or pay- you damn well better get that done?" two branches. We decided this might be ing such money is, of course, a crime. To which Dean says; "Obviously he a way to defuse that feeling." In addi- In his speech, Nixon said: "I re- ought to be given some signal anyway." tion, aides reported, the President saw turned several times to the immediate And the President says: "[Expletive de- disclosure as a way of repairing his dam- problem posed by Mr. Hunt's blackmail leted] Get it." aged credibility. Said St. Clair: "People threat, which to me was not a Water- That same night, according to a Wa- were getting more and more imbued gate problem but one which I regarded, tergate grand jury, Hunt was given $75,- with the idea that the President had rightly or wrongly, as a potential na- 000, and in the subsequent discussions something to hide." tional security problem of very serious in the White House all anxiety about Touchdown Cheers. Nixon had al- proportions." Hunt's blackmail vanished. The subject ready spent many hours reviewing the Little Choice. "I considered long did not come up again until much later, transcripts, which a staff of secretaries and hard whether it might in fact be bet- when the cover-up was collapsing. and lawyers, headed by White House ter to let it go forward, at least tem- Given the enormous hazards for Special Counsel J. Fred Buzhardt, had porarily, in the hope that this national Nixon in the transcripts, it seemed baf- been painstakingly preparing since mid: security matter would not be exposed fling that he released them at all. He March. After the secretaries transcribed in the course of uncovering the Water- may have felt that he had little choice. each tape, it was gone over by Buzhardt gate cover-up. I believed then and I be- Having resolved not to turn over the and his assistants, who marked proposed lieve today that I had a responsibility tapes to the Judiciary Committee, he deletions of irrelevancies, national secu- as President to consider every option, in- had to make some extraordinary ges- rity matters and profanity. But the final cluding this one, where protection of ture to avoid almost certain impeach- editor was Nixon. "As far as I know," sensitive national security matters was ment for defying Congress. He pondered Buzhardt said, "he read the entire pack- at stake. the move all the previous weekend in age, and he had the final say on it all." "In the course of considering it and the privacy of Camp David. Then, Sun- About three dozen passages were of just thinking out loud, as I put it at day afternoon, be learned that former marked "Material not related to pres- one point, 1 several times suggested that Attorney General John Mitchell and idential actions deleted." Buzhardt ex- meeting Hunt's demands might be nec- former Secretary of Commerce Maurice plained: "These were sections that had essary .. [but] my conclusion at the end Stans had been acquitted in New York no relation to what he did or knew. Oth- of the meeting was clear. And my ac- City of charges of perjury, obstruction er people came into the room. He was in- tions and reactions . show clearly that of justice and conspiracy. The welcome terrupted by a telephone calL Other top- I did not intend the further payment to news may have convinced Nixon that ics were discussed." Hunt or anyone else be made." at last things were looking up. That same At first—before what was in the The evidence in the transcripts weekend he decided to release the transcripts became widely known—the seems far less ambiguous than the Pres- transcripts. Nixon counteroffensive brought joy to ident has suggested. The Last time the According to aides, he reasoned that the Republicans. Supporters looked on President raises the Hunt money prob- the move would end the spiraling de- the offer of transcripts as the evidence of innocence they had been begging the President for months to release. Wash- ington Governor Dan Evans said that he felt "like a football fan cheering on the home team. I think the President threw a touchdown pass." The Rich- mond (Va.) News Leader exulted: "This is an immensely happy development. For the first time, those who want to sup- port the President—those who have clung to vestiges of hope that he was not involved—have something tangible." There was much negative reaction as well, centered mostly on the fact that the President was not obeying the law by complying fully with the subpoena. The Gallup poll surveyed some 700 adults by telephone following Nixon's speech and found that it had left 17% with a more favorable opinion of Nix- on but 42% with a less favorable view. By 44% to 41%, those interviewed said that they thought there was now enough evidence for the House to impeach the President, though by 49% to 38% they said Nixon's actions were not serious enough to justify the Senate's removing him from office. A survey conducted ear- lier for TIME by Daniel Yankelovich, Inc., found that 55% of Americans want- ed Nixon to resign or be impeached. up from 39% in November (see story page 19). Members of the House Judiciary

NIXON ANTES UP FOR JAWORSKI i RODINO

Committee agreed that Nix- on had not satisfactorily met the terms of their subpoena. They also resented the fact that he had replied to it with a public speech. Democrat John F. Seiberling of Ohio complained: "To respond to a lawful subpoena by going on television was not a de- cent thing to do." But the committee members split over what their reaction should be. Republicans urged another attempt at negotia- tion. Michigan Congressman Edward Hutchinson, the committee's ranking Repub- lican, argued: "In our system of government, it was never contemplated that the sepa- rate branches should con- front each other. It should be avoided at all costs." A few Democratic liberals wanted Nixon cited for contempt of Congress. Chairman Rodino, how- ever, wanted to avoid the question of contempt to "Sorry, sir, but 1 don't accept edited transcripts . . ." keep the committee from splitting ir- intelligible. Dear blamed other differ- revocably on partisan grounds. In a extensive excerpts (see THE PRESS). ences on the White House's inferior Broadcast journalists read lengthy pas- rare night session, he persuaded the playback equipment and inattention by members to approve a letter that mild- sages. The transcripts, sold by the Gov- the people who operated it. Jaworski's ernment Printing Office at $12.25 a ly chastised the President by advising staff found similar discrepancies be- him that his delivery of edited tran- copy, moved briskly. In Washington, the tween tapes and transcripts. GPO at first had only 792 copies, which scripts instead of tapes "failed to com- Indeed, so many notations of "un- ply" with the committee's subpoena. it sold in less than four hours, but thou- intelligible" occur at critical points on sands more were being printed. In ad- Even on that relatively innocuous re- the transcripts that suspicions inevitably joinder, the committee split 20-18, by dition, three publishers planned to have arose that some of the missing portions paperback books containing the com- party (although two Democrats and one were intentionally left out. For exam- Republican crossed party lines). But Ro- plete transcripts on sale this week. ple, in discussing the possibility of of- The initial favorable reaction to din() had succeeded in keeping the com- fering clemency to Howard Hunt, mittee from being diverted from the Nixon's gambit quickly dissipated as the Nixon apparently had a precedent in transcripts became available. A case in hearings on Nixon's impeachment that mind, but the transcript for that meet- it will open this week. point was the Los Angeles Times. On ing on March 21, 1973, quotes the Pres- Tuesday morning, it felt that Nixon had Dropped Words. The first few ses- ident as telling Dean: "The only thing sions, in which the committee staff will "taken a giant step toward resolving the we could do with him would be to pa- controversy over his relationship to the summarize the evidence it has collected, role him like the [unintelligible] situa- will be closed. But, partly in anger at Watergate crimes." By Thursday, its ed- tion." Again, the transcript for an April itors had studied the transcripts and Nixon's use of television, the committee 17, 1973, meeting has Nixon saying to voted unanimously to allow the rest of found that "the President and his chief Haldeman, John Ehrlichman and Ron- aides seem, time and again, more con- the hearings, which are expected to last ald Ziegler. "Damn it, John Dean's about six weeks, to be televised. In ad- cerned with self-serving manipulation highly sensitive information was on only and control of evidence than with the dition, the committee granted Lawyer one count. Believe me guys, we all know St. Clair the right to question and call open and full pursuit of justice." —well—the [unintelligible' stuff regard- Changed Mood. witnesses. Mindful of his reputation as ing Bob." ("Bob" is Haldeman.) There was a sim- a brilliant courtroom tactician, the cotn- ilar evolution of opinion among Con- The gaps and discrepancies were gressmen, particularly Republicans. On mittee also granted Rodino stringent one reason why investigators insisted powers to shut off St. Clair if necessary Tuesday, they lined up to praise Nixon that they needed the tapes. Only a study from the floor of the House. After a day to stop him from obstructing the pro- by experts of the tapes themselves can ceedings or filibustering_ of reading, however, the Republican set to rest any suspicions that they have mood began to change. As Democratic During the meeting, Committee been cut, erased or otherwise violated. Counsel John Doar disclosed that some Leader Thomas P. ("Tip") O'Neill of There were other reasons as well. Ex- Massachusetts noted, on Wednesday of the transcripts released by Nixon "are plained one expert who has heard the not accurate," though they were appar- "not one man took the floor" to laud tapes that are in the Special Prosecutor's Nixon. In fact, many Republicans were ently not intentionally altered. He ex- possession: "The tapes themselves give plained that the committee staff had profoundly shaken by what they the mood, the anxiety, the attitudes. learned. Conservative Republican Con- made transcripts of the seven tapes that Some of them reflect people banging on had been given to it by Special gressman H.R. Gross of Iowa concluded Pros- the tables, moving from here to there, that the documents "do prove conclu- ecutor Jaworski. When comparing them raising voices. On that March 21 tape, with the White House documents, they sively that Mr. Nixon made many mis- Dean sounds as if he's pleading with the leading statements to the American peo- found that the Administration's tran- President. That doesn't come through at scribers had dropped out certain words ple on his knowledge of the Watergate all on the transcript," cover-up." Gross also found "an amaz- and identified as "unintelligible" some Once out, several newspapers pub- segments that the committee staff found ing lack of ethical sensitivity in the of- lished all the transcripts; most others ran fice of the presidency." Similarly, Re- TIME, MAY 13, 1974 • a THE NATION publican Senator Robert W. Packwood THE PRESIDENCY/HUGH SIDEY of Oregon said that he considered Nix- on's view of Government "rather fright- ening" because "there are not even any Violation of the Public Trust token cliches about what is good for the people." Senator Robert Dole of Kan- The men who have served in the inner councils of American Presidents form a sas, former head of the Republican Na- special fraternity. They may depart from Washington, but they never quite leave tional Committee, was asked by a re- the White House. Their lives are forever influenced by their interlude of power porter if he would want the President and flavored by their reminiscences. in his state during his campaign for re- Last week these men, from as far back as Franklin Roosevelt's era, were in a col- election. Replied Dole: "Sure. Let him lective state of shock as they pored over the transcripts of Richard Nixon's Wa- fly over any time." tergate conversations. They found it inconceivable that a President of the U.S. On the Democratic side, Party would lead discussions in the Oval Office about breaking the law, destroying his Chairman Robert S. Strauss said: "I've own men, corrupting the Government's agencies. seen just about everything. But this read- There may have been times over these past 200 years when a President has ing of these tapes has upset me more had dark thoughts—and perhaps questionable conversations—about how to coun- than anything else in my life. I told my ter his opponents and to lift himself out of crises. But there is a body of bipartisan wife over the third martini last night, opinion among the men around former Chief Executives that the presidency has I'm embarrassed to have our kids read never before experienced such a squalid episode. this and think it's part of the life I'm "Ike wouldn't have understood what they were talking about," says former in." Democratic Congressman Morris Speech Writer Emmet Hughes. "Anybody who would have engaged in even a 60-sec- K. Udall of Arizona made a pitch for ond exchange like those would have been thrown out." politicians in general, saying: "They de- "I used to listen to Franklin Roosevelt talk about his problems," recalls former serve better than to be branded with the Administrative Assistant Jim Rowe, "but there was never anything like this." cynical iron that has marked the bur- Wily Lyndon Johnson once ordered an aide to send a handsome young staff glars, buggers and influence peddlers of member out to appeal to a lady legislator for her support. "Let nature take its this Administration." course," the President suggested. Johnson used all of his persuasive powers and Both Nixon and St. Clair regarded sometimes threatened economic retaliation and the hot breath of the Lord on his de- the transcripts as seriously compromis- tractors, "but he never suggested in any way that the law should be broken," says ing John Dean, the President's chief ac- his former aide, Joe Califano. "In fact, no matter what we did, Johnson wanted a cuser at the Senate Watergate Commit- legal opinion to be sure it was O.K. with the law." tee hearings. Earlier, White House aides Clark Clifford, an adviser to several Presidents, remembers that "on Truman's had welcomed the not guilty verdicts for desk was the famous sign 'The Buck Stops Here,' and there was another sign quot- Mitchell and Stans as evidence that ing Mark Twain: 'Always do right. This will gratify some people and astonish the Dean was no longer credible. Dean was rest.' That is what Mr. Truman did." Clifford can still hear the ring of Truman's one of 59 witnesses at the trial of the for- voice in 1948 when his Gallup was at 36%, and he was told he faced certain polit- mer Cabinet members. Both had been ical defeat unless he changed his stance on civil rights to woo the South. "I am not charged with nine counts of perjury, ob- going to change one single policy," said Truman. End of discussion. struction of justice and conspiracy to a hinder an investigation of Financier After the Bay of Pigs, Ted Sorensen, John Kennedy's counsel, gave a back- Robert Vesco's tangled affairs in ex- grounder to newsmen pointing out that the operation had begun under Eisen- change for a secret $200,000 cash con- hower and was carried out by holdovers. It was one of the few times that Sorensen tribution to Nixon's 1972 campaign. But irritated Kennedy. "Don't do that," he rasped. "We made this mistake." Before the jury found them not guilty on all the successful conclusion of the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, Kennedy was certain C01.111%. that his failure to heed the early warnings from Republicans such as Homer Cape- Dean Under Fire. Some jurors hart and Kenneth Keating about the missiles would bring Democratic defeats in found Dean to be an impressive witness the fall. Some aides wanted to deprecate the Republicans, but Kennedy refused. during his testimony, which bore on "Capehart," he told Sorensen, "is the Winston Churchill of our time." three of the perjury counts against Earlier Presidents have acted quickly to fire erring aides. Truman brought in Mitchell. But they were put off by his ad- Newbold Morris to clean up the Depart- mission that he was awaiting sentencing SHERMAN ADAMS & PRESIDENT EISENHOWER ment of Justice. But Attorney General for his confession of guilt on conspiracy J. Howard McGrath, one of Truman's to obstruct justice in the Watergate cov- friends, would not cooperate, and after er-up. Moreover, they were unsettled by two months fired Morris. That same day the fact that he admitted under cross-ex- Truman fired McGrath. amination that he hoped his perfor- Eisenhower never knew the whole mance at the Mitchell-Stans trial would story of Sherman Adams. But when be noted by the judge who would mete Meade Alcorn, the Republican national out his punishment. Clarence Brown, a chairman, came to his office and said postal employee, expressed his fellow ju- Republican leaders were demanding rors' feelings: "I liked John Dean. I "the Adams mess" be cleaned up, Ike ac- didn't fully believe him, though. He was cepted the verdict. He told Alcorn to a man trying to save his own skin." tell Adams he must go. Both Nixon in his TV address and In the White House last week they St. Clair in his brief took dead aim at were most worried that all the swear Dean, attempting to discredit him. As words that Nixon used would upset a the week went on, the White House, lot of Americans who thought he rarely having put together what in the tran- cussed. That concern is really almost scripts is called a "PR team," increased meaningless in the current context. the firing on Dean. Administration aides What produces despair is that men giv- prepared a summary of contradictions en the responsibility for doing so much in his statements and gave it to South for this nation would spend so much Carolina Republican Senator Strom time and energy contemplating the vi- Thurmond, who had it published in the olation of that trust. Congressional Record. When presiden- tial aides found Thurmond's entry had

TIME, MAY 13, 1971 THE NATION gone largely unnoticed. Communica- ditional conversations between Nixon Government job in recognition of his ef- tions Director Ken Clawson gave an- and aides. The tapes bear on the Wa- forts for Nixon. other detailed list of the alleged Dean tergate cover-up, the Administration's ► A Feb. 27 session with Haldeman contradictions to the press. At the same 1971 decision to increase milk-price sup- and Ehrlichman concerning the need for time, Press Secretary Ziegler declared: ports and its antitrust settlement with Dean to report directly to Nixon, rath- "Anyone who says the transcripts sup- ITT that year. St. Clair urged the com- er than through them, on matters re- port John Dean hasn't worked at his mittee to study the transcripts before de- lating to Watergate. In the ensuing six reading or is looking at it with a totally manding more evidence. He declined to weeks, Dean met with the President partisan or biased eye." say how the White House would respond more than 70 times. The White House assault made no if the committee pressed on. ► An April 15 telephone conversa- mention of the fact that Dean's testi- At week's end Nixon took to the tion with then—Attorney General Rich- mony was corroborated, in most re- road to sell his side of the transcript sto- ard Kleindienst in which they discussed spects, by other witnesses. A close com- ry to the public. His first stop was Phoe- Watergate problems. parison of his testimony with the nix, Ariz., where his audience of 13,000 Four meetings on April 15, when President's transcripts showed that ► at a Republican fund raiser was mostly the White House cover-up on Watergate while he was self-serving before the Wa- friendly. But shouts of "Hail to the was clearly crumbling. The meetings tergate Committee, he was remarkably thief]" and rhythmic clapping from a were with Ehrlichman, Dean, Klein- accurate. His occasional errors were rel- handful of hecklers in the balcony rat- dienst and Assistant Attorney General atively minor and can perhaps be ex- tled Nixon. His voice quavered, his Henry Petersen, who was then heading plained by the Administration's refusal hands tightly gripped the flower-be- the investigation into the break-in at the to let him have access to his White decked lectern, and he occasionally mis- Democratic National Committee offic- House files in preparing his testimony. pronounced words. Still, cheers drowned Both Committee Chairman Sam Ervin es. The White House says that the tape and Vice Chairman Howard Baker, a DAVID ICENYERLY Republican, said that they have faith in Dean's credibility. Special Prosecutor Jaworski continues to count Dean a key witness in the Watergate trials. In a way, the White House blitz on Dean seemed either a diversionary tactic or mere vin- dictiveness. Now that the evidence of the tapes is available, Dean's testimony is far less vital or relevant. Court Battle? Nixon's decision, in another transcript phrase, to "stone- wall" his opposition, also applied to Ja- worski's subpoena of tapes. Lawyer St. Clair presented a brief to Federal Judge John J. Sirica, arguing that Jaworski's subpoena for 64 additional tapes should be quashed because he had not shown that the material was relevant to the tri- al of the seven Nixon associates charged in the cover-up.• St. Clair also argued that all portions of the subpoenaed ma- terials that had not been made public were protected by Executive privilege and could be kept confidential by the President. Sirica scheduled a hearing on the argument for this Wednesday. Aides to both Nixon and Jaworski said that they were willing to carry the fight to the Supreme Court, thus raising the JUDICIARY COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN RODINO & COUNSEL prospect of another lengthy court battle DOAR BRIEFING REPORTERS In a rare night session, a letter mildly chastising the President. reminiscent of the one the White House lost last fall. That fight led to Nixon's fir- out the boos when he said that he had ing of Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox ran out in midafternoon of April 15. furnished -all the relevant evidence" Three meetings on April 16 with and the resignations of Attorney Gen- needed "to get Watergate behind us" ► eral Elliot Richardson and his assistant Haldeman and Ehrlichman to discuss and promised "to stay on this job." On their resignations and Dean's request for William Ruckelshaus. Saturday, Nixon opened Expo '74 in As a further part of the Nixon strat- immunity from prosecution in exchange Spokane, Wash., where he was wel- for testimony about Watergate before egy, General Alexander M. Haig Jr., the comed with a few impeachment signs. White House chief of staff, refused to an- the grand jury. Of the eleven additional presidential An April 18 phone conversation swer questions before the Senate Wa- conversations subpoenaed by the com- ► tergate committee last week. He pre- with Petersen in which Nixon report- mittee, White House aides claimed that edly told him to stay out of the inves- sented a letter from Nixon ordering him the tapes of those exchanges, which all not to testify on grounds that it would tigation of the break-in at the offices of took place in 1973, either were missing Ellsberg's psychiatrist because it in- be "wholly inappropriate for the com- or were not made through failures in mittee to examine you about your ac- volved national security. the recording equipment. Thus there are The transcripts that the White tivities as chief of staff." no accounts of: The White House also gave no sign House provided offer fresh details about ► A Feb. 20 meeting with Halde- the origin of the plan to bug the Dem- that it would comply with the Judiciary man to discuss finding a suitable job for Committee's request for tapes of 142 ad- ocratic national headquarters, as well as Jeb Stuart Magruder, the former dep- precisely what the undercover team was Vlitchell. Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Charles Col- uty director of Nixon's re-election cam- after. At their March 21, 1973 meeting, n, Robert Mardian, Kenneth Parkinson and paign committee, Magruder had made rdon &radian. Dean told Nixon that the operation orig- clear to Haldeman that he wanted a high inated with an order from Haldeman MAY 13, 1974 17 NIXON MEETING IN BETTER DAYS WITH AIDES JOHN EHRLICHMAN, RONALD ZIEGLER i H.R. HALDEMAN IN THE OVAL OFFICE Evidence showing the President torn between letting the truth come out and attempting to avoid it. to "set up a perfectly legitimate cam- and his working relationships with sidered by many to be a virtuoso dis- paign intelligence operation" within the them. Some of the revelations: play of candor and integrity. The tran- Nixon re-election committee. In Janu- JOHN DEAN. Before the Senate Wa. scripts, however, reveal that Petersen ary 1972, White House "Plumber" G. tergate committee, he seemed to be only was callously manipulated by the Pres- Gordon Liddy came up with an incred- a minor functionary, a modest clerk. ident, who even went so far as to boast ible scheme that he said would cost $1 Now he emerges as having played a key to Ehrlichman and Ziegler, "I've got Pe- million. According to Dean, it involved White House role, first in making sure tersen on a short leash." "black-bag operations, kidnaping, pro- the cover-up held through the election, Perhaps from an excess of loyalty, viding prostitutes to weaken the oppo- then in advising Nixon on how to cope zeal and awe of the presidency, Peter- sition, bugging, mugging teams." as it fell apart in early 1973. sen appeared eager to give the White Liddy's plans were twice vetoed by JOHN EHRLICHMAN. Always consid- House every break he could. He was John Mitchell, then Attorney General, ered one of the staff heavyweights, he used to undermine his own investigation. who was later to head the re-election often demonstrates a better perception On March 21, Nixon asked John Dean campaign. But in February, Dean said, of the law than the President. Early on, why the Assistant Attorney General had Strachan began stepping up efforts "to as the Watergate revelations began to "played the game so straight with us." get some information." Dean said that threaten the White House itself, he of- Said Dean: "Petersen is a soldier. He he believed Haldeman, who was fered Nixon the best advice of all. He kept me informed. He told me when we Strachan's boss, had assumed that Lid- suggested that the Administration take had problems, where we had problems dy's operation was "proper." In any the "hang-out road" and tell the truth and the like. I don't think he has done case, Dean said, Jeb Magruder took about its role in the break-in and cover- anything improper, but he did make sure Strachan's message "as a signal to prob- up, letting the chips—and men—fall that the investigation was narrowed ably go to Mitchell and to say, 'They where they might. down to the very, very fine criminal are pushing us like crazy for this from H.R. ("BOB") HALDEMAN. The most thing, which was a break for us." the White House.' And so Mitchell prob- formidable guardian of Nixon's Oval Even with the hundreds of "inau- ably puffed on his pipe and said, `Go Office, the chief of staff was considered dible" and excised passages, the tran- ahead,' and never really reflected on the most powerful man in the White scripts provided an extraordinary look what it was all about." House after Nixon. Indeed, it appears at Nixon in private. His conversations Dean told Nixon that the bugging that in private he often dominated the were often bizarre, involving hours of team "might have been looking for in- President, as well as the rest of the staff foggy and imprecise musing. Instead of formation about the Democratic con- JOHN MITCHELL He was one of Nix- a tough, calculating, incisive Nixon, the ventions." Liddy had earlier informed on's closest friends and political confi- transcripts revealed a lonely, aloof Pres- him that there was a plan—never car- dants. But the President was willing to ident who could not remember dates, ried out--to bug Democratic Chairman let Mitchell take the rap for overseeing could not recall Watergate Conspirator Lawrence O'Brien's hotel suite in Mi- Watergate, drawing the heat away from E. Howard Hunt's name, and who for- ami. The Liddy operation was a failure the White House—if a way could be got that another of the convicted con- from the beginning. The team first found to get him to agree. The disclo- spirators, G. Gordon Liddy, was in pris- tapped the telephone of Democratic sure bore out Martha Mitchell's cele- on. In the transcripts, Nixon made few Committee Official R. Spencer Oliver. brated telephone call on March 31, decisions, issued few orders and almost Ehrlichman told Nixon on April 14, 1973, which seemed wildly improbable never exhibited the quick, encyclopedic 1973, that "what they were getting was at the time. She complained to a report- mind that associates claim he has. mostly this fellow Oliver phoning his girl er: "I think this Administration has From time to time the President did friends all over the country, lining up as- turned completely against my husband." exhibit odd grace notes. He expressed signations." Ehrlichman said that Among those who surrounded Nix- deeply felt concern for Hunt, whose wife "Liddy was badly embarrassed by the on, one man whose reputation was par- Dorothy was killed in a plane crash in chewing out he got" from Mitchell for ticularly damaged by the transcripts was Chicago. He worried about "poor Bob" providing such weak "intelligence" and Assistant Attorney General Henry Pe- Haldeman, who was "totally selfless and promised: "Mr. Mitchell, I'll take care tersen. Nixon picked him to run the in- honest and decent" but because of Wa- of it." Ehrlichman added: "The next vestigation into the cover-up in April tergate was "going through the tortures break-in was entirely on Liddy's own 1973 when Richard Kleindienst re- of the damned." There were even at- notion." During that operation on June moved himself from the case because of tempts at humor, albeit rather heavy- 17, the bugging team got caught. his close ties to John Mitchell. Peter- handed. For example, Nixon joined in The transcripts provided new in- sen's gravel-voiced testimony before the the merriment on March 22, 1973, whe sights into Nixon's former top associates Ervin committee last summer was con- Haldeman joked that "John says he 18 rime, MAY 13. THE NATION

sorry he sent those burglars in there' TIME POLL and that he was glad "the others didn't get caught." "Yeah," said Nixon, "the ones he sent to Muskie and all the rest; The Voters: Nixon Should Go Jackson; and Hubert, etc." For the most part, however, Nixon President Nixon may well have Among those Americans who would came across in the transcripts as a coarse sensed that his public support was con- like to see the President resign. 86% feel and cynical President, chiefly bent on tinuing to fall dramatically when he de- that he has been acting as i fhe were above manipulating associates and plotting cided to appear on television and release the law, and 91% believe that he has strategies to keep himself isolated and edited transcripts of the Watergate tapes failed to get to the bottom of the Wa- insulated from Watergate. The tran- last week. Shortly before the President's tergate mess. scripts showed a President creating an announcement, Daniel Yankelovich, environment of deceit and dishonesty, Inc., completed a poll for TIME show- How do you expect the Watergate of evasion and cover-up. In public, Nix- ing that the percentage of Americans affair to end—with Mr. Nixon staying in on was pictured as detached, too busy who wanted Nixon to resign or be im- office, resigning or being impeached? with affairs of state to probe Watergate. peached had jumped to 55%, from 39% In private, the transcripts showed that last November and 30% last August (see Aug. 1973 April 1974 he wanted to know every detail of the accompanying chart). The results indi- Nixon staying in office scandal's effect on the press and public. 74% 49% cate that those who wanted to see Nixon Nixon resigning 7% 14% Stratagems were devised; "scenarios" out of office clearly would prefer that Impeachment were roughed out and rehearsed. An- 5% 23% he resign rather than be impeached. If Not sure 14% 14% swers were shaped for questions sure to the President fails to resign, how- be asked. ever, the people in the latest poll would For the Record. Nixon's aides Unless the President is able to be almost evenly split between impeach- turn the tide of public opinion, the sometimes included imaginary press re- ment (43%) and the President's staying action as part of their scenarios. On TIME./Yankelovich poll foresees an April 14, 1973, Ehrlichman sketched what he thought might be "the news- Should Nixon Continue in Office, Resign, or Be Impeached magazine story for next Monday" if he were to present Nixon with a report naming John Mitchell and Jab Stuart Magruder as ringleaders in the Water- Continue 60% Continua gate break-in. Ehrlichman suggested 49% that the story might say: "The President Resign 20% Resign 29% then dispatched so and so to do this and Be Impeached 10% Be Impeached 10% that Charges of cover-up by the Not Sure 10% Not Sure White House were materially dispelled 12% by the diligent efforts of the President and his aides." The story obviously pleased Nixon. "I'll buy that," he said. At times, Nixon sounded in the tran- TIME Chart by scripts like a man speaking for the taped W. Monona record, rather than spontaneously. Dur- in office (44%); 13% were not sure. ing a discussion on April 14, 1973, with overwhelming Democratic victory in the Only 28% in the Northeast wanted elections this November. If elections for Haldeman and Ehrlichman, Nixon said the President to stay in office. Even in of the Watergate cover-up: "Well, I Congress were held today, registered the North Central states, where Nixon's voters would cast their ballots by a mar- knew it. I knew it. I must say, though, I support was the highest, just 44% didn't know it, but I must have assumed gin of almost 3 to 1 for Democratic can- thought he should continue in the White didates (52% for the Democrats, 19% it though." On April 16, 1973, in the House. In the South, where the Pres- middle of a period in which Nixon and for the Republicans). Only 58% of reg- ident has campaigned most extensively istered Republicans are now committed his top aides were concocting "scenar- for support, only 38% wanted him to ios" to isolate the President from Wa- to their party's congressional candi- stay on. The President got his strongest dates, and 62% of the Democrats who tergate, he told Dean: "John, tell the backing from people who identified truth. That is the thing I've told every- voted for Nixon in 1972 plan to support themselves as Republicans; 68% of them their party's nominees in the contests body around here." A day later, the wanted him to remain. President and Haldeman were trying to coming up this fall. recollect what happened when Dean Far from being disillusioned with Do you feel that Mr. Nixon has been politics because of Watergate, 70% of told Nixon that Hunt was demanding acting os if he were above the law, or hush money. those polled felt that voting in the next do you feel he has been acting within election was very important, and only Nixon: I didn't tell him to get the his rights? money, did I? 12% believed that their ballot would not make much difference. Incumbents of Haldeman: No. Nov. 1973 April 1974 Nixon: both parties are likely to be hurt by a You didn't either did you? Above the law 47% Haldeman: Absolutely not! 62% throw-all-the-rascals-out reaction. Fully Within his rights 42% 30% 52% of all the respondents polled agreed In one of the many war games and Not sure scenarios on how to handle the deteri- 11% 8% strongly or partly with the notion that all present congressional officeholders orating situation, Attorney General Do you feel Richard Kleindienst on April 15, 1973, that Mr. Nixon has vi- up for re-election in November should olated his promise to the American peo- be bounced. advised Nixon: "One aspect of this thing ple to get to the which you can always take and that is, bottom of the Water- As for presidential candidates in gate affair, or do you feel that he is 1976, Senator Edward Kennedy was as the President of the United States, keeping his promise? your job is to enforce the law." Wheth- judged "acceptable" by 55% and "not :r as a public relations tactic, as Nixon acceptable" by 39%, followed by Vice Nov. 1973 April 1974 President Gerald Ford (43% to 37%), %d his men seemed to view most things, Violated his promise 56% as his sworn duty, it was surely ad• 68% Alabama's Governor George Wallace Kept his promise 32% 21% that he ought to have taken. (41% to 52%) and California's Governor Not sure 12% 11% Ronald Reagan (38% to 42%). \Y 13, 1974 19 WATERGATE/COVER STORIES The Most Critical Nixon Conversations The portions of the transcripts that appear tO bear most directly Nixon was congratulating him on succeeding in "con- on the President's guilt or innocence are excerpted in chronological taining" the case to the seven through the illegal order, with comment and annotation, on these and the following cover-up. pages. As Nixon said, many of these words are ambiguous, but many of them are less so than the White House hai tried to depict them. P: We are all in it together. This is a war. We take How they are judged by the Congress and the American people may a few shots and it will be over. Don't worry. I wouldn't well determine Nixon's survival in office. The White House tran- want to be on the other side right now. Would you? scripts, often unpunctuated and containing spelling and other errors, D: Along that line, one of the things I've tried to are reproduced here as they were issued, in a distinctive typeface for do, I hove begun to keep notes on a lot of people who ready recognition. Where a part of a spoken sentence has been omit- are emerging as less than our friends because this will ted for space reasons, the omission is indicated by three dots ... and be over some day and we shouldn't forget the way where whole sequences of dialogue have been deleted for compres- some of them have treated us. sion purposes, the gap is indicated by a square ■ . P: I want the most comprehensive notes on all those who tried to do us in. They didn't have to do it. They SEPTEMBER 15, 1972, 5:27 P.M. ore asking for it and they are going to get it. We hove not used the power in this first four years as you know. The Oval Office. Present: the President (131, H.R. We have not used the Bureau [FBI] and we have not Haldeman (H) and John Dean (Di. used Justice, but things are going to change now. And In the morning, a federal grand jury had indicted they are either going to do it right or go. the five Watergate burglars along with Nixon Re-Elec- D: What on exciting prospect. tion Committee Lawyer G. Gordon Liddy and White P: Thanks. It has to be done House Consultant E. Howard Hunt Jr. They discuss how to head off pending hearings by P: Hi, how are you? You had quite a day today the House Banking and Currency Committee on im- didn't you. You got Watergate on the way didn't you? proper campaign practices. The President agrees that D: We tried. "heat" should be put on Speaker of the House Carl Al- H: How did it all end up? bert. The hearings, in fact, were called off. D: Ah, I think we can say well at this point. The press is playing it just as we expect. P: You really can't sit and worry about it all the H: Whitewash? time. The worst may happen but it may not. So you just D: No, not yet—the story right now— try to button it up as well as you can and hope for the P: It is a big story. best, and remember basically the damn business is un- H: Five indicted plus the WH former guy and all fortunately trying to cut our losses. that. D: Certainly that is right and certainly it has had D: Plus two White House fellows [Liddy and Hunt] no effect on you. That's the good thing. H: That is good, that takes the edge off whitewash H: No, it has been kept away from the White House really, that was the thing Mitchell kept saying that to and of course completely from the President. The only people in the country Liddy and Hunt were big men. tie to the White House is the Colson effort they keep try- Maybe that is good. ing to pull in [Charles Colson, former special counsel to P: Just remember, all the trouble we're taking, we'll Nixon] have a chance to get back one day . D: And, of course, the two White House people of lower level—indicted ... That is not much of a tie. The talk is interrupted by a call to the President from John Mitchell in New York. Nixon tells his for- FEBRUARY 28, 1973, 9:12 A.M. mer Attorney General that "this thing is just one of those side issues and a month later everybody looks The Oval Office. Present: the President and Dean. back and wonders what all the shooting was about." By late January, the Watergate seven had either Then the discussion resumes . pleaded guilty or been convicted. At the end of the trial, Judge John Sirica had warned that he was not sat- D: Three months ago I would have had trouble pre- isfied that all the guilty persons had been brought to jus- dicting there would be a day when this would be for- tice. In early February, the Senate voted to set up the gotten, but I think I can say that 54 days from now Watergate committee to investigate 1972 presidential [Election Day], nothing is going to come crashing down campaign practices. L. Patrick Gray was making his to our surprise. first appearance before the Senate Judiciary Commit- tee, which was holding hearings for his confirmation This assurance contrasts with Dean's later testimo- as permanent FBI director. The President is concerned ny before the Senate Watergate committee when he about the leaks on Watergate from the FBI. said that he had warned the President at the Sept. 15 meeting that "there was a long way to go before this mat- P: The Bureau is leaking like a sieve to Baker [Sen- ter would end." ator Howard Baker, vice chairman of the Senate Wa- tergate committee]. It isn't coming from Henry Petersen P: Oh well, this is a can of worms as you know a [chief of the Criminal Division of the Justice Depart- lot of this stuff that went on. And the people who worked ment] is it? this way are awfully embarrassed. But the way you D: No. I would just not believe that. have handled all this seems to me has been very skillful putting your fingers in the leaks that have sprung here The problem of the sentencing of the Watergate con- and there ... spirators comes up.

It is one of the "ambiguities" that could be mis- P: You know when they talk about a 35-year construed. Dean has testified that he assumed that tence, here is something to think about. There wer TRANSCRIPTS OF TAPES; WATERGATE COMPLEX; DEMOCRATS' BUGGED TELEPHONE

TIME, MAY THk NATION JOHN MITCHELL; GORDON LIDDY; JAMES MCCORD; JUDGE JOHN J. SIRICA weapons! Right? There were no injuries! Right? There MARCH 13, 1973, 12:42 P.M. was no success! Why does that sort of thing happen? It is just ridiculous! [Characterization deleted) The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman and Dean. P: Well, you can follow these characters to their In the second week of his confirmation hearings, Gethsemane. I feel for those poor guys in jail, partic- Gray has revealed that he regularly gave Dean FBI re- ularly for Hunt with his wife dead. !She had been killed ports on the Watergate burglary investigation. Nixon in a plane crash while delivering $10,000 in hush mon- has just issued a statement prohibiting any of his White ey for Watergate defendants.] House aides, past or present, from appearing before D: Well, there is every indication they are hanging the Watergate committee on grounds of Executive priv- in tough right now. ilege. In the discussion he makes clear that informa- P: What the hell do they expect though? Do they ex- tion is to be given the committee, but only on his terms. pect clemency in a reasonable time? What would you advise on that? P: My feeling, John, is that I better hit it now rath- D: I think it is one of those things we will have to er than just let it build up where we are afraid of these watch very closely. questions and everybody ... P: You couldn't do it, say, in six months. D: These questions are just not going to go away. D: No ... This thing may become ... a vendetta. Now the other thing we have talked about in the past, This judge ISirical may go off the deep end in and I still have the some problem, is to have a "here it sentencing. all is" approach. If we do that ... P: And let it all hang out. Nixon declares that the people most disturbed about D: And let it all hang out. Let's with a Segretti—etc. Watergate are "the [adjective deleted]" Republicans. P: We have passed that point. who are "highly moral. The Democrats are just sort of D: Plus the fact, they are not going to believe the saying (expletive deleted] fun and games." Dean men- truth! That is the incredible thing! tions Donald Segretti, practitioner of dirty tricks on be- a half of Nixon's campaign. P: They hope one will say one day, 'Haldeman did it,' and one day one will say I did it. They might ques- Pt [Expletive deleted] He was such a dumb figure, tion his political savvy, but not mine! Not on a matter don't see how our boys could have gone for him. But nev- like that! ertheless, they did. It was really juvenile! But, never theless, what the hell did he do? Shouldn't we be trying Nixon says he noticed in his news summary that to get intelligence? Weren't they? . there is a crisis of confidence in the President. D: Absolutely! P: Don't you try to disrupt their meetings? Didn't D: I think it will pass . . I don't think that the thing they try to disrupt ours? [Expletive deleted] They threw will get out of hand ... rocks, ran demonstrations, shouted, cut the sound sys- P: Oh yes, there would be new revelations. tem, and let the tear gas in at night. D: They would want to find out who knew P: Is there a higher up? Dean continues to assure the President that Water- D: Is there a higher up? . . gate is not getting out of control P: I think they are really after Haldeman. D: Haldeman and Mitchell. D: I had thought it was an impossible task to hold to- P: Colson is not big enough name for them ... gether ... but we have made it thus far, and t am con- vinced we are going to make it the whole road and put P: In any event, Haldeman's problem is Chapin isn't this thing in the funny pages of the history books rather it? (Dwight Chapin. Nixon's former appointments sec- than anything serious because actually— retary under Haldeman) P: It will be somewhat serious but the main thing, of course, is also the isolation of the President. P: Now where the hell, or how much Chapin knew D: Absolutely! Totally true! I will be (expletive deleted] if I know.

P: [Expletive deleted) Of course, I am not dumb Assured that Chapin did not know about Water- and I will never forget when I heard about this [ad- gate, the President asks if Gordon Strachan (a Hal- jective deleted] forced entry and bugging. I thought, deman aide) was aware. Dean admits that Strachan what in the hell is this? What is the matter with these peo- knew early on, but has twice denied to Federal inves- ple? Are they crazy? A prank! But it wasn't! It wasn't tigators having any knowledge. Dean says that Strachan very funny. t think our Democratic friends know that, is ready to deny it again before the Ervin committee. too. They know what the hell it was They don't think Nixon thus knows that before March 21 at least one I would be involved in such stuff ... They think I have White House man is involved in the cover-up. people capable of it. And they are correct, in that Col- son would do anything. D: Strachan is as tough as nails. He can go in and s newel! ... The President worries that John Mitchell might be P: I guess he should, shouldn't he? I suppose we in trouble if he is called upon to testify before the Wa- c n't call that justice, can we? tergate committee. 0: Well, it is a personal loyalty to him. He doesn't want it any other way. He didn't have to be told ... P: Mitchell won't allow himself to be ruined. He will put on his big stone face. But I hope he does and he The President reflects that the Watergate espionage will. There is no question what they are after. What the must have been unproductive since he received no re- committee is after somebody at the White House Hal- port on it. deman or Colson, Ehrlichman. D: Or possibly, Dean. You know, I am a small fish. P: What was the matter? Did they never get any- P: Anybody at the White House they would—but thing out of the damn thing? in your case I think they realize you ore the lawyer and 0: I don't think they ever got anything, sir. they know you didn't have a [adjective deleted) thing P: A dry hole? to do with the campaign. 0: That's right. nmE, MAY 13. 1974 23 ▪ THE NATION P: [Expletive deleted I D: I was under pretty clear instructions not to in- D: Well, they were just really getting started Ilvestigate this, but this could have been disastrous on the electorate if all hell had broken loose. I worked on P: That was such a stupi d thing! . To think Mitch- a theory of containment. ell and Bob would have allowed this kind of operation P: Sure. to be in the campaign committee. D: To try to hold it right where it was. • P: Right. P: Is it too late to go the hang-out road? D: There is no doubt that I was totally aware of D: Yes, I think it is. The hang-out road— what the Bureau [F1311 was doing at all times. I was to- P: The hang-out rood [inaudible] tally aware of what the Grand Jury was doing. I knew D: It was kicked around Bob and I and . that witnesses were going to be called. I knew what P: Ehrlichman always felt it should be hang-out. they were asked, and I had to. D: Well, I think I convinced him why he would not want to hang-out either. There is a certain domino sit- When Dean tells how the President's personal at- uation here. If some things start going, a lot of other torney Herbert Kalmbach raised money to pay the at- things are going to start going ... torneys' fees for the Watergate defendants, Nixon spec- ulates that the "cover of a Cuban committee" must have MARCH 17, 1973, 1:25 P.M. been used. (Some of the burglars were Cuban exiles.)

The Oval Office. Present: the President and Dean P: [Unintelligible], but I would certainly keep that For the first time, the President learns of the break- cover for whatever it is worth. in at the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist, Dr D: That's the most troublesome thing because 1) Lewis Fielding Bob [Haldeman' is involved in that; 2) John [Ehrlich- man] is involved in that; 3) I am involved in that; 4) P: What in the world—what in the name of God Mitchell is involved in that. And that is an obstruction of was Ehrlichman having something [unintelligible] in the justice. Ellsberg [unintelligible)? D: They were . . they wanted to get Ellsberg's psy- Dean goes on to describe the "continual blackmail chiatric records for some reason. I don't know. operation" by the Watergate defendants: their requests P: This is the first I ever heard of this ... for money to keep them from talking. D: Well, anyway, [unintelligible] it was under an Ehrlichman structure, maybe John didn't ever know. I've D: It will cost money. It is dangerous. People around never asked him if he knew. I didn't want to know. here are not pros at this sort of thing. This is the sort of P: I can't see that getting into this hearing [the Wa- thing Mafia people can do: washing money, getting tergate committee investigation I clean money and things like that. We just don't know about those things, because we are not criminals and MARCH 21, 1973, 10:12 A.M. not used to dealing in that business. P: That's right. The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman D: It is a tough thing to know how to do. and Dean. P: Maybe it takes a gang to do that. This is the most crucial meeting covered by the Wa- D: That's right. There is a real problem as to wheth- tergate transcripts. In his televised speech last week. er we could even do it. Plus there is a real problem in the President concentrated on this 103-minute conver- raising money ... But there is no denying the fact that sation, trying to strengthen the weakest link in his de- the White House, in Ehrlichman, Haldeman and Dean fense. At issue is his seeming authorization of hush are involved in some of the early money decisions. money to buy Hunt's continued silence. He argued that P: How much money do you need? he considered paying only because a national security D: I would say that these people are going to cost problem—which he did not further identify—was in- a million dollars over the next two years. volved. In the end, he said, he "did not intend the fur- P: We could get that ... You could get a million dol- ther payment to Hunt or anyone else be made," but he lars. You could get it in cash. I know where it could be conceded that his words on the tapes were ambiguous. gotten. It is not easy but it could be done. But the ques- In the published transcript, Dean warns that a "can- tion is who the hell would handle it? Any ideas on that? cer within the presidency" is "growing geometrically." D: That's right. Well, I think that is something that He spells out most of the Watergate operation for the Mitchell ought to be charged with. President, including the attempted cover-up that in- P: I would think so too. volved the White House staff. He omits, however, some D: And get some pros to help him. of his own actions in the scandal. The President ap- P: Let me say there shouldn't be a lot of people run- pears not to have prior information; he asks more than ning around getting money- 150 questions. Dean says that he could tell that Nixon !): Well, he's got one person doing it who I am not did not know what had been going on. Dean says that sure is— after the burglars were caught, Gordon Liddy said that P: Who is that? he had attempted the break-in because Jeb Magruder. D: He has Fred LaRue [a former Mitchell aide] do- re-election committee deputy director, wanted better in- ing it. Now Fred started out going out trying to solicit formation about the Democrats. Magruder had com- money from all kinds of people. plained: "The White House is not happy with what we P: No! are getting." Dean tells Nixon that both Magruder and • Herbert Porter, an assistant to Magruder, had perjured P: You need it in cash don't you? ... Would you themselves in the trial of the Watergate burglars . put that through the Cuban Committee. D: No. D: I honestly believe that no one over here knew P: How if that ever comes out are you going to han- that [the burglary was planned' I know that, as God is dle it? Is the Cuban Committee an obstruction of justice, my maker, I had no knowledge ... if they want to help? P: Bob [Haldeman) didn't either, or wouldn't have D: Well, they have priests in it. known that either. You are not the issue involved. Hod P: Would that give a little bit of a cover? . . Bob known, he would be. D: Some for the Cubans and possibly Hunt. • •

H.R. HALDEMAN; DONALD SEGRETII; GORDON 5TRACHAN: DWIGHT CHAPIN TIME, MAY 13, 1974 JOHN DEAN; HERBERT PORTER; JEB MAGRUDER P: Don't you think you have to handle Hunt's finan- P: With the bombing thing coming out cial problem damn soon? Ithe secret bombing of Cambodia) and everything coming out, the r D: I think that is—I talked with Mitchell about that whole thing was national security. last night and— D: I think we could get by on that. P: It seems to me we have to keep the cap on the bot- tle that much, or we don't have any options. Later the President returns to the problem of the D: That's right. hush money . P: Either that or it all blows right now D: That's the question. What really bothers me is P: Let's say, frankly, on the assumption that if we this growing situation. As I soy, it is growing because of continue to cut our losses, we are not going to win. But the continued need to provide support for the Water- in the end, we are going to be bled to death. And in gate people who are going to hold us up for everything the end, it's all going to come out anyway. Then you we've got, and the need for some people to perjure get the worst of both worlds. We are going to lose, and themselves as they go down the road here. If this thing people are going to ... ever blows, then we are in a cover-up situation. I think H: And look like dopes. it would be extremely damaging to you and the— P: And, in effect, look like a cover-up. P: Sure. The whole concept of Administration jus- tice. Which we cannot have! P: Another way to do it then, Bob, and John re- D: That is what really troubles me. For example, alizes this, is to continue to try to cut our losses. Now what happens, if it starts breaking, and they do find a we have to take a look at that course of action. First it criminal case against a Haldeman, a Dean a Mitchell, is going to require approximately a million dollars to an Ehrlichman? That is— take care of the jackasses who are in jail. That can be ar- P: If it really comes to that, we would have to [un- ranged. That could be arranged. But you realize that intelligible] some of the men. after we are gone, and assuming we can expend this D: That's right. I am coming down to what I really money, then they are going to crock and it would be think, is that Bob and John and John Mitchell and I can an unseemly story. Frankly, all the people aren't going sit down and spend a day, or however long, to figure to care that much. out one, how this can be carved away from you, so that D: That's right. it does not damage you or the Presidency. It just can't! P: People won't care, but people are going to be You ore not involved in it and it is something you talking about it ... The second thing is, we are not shouldn't— going to be able to deliver on ... clemency. P: That is true! D: I know ... I can just tell from our conversation, The President considers convening a new grand jury that these are things that you can have no knowledge to investigate Watergate as preferable to the Water- of. gate committee. The sessions would be private, and rules P: You certainly can! Buggings, etc! Let me say I of evidence would apply. am keenly aware of the fact that Colson, et al, were doing their best to get information as we went along . D: You can take the Fifth Amendment But they all knew very well they were supposed to com- . P: That's right. ply with the law. There was no question about that! H: You con say you have forgotten too, can't you? P: You can say I don't remember. You can say Even if the money were given to Hunt and the oth- don't recall. ers, the President wonders if he would not have to offer clemency as well. The conversation returns to Hunt; Dean fears that he is the most likely of the convicted Watergate con- D: I am not sure that you will ever be able to de- spirators to give the true story unless he is paid. liver on the clemency. It may just be too hot. P: You can't do it politically until after the '74 elec- P: That's why for your immediate things you have tions, that's for sure. Your point is that even then you no choice but to come up with the $120,000, or what- couldn't do it. ever it is. Right? D: That's right. D: That's right. P: No—it is wrong, that's for sure. P: Would you agree that that's the prime thing that you damn well better get that done? The President has insisted that his use of the word D: Obviously, he ought to be wrong applied to the whole question of delivering hush given some signal .. P: I Expletive deleted] Get it. money and then providing clemency. In context, how- ever, the word quite clearly refers only to clemency In view of this curt command, it would be hard to Even then, it seems to be less a moral judgment of the argue, as the President has, that he did not approve of impropriety of offering clemency than an assessment the hush money. This simple order, allowing no mis- that the President would be open to political attack if interpretation by Dean, may constitute the single most he pardoned the conspirators before the 1974 elections . impeachable offense in the entire transcript. When Haldeman arrives, the conversation turns to Nixon asks how the money would get to the Ellsberg break-in. For the first time, national se- Hunt curity is mentioned as a possible defense. D: You have to wash the money. You can get $100, 000 out of a bank, and it all comes in serialized bills. D: You might put it on a national security grounds P: I understand. basis. D: And that means you have to go to Vegas with it H: It absolutely was. or a bookmaker in New York City. I have learned all P: National security. We had to get information these things after the fact. I will be in great shape for for national security grounds. the next time around. D: Then the question was, why didn't the CIA do it H: [Expletive deleted] or why didn't the FBI do it? P: Well, of course you have a surplus from the cam- P: Because we had to do it on a confidential basis. paign. Is there any other money hanging around? H: Because we were checking them. P: Neither could be trusted. The reply: there is none. Nixon tells his aides that H: It has basically never been proven .. "delaying is the great danger to the White House area."

TIME, MAY 13, 1974 25 JOHN EHRLICHMAN; EGIL KROGH; E. HOWARD HUNT THE NATION A few hours later. according to grand jury testimony. not take this advice. He confessed to the prosecutors Hunt's attorney received $75,000. Next day John Mitch- that he had committed perjury and disclosed the roles ell flew down from New York. He told Ehrlichman of Mitchell and Dean in Watergate and is awaiting that Hunt was no longer a "problem." sentencing. I MARCH 22, 1973, 1:57 P.M. APRIL 14, 1973, 8:55 A.M.

The Presidential office in the Executive Office E.0 B. office. Present: The President. Haldeman Building IE,O,B.1. Present: The President. Haldeman. and Ehrlichman. Dean, Ehrlichman (El and John Mitchell IM). With indictments thought to be pending against Ma- During a strategy session an Watergate options The gruder and Mitchell and more people preparing to talk. President is concerned that Dean should finish a re- plans to contain the scandal are breaking down. In a port on the scandal to be used as a public relations po- conversation laced with incriminating confessions, the sition paper. Nixon tells Dean not to get into specifics. President and his top aides discuss how the Justice De- partment investigation might be cut off at the level of DI I am talking about something we con spread as the Nixon re-election committee officials—notably facts. You see you could even write a novel with the Mitchell and Magruder—rather than reaching into the facts. White House. Their aim is to persuade the former At- • torney General and close friend of the President to as- E: I am looking to the future, assuming that some sume total responsibility for Watergate. corner of this thing comes unstuck, you are then in a po• sition to say: "Look, that document I published is the doc- E: If Mitchell went in, that might knock that whole ument I relied on." week into a cocked hat. P: This is all we knew. P: Why? H: This is all the stuff we could find out. H: Well, I'm not sure then they care about the cover. E: And now this new development is a surprise to me up any more. —I am going to fire A, B, C and D now. P: Well, they might. • E: If Mitchell gave them a complete statement— P: At the President's direction you have never done P: I wish they wouldn't, but I think they would, Bob anything operational, you hove always acted as coun- The cover-up, he said that—well, basically, it's a sec- sel. We've got to keep our eye on the Dean thing—just ond crime. Isn't that right, John? ... Do you think they give them some of it—not all of it. would keep going on the cover-up even if Mitchell went in? P: Do you think we want to go this route now? Let it hang out, so to speak? E: Well, I would certainly assume so. D: Well, it isn't really that. H: It's a limited hang-out. Nixon instructs Ehrlichman to talk to both Mitch- D: Ws a limited hang-out ... What it is doing, Mr. ell and Magruder. Ehrlichman proposes a cautious. President, is getting you up above and away from it. roundabout way of telling them that the President wants That is the most important thing them to testify honestly about their roles. (Nixon here refers to himself in the third person.) P: I feel that at a very minimum we've got to have this statement Eon the Dean report' ... If it opens up P: Well, you could say to Mitchell, I think you've doors, it opens up doors. got to say that this is the toughest decision he's made and it's tougher than Cambodia—May 8 'the mining MARCH 27, 1973, 11:10 A.M. of Haiphong harbor] and Dec. 18 (bombing of Ilanoi I put together. And that he can't bring himself to talk to The Oval Office, Present: The President, Halde- you about it. Just can't do it ... But John Mitchell, let man, Ehrlichman and Ziegler (Z). me say, will never go to prison. I think that what will hap- Another strategy session is in order now that Wa- pen is that he will put on the damndest defense. tergate Burglar James McCord has sent his letter to Judge Sirica implicating higher-ups and charging that APRIL 14, 1973, 5:15 P.M. perjury was committed at his trial. The group ponders how to handle Jeb Magruder if he decides to change E.O.B. office. Present: the President, Haldeman and his perjured testimony and reveal that White House Ehrlichman. sta IT was involved in Watergate. Magruder has told his revised story. implicating Dean and Mitchell, to the prosecutors. Mitchell has re- P: What stroke have you got with Magruder? ... jected Ehrlichmaics subtle pitch that he consider shoul- E: I think the stroke Bob (Haldeman] has with him dering the blame. The scenario is falling apart. Dean is in the confrontation to say, "Jeb, you know that just has started telling federal prosecutors what he knew plain isn't so," and just stare him down on some of this about the break-in and cover-up. He has implicated stuff and it is a golden opportunity to do this ... I am Mitchell, Ehrlichman and Haldeman. That leaves the sure he will rationalize himself into a fable that hangs to- President a solitary, frustrated figure trying to hold the gether. But if he knows that you are going to righ- remaining pieces together. teously and indignantly deny it, oh P: Say that he is trying to lie to save his own skin P: Let me tell you, John, the thing about ail this E: It'll bend him. that has concerned me is dragging the damn thing out. H: But I con make a personal point of view in the And having it to be the only issue in town. Now the other direction, and soy, "Jeb, for God's sake don't get thing to do now, have done, Indict Mitchell and the rest yourself screwed up by solving one lie with a second. and there'll be a horrible two weeks—a horrible, ter- You've got a problem. You ain't going to make it better rible scandal, worse than Teapot Dome and so forth. by making it worse." And it doesn't have anything to do with Teapot. E: Yeah. Ehrlichman suggests that Magruder be instructed P: I mean there is no venality involved in the damn to seek immunity and take the rap for the Watergate thing, no thievery or anything. Nobody got any pa- break-in without implicating anyone else. Magruder did pers. You know what I mean? 26 rImE. MAY 13. 1974 THE NATION E: Yeah. That's true. him, but you know and I know that with him and Mitch- H: Glad to hear it. ell there isn't going to be any damn question, because P: The bad part of it is the fact that the Attorney they got a bad rap . General and the obstruction of justice thing which it ap- pears to be. And yet, they ought to go up fighting. I P: Well, with Dean !think you can talk to him in con- think they all ought to fight. fidence about a thing like that, don't you? He isn't going to— APRIL 14, 1973, 11:02 P.M. E: I am not sure—I just don't know how much to lean on that reed at the moment. The Oval Office. A telephone conversation between P: I see. the President and Haldeman. E: But I will sound it out. P: Well, you start with the proposition, Dean, the P: I just don't know how it is going to come out. President thinks you have carried a tremendous load, That is the whole point, and I just don't know. And I and his affection and loyalty to you is just undimin- was serious when I said to John [Ehrlichman] at the ished. end there, damn it all, these guys that participated in E: Alright. raising money, etc., have got to stick to their line—that P: And now, let's see where the hell we go. they did not raise this money to obstruct justice. E: Uh, huh. H: Well, I sure didn't think they were. P: We can't get the President involved in this, his P: At least I think now, we pretty much know what people, that is one thing. We don't want to cover-up, the worst is. I don't know what the hell else they could but there are ways ... Look, John, we need a plan have that is any worse. Unless there is something that I here. And so that LaRue, Mardian and the others—I don't know, unless somebody's got a piece of paper mean— that somebody signed or some damn thing • • . E: Well, I am not sure I can go that far with him. H: It doesn't appear that there is such a thing. What P: No. He can make the plan up. you hear is all stuff that has been hinted at. E: I will sound it out. P: Right. Get a good night's sleep. APRIL 14, 1973,11:22 P.M. APRIL 15, 1973, 1:12 P.M. The Oval Office. A telephone conversation between the President and Ehrlichman. E.O.B. Present: the President and Attorney Gen- eral Richard Kleindienst (K). P: [Haldeman] is a guy that has just given his life, Ushered into the President's hideaway in the Ex- hours and hours and hours you know, totally selfless ecutive Office Building, Kleindienst, who has been up and honest and decent ... You know you get the ar- all night being briefed by the Watergate prosecutors, gument of some ... you should fire them. I mean you promptly discloses that Nixon's highest advisers are can't do that. Or am I wrong? now being tied into the cover-up. E: No, you are right. P: Well, maybe I am not right. I am asking. They K: There is a possible suggestion that Haldeman say, clean the boards. Well, is that our system? and Ehrlichman oh, as yet—it looks that way—wheth- ■ er there is legal proof of it so far as that—that they .. E: I think you have to show ... some heart on this well, [had] knowledge in this respect, or knowledge or thing. conduct either before or after the event [the June 17. P: Well, the point is, whatever we say about Harry 1972 break-in at the Watergate] Truman, while it hurt him, a lot of people admired t P: Both Haldeman and Ehrlichman? old bastard for standing by people ... who were gu' tY K: Yes ... That is my primary reason for talking to as hell. YOU... E: Yep. P: Who told you this? Silbert? [Assistant U.S. At- P: And damn it, I am that kind of person. I am not torney Earl J. Silbert, chief prosecutor of Watergate one who is going to say, look, while this guy is under at- trial]. tack, I drop him. K: Yeah. a The President then turns the conversation to ho P: I have asked both Haldeman and Ehrlichman. Dean could be kept from telling the prosecutors t K: I know you hove. much. ln a potentially damaging portion of the tran- P: And they have given me absolute--you know script, the President suggests that Ehrlichman hint to hat I mean ... I don't believe Haldeman or Ehrlich- Dean that only Nixon can pardon him. For his part, an could ever—you know ... Ehrlichman implies that a plan is needed to ensure K: It will be circumstantial, an association, an in- that the testimony of Dean and others does not involve volvement, and it's going to be— the President. The crucial segments: P: Why don't you do something about it?

P: What are you going to say to [Dean]? Kleindienst avoids a direct answer to • at many E: I am going to try to get him around a bit. It is would interpret as a highly But he going to be delicate. does say that the evidence is "going to come out," and P: Get him around in what way? might involve charges of obstructing justice. Then E: Well to get off this passing the buck business. Kleindienst warns Nixon that a sheaf of indictments P: John, that's— would soon be handed up and that the whole story is E: It is a little touchy and I don't know how far I "likely to be all over town" in a day or two. can go. P: John, that is not going to help you. Look, he has P: Involving Haldeman and Ehrlichman, too? to look down the road to one point that there is only K: Yeah ... one man who could restore him to the ability to prac- P: Do they tell you flatly Mitchell will be indicted? tice law in case things go wrong. He's got to have that K: Yes. They do—so will Dean. in the back of his mind. P: Will be indicted? E: Uh, huh. K: Yeah. P: He's got to know that will happen. You don't tell a rIME, MAY 13, 1974 HERBERT KALMBACH; DR. LEWIS FIELDING; DANIEL ELLSBERG FREDERICK LARUE; ROBERT MARDIAN P: What is your recommendation, then? cause if they don't indict some of us then you hove a K: It seems to me that so long as I do anything cover-up problem ... at the Department of Justice I cannot hereafter be with P: Then he goes out and says, "I have examined Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, LaRue. They won't be- all of this, and now let's stop all this. These men are not lieve that we didn't talk about the Watergate case. guilty and these men are not indictable and these are." P: Who can you have contacts with? Me? K: I don't know whether I need contact anyone. Nixon returns to the notion that John Mitchell Incidentally, there's a—there's a weak possible case on might serve well as a sacrificial Iamb. Colson ... He knew about and was involved in a con versation pertaining to money for Liddy's projects ... P: Look, if they get a hell of a big fish, that is • going to take a lot of the fire out of this thing on the P: They consider there's a weak case on him ... cover-up and all that sort. If they get the President's for- K: Yes—and a very, very peripheral, weak case mer law partner and Attorney General, you know ... — probably not an indictable case with respect to Ehr- H: Yeah. What I feel is people want something to lichman and Haldeman. be done to explain what to them is now a phony-look- ing thing. This will explain it. P: You know, it's embarrassing and all the rest, but it'll pass. We've got to—we've got to just ride it through H: It seems to me that ... public reaction is going Dick ... Do the best we can. Right? to be, well, thank God that is settled; now let's get K: Yes sir. away from it. Rather than the reaction of, "Ho, ho, ho, P: We don't run to the hills on this and so forth. here is something pretty bad; let's spend a lot more The main thing is to handle it right. time looking into it." • P: That's right. P: And naturally because of your association with John Mitchell you would have to disqualify yourself. APRIL 15, 1973, 11:45 P.M. K: Mardian, LaRue. P: Oh—you know them all. Right—right—right. Telephone conversation between the President and Now the difficulty with the special prosecutor—it gets a Petersen (HP). There are four short calls from the Pres- guy into the [expletive removed] thing ... It's a reflection ident to Petersen between 8:14 p.m. and 11:45 p.m. After — it's sort of an admitting mea culpo for our whole sys- discussing Dean's demand for immunity, Nixon asks tem of justice. Petersen about Haldeman and Ehrlichman.

One concern of Nixon's—unmentioned here but ev- HP: It is not going to come out neat and clean . , ident in other conversations—is that a special prose- with respect to either one of them. cutor, who would coordinate the entire investigation, could not be counted on to keep the President from HP: I think with respect to the obstruction of justice being involved. Later the President and Kleindienst thing is concerned, it is easy for me to see how they fell muse on how things could have gone so awry. into that, if you like. P: Yeah. Uh, huh. Rather than being directly con- P: They thought there was an election—you know spirators? — let's face it ... But after the election, I couldn't think HP: That's right. That's right. what in the name of [expletive removed] reason did P: And there is a difference in that respect ... they play around then? Do you? HP: A difference, at least, in moral culpability ... K: No. In plain terms of ultimate embarrassment P: You didn't know that they were doing this? I P: The embarrassment is there, but in terms—ba- didn't know. sically in terms of motive which might be the legal cul- K: No sir—I didn't know. pability, they might be off but in terms of embarrass- P: I didn't—you know--as I was—one of the prob- ment they would have to be out of the Government? lems here—I have always run my campaigns. I didn't HP: Yes, Sir. run this one I must say. I was pretty busy. Or—maybe P: I get your point and, frankly, either one is —handling the Russian Summit. And you know, after enough. the election—we were right in the middle of the Dec. 8th bombing—and holding meetings ... APRIL 16, 1973, 9:50 A.M.

At the end of this 70-minute dialogue the two The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman agreed, in Kleindienst's words. "to delegate the respon- and Ehrlichman. sibility for the entire matter to [Henry] Petersen, As- The three assemble to discuss Dean, who is due in sistant Attorney General of the Criminal Division." ten minutes; apparently they have agreed that he has to go, but the question is how. Two letters have been pre- APRIL 15, 1973, 3:27 P.M. pared for Dean to sign, one offering his resignation and the other requesting a leave. Then the President Telephone conversation between the President and and his two closest aides discuss "scenarios" for ex- Haldeman. The White House claims that its taping sys- plaining their way out of a difficult situation. tem broke down toward the end of the Nixon-Klein- dienst meeting. As a result, 4 hours and 35 minutes of P: I would like also a scenario with regard to the talks variously involving the President, Ehrlichman, President's role, in other words, the President— Haldeman, Dean, Kleindienst and Petersen—all on that E: Ziegler has just left my office. He feels we have crucial Sunday in April—are lost. But the telephone re- no more than twelve hours. He's got some input from corders remain intact, and in this exchange, after tell- the Post and he estimates unless we take an initiative ing Haldeman, "We are so low now we can't go any by 9 o'clock tonight it will be too late. lower," Nixon says he favors the idea of a special pros. ecutor after all. Apparently worrying about what revelations might be forthcoming, the three discuss whether the White P: He is just in there for the purpose of examining House should take the initiative by issuing a statement all this to see that the indictments cover everybody. detailing what is being done to further the investiga- H: Uh, huh. Well that does protect you a lot, be tion. No firm decision is made 30 TIME, MAY t3, 1974

THE NATION APRIL 16, 1973, 10 A.M. facts. I can say that you did tell me that nobody in the White House was involved and I can say that you then The Oval Office. Present: the President and Dean. came in, at your request, and said, "I think the Pres- ident needs to hear more about this case." P: You will remember we talked about resignations, D: That's right. etc., etc. that I should have in hand. Not to be released. P: Then it was that night that I started my inves- D: Uh, huh. tigation P: But that I should have in hand something or oth. • erwise they will say, "What the hell. After Dean told P: That is when I Frankly became interested in the you all of this, what did you do?" You see? case and I said, "Now [expletive omitted] I want to find D: Uh, huh. out the score." P: But what is your feeling on that? ... D: Well, l think it ought to be Dean, Ehrlichman Under Nixon's questioning, Dean describes how and Haldeman [leaving together]. Magruder and Mitchell have tried to get him to per- P: Well, I thought Dean at this moment. jure himself. D: Alright. P: Dean at this moment because you are going to P: What got Magruder to talk? I would like to take be going and I will have to handle them also. But the the credit . , . point is, what is your advice? You see the point is, we D: The situation there is that he and Mitchell were just typed up a couple just to have here which I would continuing to talk. Proceeding along the same course be willing to put out. You know . . In the event that cer- they had been proceeding to locking their story, but my tain things occur. story did not fit with their story. And I just told them I re- • fused to change, to alter my testimony ... D: Uh, huh. P: Oh yes, I remember. You told me that. I guess ev- P: First, what I would suggest is that you sign both. erybody told me that. Dean said, "I am not going down there and lie," because your hand will shake and your Supremely wary, Dean avoids signing the letters, emotions. Remember you told me that. but volunteers to draft one of his own "putting in both 0: Yes, I said that. I am incapable of it. options." Later he soothingly assures Nixon, "You are P: Thank God. Don't ever do it, John. Tell the truth. still five steps ahead of what will ever emerge pub- That is the thing I have told everybody around here ... licly," and the President. quoting Petersen, says hope- If you are going to lie, you go to jail for the lie rather fully that "the obstruction of justice thing is a (exple- than the crime. So believe me, don't ever lie. tive omitted] hard thing to prove in court." D: The truth always emerges. It always does.

D: Well, my lawyer tells me, you know, that, "le APRIL 16, 1973, 10:50 A.M. gaily you are in damn good shape." P: Is that right? Because you're not—you were sim- The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman ply helping the defendants get their fees and their and Ehrlichman. —what does he say? Scarcely has Dean departed than Haldeman and D: In that position, I am merely a conduit ... I am Ehrlichman return and almost immediately the Pres- a conduit to other people. That is the problem. ident says: "Well, John, let me say this [Dean] is quite P: What was the situation, John? The only time I the operator." Soon the talk turns again to the question ever heard any discussion of support for the [Water- of scenarios. gate burglars'] defense fund was [inaudible]. I guess I should have assumed somebody was helping them. I P: How has the scenario worked out? ... must have assumed it. But I must say people were good H: Well, it works out very good. You became aware in a way because I was busy. sometime ago that this thing did not parse out the way • it was supposed to and that there were some discrep- P: What did you report to me on, though? It was ancies between what you had been told by Dean in the rather fragmentary, as I recall it. You said Hunt had a report that there was nobody in the White House in- problem I said, "Why, John, how much is it going to volved, which may still be true ... cost to do this?" P: I would say I was not satisfied that the Dean re- D: That's right. r s port was complete and also I thought it was my obli- P: And you said it could cost a million dollars. f gation to go beyond that to people other than the White D: I said it conceivably could. I said, "If we don't House. cut this thing ... E: Ron ]Ziegler] has an interesting point. Remem. P: Who handled the money? ber you had John Dean go to Camp David to write it D: Well, let me tell you the rest of what Hunt said. up. He came down and said, "I can't." He said, "You tell Dean that I need $72,000 for my per- P: Right. sonal expenses, $50,000 for my legal fees and if I don't E: That is the tip-off and right then you started to get it I am going to have some things to say about the move. seamy things I did at the White House for John Ehr- P: That's right. He said he could not write it. lichman." All right, I took that to John Ehrlichman. Ehr- H: Then you realized that there was more to this lichman said, "Have you talked to Mitchell about it?" I than you had been led to believe. (unintelligible( said, "No, I have not." • E: And so then we started digging into it ... You D: I talked to Mitchell ... A few days later Ehr- began to move ... And then it culminated last week ... lichman said ... "Well, is that problem with Hunt in your decision that Mitchell should be brought down straightened out?" He said it to me and I said "Well, here; Magruder should be brought in; Strachan should ask the man who may know: Mitchell." Mitchell said, "I be brought in. think that problem is solved." P: Shall I say that we brought them all in? E: I don't think you can. I don't think you can. Looking toward his defenses, Nixon constructs a • scenario for Dean to follow. E: But you should say, "I heard enough that I was satisfied that it was time to precipitously move. I called Pt 1 just wanted to be sure that it jives with the the Attorney General over, in turn Petersen."

TIME, MAY 13. 1974 RICHARD KLEINDIENST; HENRY PETERSEN; RONALD ZIEGLER JOHN J. WILSON; EARL J. SILBERT; LEONARD GARMENT THE NATION APRIL 16, 1973, 12 NOON ment. Believe me. [Unintelligible] Thank God we didn't get out a Dean report. Right? Thank God. So, we've The Oval Office. Present: the President and Hal- done a few things right. Don't say anything. deman. ■ Once again. Nixon reviews "how we stage this damn E: l'd sure like to see us come out sometime, and I thing." Haldeman discusses with him "the Garment suppose it has to be at a time that Magruder makes his plan," drawn up by White House Counsel Leonard Gar- deal. ment and calling for the jettisoning of not only Mitch- P: Well, let me say, I'll—I've got Petersen on a short ell and Dean but also Haldeman and Ehrlichman to leash. protect the President. Ehrlichman continues to argue for a statement. pref. P: What does Ron think about this, leaving out the erably on April 17; eventually he prevails. PR: does he think we should try to tough it through? .. . H: I am not sure. I think Ron would say just wait APRIL 17, 1973, 9:47 A.M. and see. You see his point is that there is no question that I will be tarnished. The Oval Office. Present: the President and Hal- • deman. 1=M1i. a H: Then I go out. Garment's statement is that then I Nixon discusses the need to issue a Watergate state- go out and hit this, use the position that I have es. ment because "they keep banging around and banging tablished that way from the outside to— around. The prosecution gets out the damn stuff - There P: To fight? is a note of fatalism. H: Yeah ... Len is the panic button type. If we had reacted in Garment's way in other things, we wouldn't P: [Dean] basically is the one who surprises me be where we are. That doesn't mean he isn't right this and disappoints ... because he is trying to save his time, incidentally. neck and doing so easily. He is not, to hear him tell it, P: I know. when I have talked to him, he is not telling things that ■ will, you know— H: Len's view is that what you need is . .. some H: That is not really true though. He is. kind of a dramatic move. Henry [Kissinger] feels that, but Henry feels that you should go on television H: That is the real problem we've got. It had to which is his solution to any problem. break and it should break but what you've got is peo- ple within it ... who said things and said them, too, ex- APRIL 16,1973, 1:39 P.M. actly as Dean told them.

E.O.B. Present: the President and Petersen. APRIL 17, 1973, 12:35 P.M. For a prosecutor, Petersen seems inordinately ea- ger to downplay the merits of the Justice Department's The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman, case—and to impart whatever information and advice Ehrlichman and Ziegler. he can to his boss. During an afternoon meeting that For nearly two hours, the threat from Dean dom- lasts for nearly two hours, Nixon seems deeply con- inates the conversation. cerned about his image, emphasizing "the need ... to show that the President takes the initiative" and that P: You see Dean—lei's see, what the hell—what's "once I find something out—t say—ACT!" He also is he got with regard to the President? He came and talked worried about Dean. to me, as you will recall, about the need for $120,000 for clemencies— P: How does Dean come out on this thing? E: You told me that the other day, I didn't know HP: His counsel says we want a deal. This man that before. was an agent. This man didn't do anything but what H: But so what? Ha Ide- P: I said, what in the world John, I mean, I said Pt Haldeman and Ehrlichman told him to do. John you can't [unintelligible] on this short notice. HP: And Mitchell, and if you insist on trying him What's it cost [unintelligible] I sort of laughed and said, we, in defense, are going to try Ehrlichman, Haldeman, "Well, I guess you could get that." Nixon and this Administration E: Now is he holding that over your head? P: He'd try it—the President too? Saying— HP: It's a goddamned poker game. Yes sir. P: No, no, no, I don't think Dean would go so for as to get into any conversation he had with the President Summoning Ziegler to join the conversation, the —even Dean I don't think. President resumes his musings over what sort of public statement he could issue that would "knock true." The discussion turns to the constant pressure and unceasing disclosures. 13: I want them 'the press] to know that since the 21st [of March] I've been working my toil off, which P: The point is con we survive it? Can Haldeman have—I—I'm so sick of this thing. I want to get it done and Ehrlichman survive it? The point that I ... I know with and over, and I don't want to hear about it again. that as far as you're concerned, you'll go out and throw yourselves on a damned sword ... Damn it, you're the APRIL 16, '1973, 3:27 P.M. two most valuable members on the staff. I know that.

E.O.S. Present: the President, Ehrlichman and On the basis of his talks with Petersen, the Pres- Ziegler. ident knows that the prosecutors are paying a great Second thoughts begin to surface about how nec- deal of attention to the $350,000 that was raised for the essary it is, after all, to issue a statement. convicted burglars, and to the roles played by Ehrlich- man and Haldeman in that effort. P: We just won't try to get out in front ... We've got ten into enough trouble by saying nothing so we'll say P: Hove you given any thought to what the line nothing today. You know, actually, thank God we ought to be—I don't mean a lie—but a line, on raising haven't, thank God we haven't had a Haldeman state- the money for these defendants? Because both of you

32 TIME, MAY 13, 19Id THE NATION were aware of what was going on you see—the raising P: I think it would—look—because your close re. of the money—you were aware of it, right? lationship with Dean—which has been very close—it ■ would look like a straight deal. E: Well, Mr. President, when the truth and fact of this is known, that building next door is full of people HP: The thing that scares the hell out of me is this who knew that money was being raised for these people. —suppose Dean is the only key to Haldeman and Ehr- P: E.O.B.? lichman and the refusal to immunize Dean means that E: Yes, sir, just full of them. Haldeman and Ehrlichman go free. P: Many who know but there were not so many ac- tors. In other words, there's a difference between actors P: I cannot ... in good conscience and you can't and noticees. in good conscience say that you are going to send Hal- deman and Ehrlichman—or anybody for that matter E: I want you to think very critically about the dif- —or Colson—down the tube on the uncorroborated ference here between knowledge of the general trans- evidence of John Dean. actions going on, on the one hand, and being an af- firmative actor on the other, because that's the Later, reviewing how the whole mess began, Nix- difference between Dean and me. Now on this business on says, "Mitchell wasn't minding the store and Ma- on whether Dean should have immunity, I think you gruder is a weak fellow ... and then afterwards they have to ask yourself really, the basic question, whether compounded it ... basically they were trying to protect anybody in the White House who does wrong, ought to Mitchell—let's face it." Then there is this exchange. get immunity, no matter how many ... he implicates. P: What would you do if you were Mitchell? The President agrees that Dean should not be giv- HP: I think I would probably go to Saudi Arabia to en immunity and notes that Chuck Colson feels the tell you the truth. same way. P: Poison.

P: I can call Petersen in and say he [Dean] cannot As Nixon's TV date draws near, Petersen begins ad- be given immunity ... Whether he'll carry that order out vising the President on what should be said. At one —that's going to be an indicator that that's Dean and point, he comments: "Damn, I admire your strength. I [unintelligible]. And then what do I say about Dean. Do tell you." And Nixon replies: "Well, that's what we are I tell him that he goes? here for." At another, Petersen recounts how he has told E: Well, you see, the thing that precipitated Col- Silbert: "Now dammit, Silbert, keep your eye on the son's coming over is that he found that Dean was still mark—we are investigating Watergate—we are not in- here ... Colson called and says you've got an ass at vestigating the whole damn realm of politics." your bosom over there, and so, today he checked again ... and discovered that Dean was still here ... He came APRIL 17, 1973, 3:50 P.M. in and he says, "You guys are just out-of-your-minds" .. He was fit to be tied. The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman. Ehrlichman and Ziegler. By this time, the group is re- P: But you see if I say, "Dean, you leave today," signed to Dean's blasting the Administration. Still, Ehr- he'd go out and say, "Well the President's covering up lichman finds cause for optimism. for Ehrlichman and Haldeman." E: The more battles the President wins, like the eco- P: We've got to remember ... he's going to do any- nomical stabilization performance, the more urgent the thing to save his ass. Ervin hearings become. It's the only thing they have left now. You're winning all the big ones. Nonetheless the decision is made to keep Dean away from the White House without actually firing him ("Pass APRIL 17, 1973, 5:20 P.M. the word to everybody in this place that he's a pira- nha," Ehrlichman suggests). Nixon needs no urging. F.O.B. Present: the President, Haldeman, Ehrlich- He emphatically makes the point that Dean never saw man and Secretary of State William Rogers (R). him alone until March, and then only at Ehrlichman's Waiting for his two aides to return from a first meet- suggestion. He declines responsibility for Dean's ing with their lawyer, John J. Wilson, Nixon chats with conduct. Rogers. "Dammit," he says of Dean, "why didn't he It is finally decided that Nixon will make a state- come in earlier and tell me these things, Bill?" None ment on television announcing that he has ordered a theless. he seems confident. full investigation and will automatically suspend any White House staffers who are indicted by the grand P: This'll be in better perspective in a year, I think. jury and fire any who are convicted. R: I think so. I think ... well, the first blush will be ... APRIL 17, 1973, 2:46 P.M. P: Terrible. The Oval Office. Present: the President and Peter- R: But when it's all over—finished sen. P: I'll be here, all along, Bill. Nixon bears down hard on Petersen not to grant im- munity to Dean. With immunity, Dean can get off scot- When Haldeman and Ehrlichman return from their free or escape with prosecution for a minor offense in meeting with Wilson, Nixon offers a suggestion. exchange for talking freely. Petersen tries to resist Nix- on, but the pressure is intense. P: Both of you, and Bob particularly, you ought to get yourself a libel lawyer, Bob, and use the most vi- HP: I don't want to immunize John Dean; I think he cious libel lawyer there is. I'd sue every [expletive de- is too high in the echelon but—it's a— leted] ... that also helps with public opinion. P: The prosecutor's got the right to make that de cision? P: John, this libel thing. You may as well get at the Yes, sir. HP: libel thing and have yourself a little fun. E: Might make expenses.

TIME, MAY 13, 1974 ELLIOT RICHARDSON; CHARLES COLSON; SPIRO AGNEW APRIL 19, 1973, 8:26 P.M. cipal assistants to discourse with Silbert and the other three. And in effect it concerned me—whether or not E.O.B. Present: the President, Wilson (W) and they were at ease with my reporting to you ... Frank Strickler (5), attorneys for Haldeman and P: Yes ... Ehrlichman. HP: There is a very suspicious atmosphere. They This is basically a mutual get-acquainted session. are concerned and scared. Says Wilson: "We admire you so much—we both are dyed-in-the-wool Republicans." Strickler notes that he Nixon himself is concerned—and possibly scared was at the Shoreham on election night. —about another matter. He has heard rumors that the New York Times has information linking him directly P: You were there? Oh boy. That was a great night? to the cover-up. Well, that was what it was all about. 5: Yes, it sure was. P: We have gotten a report that, ah, that really P: Well, we'll survive this. You know—people say we've got to head them off at the pass. Because it's so this destroys the Administration and the rest—but what damned—so damn dangerous to the Presidency, in a was this? What was Watergate? A little bugging! I mean sense. a terrible thing—it shouldn't have been done ■ —shouldn't have been covered up ... and the rest, but P: Information indicating that Dean has made state- we've got to beat it. Right. ments to the prosecuting team implicating the President. And whether the [Washington] Post has heard sim- APRIL 27, 1973, 5:37 P.M. ilar rumors. Now, Henry, this I've got to know.

The Oval Office. Present: the President and Peter- APRIL 27, 1973, 6:04 P.M. sen. The Oval Office. Present: the President, Petersen HP: We had a kind of crisis of confidence night be- and Ziegler. fore last. I left to come over here and I left my two prin- Only minutes after Nixon has expressed his fears

An Intimate Glimpse of a Private President Apart from the evidence it provides about the Pres- Nixon was strangely sanguine even though the Sen- ident's critical conversations, the edited transcript fur- ate Watergate Committee planned to hold hearings: nishes a potpourri of marginalia that limn the style "Well, it must be a big show. Public hearings. I and character of the Nixon White House. A represen- wouldn't think though, I know from experience, my guess tative sampler: is that I think they could get through about three weeks of those and then I think it would begin to peter out NIXON ON OTHERS somewhat." (March 13, 1973) The President's confidential assessments of other 01.1 men in talks with trusted aides were tough, candid, AS DECISION MAKER and often brutal: Contrary to the President's carefully nurtured im- Senator Howard Baker. "A smoothy—impressive" age as a cool and dispassionate leader accustomed to but also possessed of a "thick skull." tough going, the transcript reveals an indecisive man Senator Sam Ervin. "[Expletive deleted] He's got often dazed by a confusion of conflicting data. Baker totally toppled over to him. Ervin works harder Haldeman's judgment easily prevailed over the than most of our Southern gentlemen." President's in this discussion about whether or not to re- L. Patrick Gray 1111. "Oh, he's dumb .. he is just veal the contents of Jeb Stuart Magruder's grand jury quite stubborn and also he isn't very smart." testimony: Jeb Stuart Magruder. "Not a very bright fellow. mean he is bright, but he doesn't think through to the P: And I think you should tell [John Connally] end ... a very facile liar. Magruder's a sort of light- —would you tell him about Magruder? weight in a very heavy job." Nope. Charles Colson. "Talks too much , , , is also a name- P: No, I guess not. dropper." .1. Edgar Hoover. "Well, Hoover performed. He P: I think with Bill [Rogers], though, you could tell would have fought. That was the point. He would have him, don't you think? defied a few people. He would have scared them to H: Nope. I don't think I should. In the first place, I death. He has a file on everybody." am not supposed to know. Robert Kennedy. "Bobby was a ruthless [charac- P: This isn't from the grand jury, Bob. terization omitted]." H: No, I know. But Kleindienst is worried about John [Ehrlichman's] giving the information to anybody, and WISHFUL THINKING that— For a man proud of his political shrewdness, the PI I see. You're right. (April 14. 1973) President as revealed in the transcript was frequently slow to grasp the full seriousness of the Watergate mat- ASSESSING THE BLAME ter, and he gravely misread the public mood on several While the President's conversations reveal a com- important points. plete absence of outrage at his own subordinates for the Watergate imbroglio, he was quick to place the "[Expletive deleted] it is a terrible lousy thing—it blame on people outside his circle: will remain a crisis among the upper intellectual types, the soft heads, our own, too—Republicans—and the "No, I tell you this it is the last gasp of our hardest op- Democrats and the rest. Average people won't think it ponents. They've just got to have something to squeal is much of a crisis unless it affects them [unintelligible I," about." (March 13, 1973) (March 13, 1973) "They [the Democrats] ore having a hard time now. SENATOR HOWARD BAKER; SENATOR SAM ERVIN; PATRICK GRAY TIME MAY 13. 1974 ▪ THE NATION were aware of what was going on you see—the raising P: I think it would—look—because your close re- of the money—you were aware of it, right? lationship with Dean—which has ■ been very close—it would look like a straight deal. E: Well, Mr. President, when the truth and fact of this is known, that building next door is full of people HP: The thing that scares the hell out of me is this who knew that money was being raised for these people. —suppose Dean is the only key to Haldeman and Ehr- P: E.O.B.? lichman and the refusal to immunize Dean means that E: Yes, sir, just full of them. Haldeman and Ehrlichman go free. P: Many who know but there were not so many ac- • tors. In other words, there's a difference between actors P: .. I cannot ... in good conscience and you can't and noticees. in good conscience say that you are going to send Hal- • deman and Ehrlichman—or anybody for that matter E: I want you to think very critically about the dif- —or Colson—down the tube on the uncorroborated ference here between knowledge of the general trans- evidence of John Dean. actions going on, on the one hand, and being an af- firmative actor on the other, because that's the Later, reviewing how the whole mess began, Nix- difference between Dean and me. Now on this business on says, "Mitchell wasn't minding the store and Ma- on whether Dean should have immunity, I think you gruder is a weak fellow ... and then afterwards they have to ask yourself really, the basic question, whether compounded it ... basically they were trying to protect anybody in the White House who does wrong, ought to Mitchell—let's face it." Then there is this exchange. get immunity, no matter how many ... he implicates. P: What would you do if you were Mitchell? The President agrees that Dean should not be giv- HP: I think I would probably go to Saudi Arabia to en immunity and notes that Chuck Colson feels the tell you the truth. same way. P: Poison.

P: I can call Petersen in and say he (Dean] cannot As Nixon's TV date draws near. Petersen begins ad- be given immunity ... Whether he'll carry that order out vising the President on what should be said. At one —that's going to be an indicator that that's Dean and point, he comments: "Damn, I admire your strength. I [unintelligible]. And then what do I say about Dean. Do tell you." And Nixon replies: "Well, that's what we are I tell him that he goes? here for." At another, Petersen recounts how he has told E: Well, you see, the thing that precipitated Col- Silbert: "Now dammit, Silbert, keep your eye on the son's coming over is that he found that Dean was still mark—we are investigating Watergate—we are not in- here ... Colson called and says you've got an ass at vestigating the whole damn realm of politics." your bosom over there, and so, today he checked again ... and discovered that Dean was still here ... He came APRIL 17, 1973, 3:50 P.M. in and he says, "You guys are just out-of-your-minds" ... He was fit to be tied. The Oval Office. Present: the President, Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Ziegler. By this time, the group is re- P: But you see if I say, "Dean, you leave today," signed to Dean's blasting the Administration. Still, Ehr- he'd go ott and say, "Well the President's covering up lichman finds cause for optimism. for Ehrlichman and Haldeman." • E: The more battles the President wins, like the eco- P: We've got to remember ... he's going to do any- nomical stabilization performance, the more urgent the thing to save his ass. Ervin hearings become. It's the only thing they have left now. You're winning all the big ones. Nonetheless the decision is made to keep Dean away from the White House without actually firing him ("Pass APRIL 17, 1973, 5:20 P.M. the word to everybody in this place that he's a pira- nha," Ehrlichman suggests). Nixon needs no urging. E.O.B. Present: the President, Haldeman, Ehrlich- He emphatically makes the point that Dean never saw man and Secretary of State William Rogers (R). him alone until March, and then only at Ehrlichman's Waiting for his two aides to return from a first meet- suggestion. He declines responsibility for Dean's ing with their lawyer, John J. Wilson, Nixon chats with conduct. Rogers. "Dammit," he says of Dean, "why didn't he It is finally decided that Nixon will make a state- come in earlier and tell me these things, Bill?" None ment on television announcing that he has ordered a theless, he seems confident. full investigation and will automatically suspend any White House staffers who are indicted by the grand P: This'll be in better perspective in a year, I think. jury and fire any who are convicted. R: I think so. I think ... well, the first blush will be... APRIL 17, 1973, 2:46 P.M. • P: Terrible. The Oval Office. Present: the President and Peter- R: But when it's all over—finished ... sen. P: I'll be here, all along, Bill. Nixon bears down hard on Petersen not to grant im- munity to Dean. With immunity, Dean can get off scot- When Haldeman and Ehrlichman return from their free or escape with prosecution for a minor offense in meeting with Wilson, Nixon offers a suggestion. exchange for talking freely. Petersen tries to resist Nix- on, but the pressure is intense. P: Both of you, and Bob particularly, you ought to get yourself a libel lawyer, Bob, and use the most vi- HP: I don't want to immunize John Dean; I think he cious libel lawyer there is. I'd sue every [expletive de- is too high in the echelon but—it's a— leted] ... that also helps with public opinion. P: The prosecutor's got the right to make that de cision? P: John, this libel thing. You may as well get at the HP: Yes, sir. libel thing and hove yourself a little fun. E: Might make expenses. TIME, MAY 13, 1974 ELLIOT RICHARDSON; CHARLES COLSON; SPIRO AGNEW THE NATION to Petersen, the prosecutor returns for yet another meet- —she, now I don't want you to hold this against her if ing and assures the President that there are no spe- you ever meet her, because she's a charming lady— cifics to the Dean charges. Nixon tells Ziegler to kill P: Of course. any budding newspaper story on the subject and "kill HP: She said ... it hard." P: "Why the hell doesn't the President do some- thing?" P: Take a hard line ... Anything on that they bet- HP: She said, "Do you think the President knows'?" ter watch their damned cotton picking faces. Because And I looked at her and said, "If I thought the President boy, if there's one thing in this case as Henry will tell knew, I would have to resign." ... Well, when that type you, since March 21st when I had that conversation of question comes through in my home— with Dean, I have broken my ass to try to get the facts P: We've got to get it out. of this case. Three days later, what gets out is Nixon's announce- P: If there's one thing you have got to do, you have ment that Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Dean and Klein- got to maintain the Presidency out of this. I have got dienst have resigned, that Elliot Richardson is being things to do for this country and I'm not going to have appointed Attorney General with authority to name a —now this is personal. I sometimes feel like I'd like to re- special prosecutor and that he, the President, takes full sign. Let Agnew be President for a while. He'd love it. responsibility for what has happened. Nixon also re- calls that at his second inaugural he gave each Cabinet Toward the end of the 44-minute session. Petersen member and senior White House staffer a special four- decides to get something bothering him off his chest. Cit- year calendar marked to show how many days remained ing a personal example, he brings up the growing pub- in his Administration. It began with 1,461, and on the lic doubt that the President is telling all that he knows day he delivers the speech, he says, "It showed exactly about the Watergate cover-up. 1,361 days remaining in my term." More than a year has passed, Watergate is far from over, and the figure HP: Mr. President, my wife is not a politically so- on the President's special calendar is now down to just phisticated woman ... But she asked me at breakfast under 1.000

They got the hell kicked out of them in the election ... the President for domestic affairs] But the basic thing is the establishment. The establish- perjure himself on. John? ment is dying and so they've got to show that despite D: Did he know the Cubans. He did. the successes we have had in foreign policy and in the P: He said he didn't? election, they've got to show that it is just wrong just be- )1 D: That is right. They didn't press him hard. cause of this." (March 13, 1973) P: He might be able to—I am just trying to think. Perjury is an awful hard rap to prove. If he could just THE KENNEDY SPECTER say that I—Well, go ahead. !March 21, 1973) In the view of Nixon and his men, Teddy Kennedy loomed large as the individual who might have the most to gain from the entire Watergate affair. SPEAKING IN CODE: In the Oval Office, Nixon and his closest aides of- ten employed a kind of verbal code a jargon clearly fa- DI I am convinced that he (Senator Ervin( has shown miliar to everyone present. It was a mixture of Mad- that he is merely a puppet for Kennedy in this whole ison Avenue, locker room and pop psych—the thing. The fine hand of the Kennedys' is behind this shorthand whole hearing. There is no doubt about it ... of the club: "Stonewall, with lots of noises that we are always P: Yes, I guess the Kennedy crowd is just laying in willing to cooperate, but no one is asking us for any- the bushes waiting to make their move. (Feb 28. 1973) On one occasion. Dean brought up an FBI agent's thing." (Dean, on how to reply to embarrassing ques- tions, March 20. 1973) idea for collecting information on the Democrats. The President's reply: P: The reason I raise the question of Magruder is what stroke have you got with Magruder? I guess we've "If he would get Kennedy into it, too, I would be a got none. (March 27, 1973) bit more pleased." (March 13, 1973) D: If we go that route, sir, I can give a show we can The President and his immediate circle of advisers sell them just like we were selling Wheaties on our po- were also worried that Kennedy would exploit the Er- sition. (March 21, 1973) vin hearings for his own advantage, going on television P: All right, let's leave it this way—you will handle to give his version of the events. Baker now—you will babysit him starting like in about ten minutes? Alright? (March 22, 1973)

AS A LAWYER NIXON ON NIXON: Though an attorney himself, the President was of- Occasionally in ten vague and uninformed on various questions of law the transcripts, the President laps- raised by Watergate. At one point Nixon misunder- es into a personal assessment, a revealing aside on how he views himself: stood the legal niceties involved in preparing the orig- inal Watergate defendants for their testimony: "I believe in playing politics hard but I am also P: Did Mardian coach them? smart." (March 27. 19731 E: In some cases Mardian, I guess, was very heavy- handed about it, and— "I mean, after all, it is my job and I don't want the presidency tarnished, but I am also a law enforcement P: Well, is there anything wrong with that? 5: Yeah, well there's something wrong with— man." (April 14, 1973) P: He was not their attorney is the problem? "And damn it I am that kind of person. I am not one E: Well, no, the problem—the problem is he asked who is going to say, look, while this guy is under at- them to say things that weren't true. tack, I drop him. Is there something to be said for that, or not?" (April 14, 1973) P: Oh. (April 15, 1973) "Nobody is P: What did he [Egil Krogh, deputy assistant to a friend of ours. Let's face it! Don't wor- ry about that." (March 13, 1973) TIME, MAY 13. 1974 J. EDGAR HOOVER; ROBERT KENNEDY; EDWARD KENNEDY