Powers of the Dead: Struggles over practice money burning as an offering to gods, Paper Money Burning in Urban ancestors and ghosts in commemorative ritu- China als, believing that money is as important for the dead as it is for the living. Blake (2011) ex- plains that, over the past millennium in China Mingyuan Zhang and beyond, people have been replicating their material world in paper for their deceased fam- Introduction ily members. He has found that in many Chi- During a recent visit to my hometown city nese cities, replica paper money that goes up in Northeastern Mainland China after living in in smoke every year is worth of tens of mil- Canada for two years, my parents took me to lions of yuan (Chinese currency). Debates over sweep my grandparents’ gravesite. On the the issue of burning paper money for the dead, days of traditional Chinese festivals such as especially in urban settings, have gradually en- Qingming Festival, also known as the Tomb- tered into contemporary Chinese public dis- sweeping Day, and Zhongyuan Festival, also course. Many municipal governments have known as the Dead Spirit Day, my parents moved to ban paper money burning in the city. would usually pay a visit to the cemetery on According to the authorities, such regulations the outskirts of the city where their parents have been implemented in order to promote a were buried. During the visit, they would set more “civilized” funeral and interment proce- replica paper money on fire at the cemetery, an dure instead of “old-fashioned,” “feudal,” and act which serves to represent sending money “superstitious” rituals. Supporters of such reg- to the other world – the world where the dead ulations contend that paper money burning is live. There are various kinds of replica paper “backward,” “unscientific,” “unenlightened,” money for such rituals. The most common and environmentally detrimental, and there- kind is usually in the color of yellow and is fore it is incompatible with “modern,” “civi- sold at a price of approximately one or two dol- lized,” and “clean” urban space. lars per pile. It is made from cheap and thin paper, which makes it convenient to burn. While objections to paper money burning Other kinds of replica money may look similar represent the re-assertion of modernist dreams to real currency in color and pattern; however, based on the presumed “necessary” gaps they are all produced from low-quality paper between past and present, dead and living, and very easy to distinguish from real money. traditional and modern, superstition and When actually visiting the cemetery is not pos- science, the continuation of such traditional sible due to distance and time constraints, an practice in urban China (regardless of the alternative practice is to burn paper money at a prohibitive regulations from government crossroads closer to home. Such scenes are authorities) challenges the modernist common in cities during the two traditional dichotomies and reveals entanglements among festivals when Chinese people commemorate different actors presumed to be separate. In the dead: dozens of small groups of people this paper, I intend to argue firstly that the gather at street intersections, burning paper practice of burning paper money reflects a money into ashes; right beside high-rise apart- Chinese cosmology that is not based on a ment buildings, parks and busy traffic. dichotomy between the living and the dead; as practitioners of money burning insist, the dead Burning paper money is a practice shared can be mobilized to exert influential power by people in many parts of Asia. For example, over the living. Secondly, I will argue that the according to Kwon (2007), the Vietnamese paper money that people used to and continue

1 to burn plays an active, mediating role between lieve in cultural relativism, we should also be- the living and the dead; this money is itself an lieve in natural relativism. As Latour actor and participant in people’s social, (1993:106) argues, “we construct both our hu- cultural and economic life. Finally, I will argue man collectives and the nonhumans that sur- that the conflict between government policy round them. In constituting their collectives, and traditional practice demonstrates that some mobilize ancestors, lions, fixed stars, and efforts to mobilize modern dichotomies have the coagulated blood of sacrifice; in construct- failed to account for or disentangle the ing ours, we mobilize genetics, zoology, cos- complex networks relevant to this practice – mology and hematology”. networks that connect the living and the dead, the human and the spirit, the object and the Building on Latour’s concept of natural subject, as well as nature, culture and super- relativism, Escobar (1999) further elaborates nature. upon the relationship between nature, culture and local knowledge by emphasizing that the Theoretical Traces: Nature-Culture and Mul- cultural models of many societies do not rely tinaturalism on a nature-culture dichotomy. The fact that In the previous section, I introduced how other societies represent the relation between struggles over burning paper money suggest their human and biological worlds differently the gap that the vanguards of modernity try to from the Western world, since the living, insert in between nature and culture. In this nonliving and supernatural beings do not con- section, I will review some key theoretical ar- stitute distinct and separate domains, further guments that emphasize the entanglement of challenges the dichotomy (Escobar 1999:8). In nature and culture and attempt to bridge this other words, local knowledge in “other” soci- supposed gap. eties draws relationships and mobilizes actors in different and interrelated domains of the liv- According to Bruno Latour (1993), the no- ing, the dead, the object, the beast, the environ- tion of culture is an artifact created by exclud- ment, the landscape, and the supernatural, ra- ing nature. The Western way of dividing nature ther than categorizing them into rigid Western and culture as two separate regimes cannot re- models of nature and culture. flect reality since the two have always been in- tertwined in networks. However, Western For instance, according to Chinese writer knowledge--based on the separation of objec- Jiang Rong (2008), the nomadic Chinese- tive, scientifically knowable nature on the one Mongolian people have developed their hand, and subjective, constructivist culture on knowledge through many generations of en- the other--still problematically assumes that gagement with the ecosystem of the prairie, the separation itself is the key distinction be- which includes the wolf pack, the herds, the tween “the modern us” and “the pre-modern weather, the spirit of the dead and the sky. An- other.” As such, the only entity that guarantees other example can be found in Tsing’s (2005) a symmetrical anthropology is what Latour narratives about the forests in Indonesia. The calls the “nature-culture.” Further developing local inhabitants of the forest form their this idea, Latour challenges the inconsistency knowledge of subsistence in relation to domes- between a universalized nature and many di- ticated and wild plants and animals. In another verse and relativistic forms of culture. Instead, case provided by de la Cadena (2010), indige- a more appropriate approach should be com- nous groups in Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador see paring nature-culture as a whole, and if we be- their community as more than just a territory where a group of people live, but as a dynamic

2 space where earth-beings such as humans, Taking such a theoretical approach to an- plants, animals, mountains, and rivers co-exist other level, Viveiros de Castro (1998) develops and interact, as another socio-natural world to the concept of perspectivism from numerous which human beings and other-than-human references in Amazonian ethnographies about beings belong. The Aymara people in Bolivia the way humans, animals, gods, spirits, plants, have successfully incorporated ceremony that the living and the dead are entangled entity and summoned the landscape and practices of liba- transformable to each other. Drawing upon tions to the earth into political events and con- Viveiro de Castro, Hage (2012) argues that versations (de la Cadena 2010:337). I bring up concepts of perspectivism and multinaturalism these examples with no intention of essential- suggest that different perspectives emerge izing the identities of indigenous groups, or by from the ways in which different bodies con- supporting the stereotype that indigenous peo- stitute different modes of relating to, inhabit- ple are those who have a closer relationship to ing and being enmeshed in their environment. nature and/or have a static culture that has Such multiplicity of bodily engagements in gone uninfluenced by the outside world. On turn produces a multiplicity of realities or na- the contrary, according to these authors, these tures. In other words, instead of understanding groups are actively engaged with capitalist different cultures as multiple interpretations economy and political struggles. These exam- and representations of one universal nature, ples prove that nature-culture entanglement multinaturalism alludes to the existence of rad- has always been a part of the presumed “mod- ically different natures and realities based on ern” society that apparently bases itself on the how different actors engage with nature. dichotomy between nature and culture. It is also worth mentioning that the nature-culture The theoretical approaches I discussed entanglement does not only exist in the non- above are significant for a profound under- Western world. In Degnen’s research about standing of the struggles over the practice of British gardening, she discovers that for many paper money burning in China. Burning paper British gardeners, plants are perceived as peo- money represents a common and prevalent un- ple who can exhibit intentionality and sen- derstanding of the connections between the tience, as babies who have likes, dislikes and living world and the dead world. The process dietary needs, similar to the parallels between of lighting paper money on fire symbolizes the human beings and taro plants identified by an- practice of sending, or mailing money that the thropologists working with the Wamiran peo- dead ancestors can use while “living” in an- ple in Papua New Guinea (Degnen 2009:154- other world. To send money at the right time of 160). In other words, according to Degnen each year such (during traditional festivals and (2009), the connection between plants and on the anniversary of death) is an important people is reciprocal, social, and mutually con- way to show filial loyalty, something that, like structive. In support of Latour (1993), such money, is important to both living and dead. cases exemplify how nature and culture cannot The spirit of the dead is presumed to be able to be separated and indicate the existence of the successfully accept the money from their de- same kinds of networks and entanglement in scendants, and as a result they should be satis- the Western world. The examples above chal- fied and bless the living. As such, in the simple lenge and problematize the prevalent form of process of burning paper money, the living, the “scientific knowledge” that is imagined to dead, the spirit, the paper money, the fire, the have been detached from the social regime. burning are all interconnected as a unique Chi- nese form of knowledge of the nature-culture. In the following sections of the paper, I will

3 explore this issue in further detail from three dead, which may include activities such as per- aspects. Firstly, what is the Chinese under- forming proper rituals, sweeping tombs regu- standing of the networks of living and the dead larly, and sending money at the appropriate and how do the dead exert power over the liv- time. In the narratives of the living and the ing in this nature-culture entity? Secondly, dead in China, the well-being of the living is what is the role of paper money in mediating often connected to situations related to the between the living and the dead, and how dead, such as the location of the tomb, the might paper money be understood as a social maintenance of the cemetery, or even a seem- actor in people’s lives? Finally, how does the ingly random factor like how well the pine tree government’s ban on the practice of burning behind the gravestone grows. As such, the liv- paper money clash with Chinese understand- ing “take care of” the dead in various ways in ing of the dead and the living? The data that I order to show their respect to the dead, and will use in my analysis is selected from my life consequently expect to receive blessings. I will experiences in the urban settings of the Liao- provide examples to further elaborate how rit- ning Province in Northeastern China, a geo- uals are performed to shape people’s under- graphical region that used to be called Man- standings and emotions towards the dead. The churia and contemporarily covers Liaoning, Ji- examples will demonstrate how the dead influ- lin, Heilongjiang Province and Eastern Inner ence the life of the living, which will further Mongolia area. Considering the fact that China challenge the nature-culture dichotomy. is a vast country with diverse minority groups and regional traditions, the local cases should According to the custom of Northeastern not be used to generalize “China” or “Chinese China, souls leave the corporeal body after nature-culture,” as a self-contained entity. people die. The living relatives of the dead, mostly direct descendants, will perform a se- A Traditional Understanding of the Living and ries of rituals afterwards. In contemporary ur- the Dead ban China, even though most deaths happen at One of the most important terms one hospitals equipped with modern technology, needs to grasp in order to make sense of the such rituals are still performed. For instance, traditional understanding of the living and the right after a person dies, descendants have to dead is the concept of “soul”. According to dress the deceased in special clothes and shoes. Harrell (1979:519), “souls” of the dead in Chi- The color, number of items, and materials of nese concept can be interpreted in the follow- the outfits for the dead are all specially se- ing different ways: gods are souls of especially lected to symbolize a decent, wealthy life in powerful or meritorious people; ancestors are another world. Descendants usually buy the souls of one’s own agnatic forebears; and outfits in advance and put them on the body of ghosts are souls of those who died violently or the dead at the scene to show their filial love. who have no descendants to worship them as For women, sometimes the living will put jew- ancestors. In reality, ways of interpreting the elry made of paper on or beside the body. The “soul” of the dead can be much less rigid. The body of the dead stays at the hospital morgue soul of the dead can offer blessings like a god, for three days before cremation. Afterwards, or bring bad luck like a ghost, depending on the descendants will put the ashes in a de- how people draw the connection in various sit- signed wooden or ceramic box then bury the uations and contexts. In order to guarantee that box in the grave. Six days after the death, it is they will receive blessings instead of bad luck, believed that the soul of the dead will come the living have to offer appropriate care to the back to where it used to live to take a final look

4 at its home and relatives in the living world be- the spirit are not clearly demarcated in the nar- fore heading to another world. Around mid- ratives of traditional beliefs and practices. night of the sixth night after a person dies, the Among all the rituals offered to the dead, paper living will gather together and perform a ritual money burning is the one that is most com- at the place where the dead used to live by monly and regularly performed. Paper money lighting up incense and trying to stick it to the is used as the only way that the living can con- vertical doorframe of the kitchen. If the in- nect to the dead. Sending the dead money by cense somehow sticks on the doorframe, it burning paper money on the appropriate days means that the soul of the dead is back. The each year, as well as the amount and the value reason that the incense sticks on the vertical of the paper money to be burned symbolizes doorframe indicates that the soul of the dead is the filial love the descendants offer their dead holding it at that moment. One week, three ancestors. The practice of buying paper money weeks, five and seven weeks, as well as every from street venders exchanges the currency of anniversary, and on traditional festivals after the living to the currency of the dead. There- the death, the direct descendants need to burn fore, it matters who purchases the paper paper money for the dead. money. For example, if my mother and my aunt plan to burn some paper money for my The fact that the dead die keeps the living grandparents together, they will make their busy. As I have described above, all the rituals own purchases separately even though paper after a person’s death are performed by the liv- money is very cheap. After they buy a pile of ing. It is widely believed that if the living do paper money, they will each write the “ad- not follow the rules to perform the rituals, they dress” of the dead (in this case, the address of may suffer some bad luck or consequences. the cemetery where my grandparents are bur- Therefore, for the living people, in addition to ied) on the top bill of the paper money piled grief, emotions associated with death may also separately, even though they are writing ex- include caution, fear, loss, and exhaustion. It is actly the same thing. Writing on the top bill is worth emphasizing that such entanglement similar to writing on an envelope--burning the among the living, the dead, human beings and paper money symbolizes mailing money to the things does not find itself at home in “primi- dead. During the burning process, each of tive” societies. It exists and functions in highly them will express their feelings and wishes to “modernized” urban China. The entanglement the dead separately. When they took me to my is being practiced, experienced and continued grandparents’ grave and burned paper money by highly educated people, familiar with sci- in front of the gravestone this year, my mother entific knowledge, in hospitals where modern told me: “tell your grandparents about your life medical knowledge and treatment is applied. and progress now. They will be happy to know. What I have described echoes Levy-Bruhl: And tell them to bless you [to be] happy and “there is a mystical mentality that is more eas- safe. If you say your words here, they can hear ily demarcated and therefore more easily ob- you.” servable among the ‘primitives’ than in our so- cieties, but it is present in every human mind” After we burned a small amount of paper (Hage 2012:301). money in front of the gravestone, my mother and my aunt swept the space around the grave- Paper Money as Social Actors stone, wiped off the dust on it and watered the As I have explained above, the realms be- pine tree behind it. Then we were to go to a tween the living and the dead, the object and yard in the cemetery that was specially de- signed for burning large amount of paper

5 money. A number of burning pots had been in- spirits (Kwon 2007:75), new forms of ritual stalled in the walls surrounding the yard. The currency in China have gained great popular- walls were based on the Chinese Zodiac, in ity. The vendors put replica American dollars which each person is represented by a kind of on top of their piles and recommended to their animal determined by the year the person was customers: “take some American money. It is born according to Chinese lunar calendar. worth more!” In addition to replica American There are twelve animals in total and my dollars, new forms of ritual money for burning grandfather was represented as a “rooster”, my include paper-made bank cards, resident regis- grandmother as a “horse”. Consequently, the tration cards, cheques, gold bars, the latest paper money “addressed” with the grave loca- model of iPhones, train or flight tickets, as well tion for my grandfather went to the burning pot as expensive brands of cigarettes, liquors, and signified as “rooster,” while those for my vehicles. The living buy such products from grandmother went to the pot singed as “horse.” venders believing that, if the dead did not have Only by putting the paper money in the pot that a chance to enjoy a wealthy, cozy life while corresponds to the animal of their birth year they were still alive, the only thing the living can the money be received by the dead. We can can do is to burn the paper replicas so that the conclude that the practice of burning paper dead can enjoy their life in another world. The money is much more complicated than simply new forms of paper money for the dead mirror lighting the paper on fire. To conduct such a how the life of the living has been changing. practice properly, one has to obtain a compre- They represent the material need and desire of hensive knowledge of the relationship between the living world. the living and the dead realm, by understand- ing the entanglements among the objects, the The Failed Urban Modernist Dreams animals, the human beings and the spirits. In China’s fast, forward march towards From the standpoint of a Chinese cosmology, “modernization” led by the state in the past such seemingly divided domains have always four decades, cities have been constructed as been entangled and enmeshed together. In ur- symbols of “modernity”. Siu’s research (2007) ban China, such Chinese cosmology has been of the urban village enclaves in Guangzhou-- co-existing with the Western-style “modern” the third biggest city in China and a global cen- world neatly demarcated and governed by ter of commodity production and trade-- “science” and “society”. demonstrates that urban spaces have been de- marcated between the “backward, uncivil, Besides the mediating role between the dirty, chaotic, and backward” that needs to be social, the natural and the supernatural world, “cleansed”, and the “modern” and “civilized” paper money is also an actor that can represent (Siu 2007:333-335). Similarly, Zhang’s study social change. According to Kwon (2007), new on the residents’ resistance against waste in- forms of paper money such as paper-made cineration facilities in Guangzhou sheds light gold money, replicas of the Vietnamese cur- on the state’s utopian faith in scientific and rency and American dollars, along with new technical progress for social improvement and forms of graveyards and ancestral shrines are urban homeowners’ ambivalent attitudes to- all demonstrative symbols of Vietnamese mo- wards Chinese modernity (Zhang 2014). As dernity. Unlike Vietnam where new forms of such, the state has been playing a central role paper money such as replicas of American dol- in promoting the discourse of modernity in lars have raised opposing voices due to con- Chinese urban spaces. As Anagnost (1987) cerns that the new ritual money in foreign cur- points out, magic coexists with science as a rency is not suitable for community gods and valid system of meaning, and the state uses the

6 dichotomy of nature and culture to construct cities and they all suggest that burning paper negative discourses and images regarding money is an “outdated” convention, an “ugly” “feudal,” “superstitious” practices such as custom and a “feudal” practice, which inter- magical healing, exorcism, and ancestor wor- feres with urban development towards the goal ship. Anagnost argues that the state imposes of building a “greener”, “cleaner” and “civi- negative values on beliefs in magic and repre- lized” community for human beings. For ex- sents them as inferior to the ideology of sci- ample, municipal government of another city ence and dialectical materialism (1987:42-46). found near Shenyang announced a ban of The struggle over burning paper money in cit- burning paper money in order to “enhance fu- ies suggests a conjuncture of state-promoted neral reform, promote the transformation of ideology of modernity and the regulation of ur- social traditions, purify the city environment, ban spaces in China. promote city image, advocate civilized prac- tice, and ensure public safety” (2014, Jinzhou In the past decade, many cities in North- Municipal Government website, eastern China have enacted regulative or pro- http://www.jz.gov.cn/lnjz/2014/03/27/181965. hibitive policies regarding the practice of burn- html). ing paper money during traditional festivals when people perform such rituals. Govern- As a result, on the nights of the traditional ment authorities and law enforcers of these cit- festivals, city administrators employ teams of ies encouraged people to give up paper money patrols and fine those people who sell and burn burning in the public urban space since the paper money on major streets or public space government has been trying to create a in the city. They may also take measures to ex- “clean”, “civilized”, “regulated”, “conven- pel vendors who sell ritual-related products. ient”, and “fresh” urban environment for city Cases of such were reported in the local media inhabitants while the practice of burning paper as follows: is “fatuous”, “conservative”, “feudal”, “super- stitious”, “detrimental” to the public environ- Reporters joined law enforcers in the pa- ment with the potential of fire hazard. In 2010, trol. In a store where paper money and the municipal government of the city of Shen- other ritual related objects were available yang annunciated a ban of burning paper for sale, the law enforcers found paper money in city public spaces as the following: money piled on the floor. Then the law en- forcers immediately confiscated them at In order to cleanse the urban environment, the scene. (Shenyang Wanbao, August 5, advocate civilized practices, deepen the 2006, http://www.syd.com.cn/sywb/2006- construction of cultural and ideological 08/05/content_23673766.htm) progress in cities, and create favorable en- vironment for economic and social com- As we can see from above, the govern- prehensive development…the municipal ment authorities have mobilized modernist government has decided to prohibit paper discourses to persuade people to give up the money burning in the city. (2010, Shen- tradition of burning paper money. However, yang Wang, see also the announcement of the forceful methods employed to eradicate a the regulation online: traditional ritual that people of this region have http://news.syd.com.cn/content/2010- been practicing for generations over thousands 03/26/content_24705100.htm) of years have turned out to be ineffective. As Hinchliffe and Whatmore (2006:128) argue, Similar regulations can be found in other the construction of urban spaces have never

7 been separated from nature, and we should see challenging the nature-culture dichotomy, on urban inhabitants as more-than-human; more- the other side of the world, traditions built than-animal; more-than-plant, and so on. In the upon nature-culture entanglements are being struggles over burning paper money in urban challenged by the very same modernist dichot- China, traffic intersections of the city are used omy. The observations and analysis that I have by the living as the place where they can con- made in this paper represents a different stand- nect to the world of the dead on the nights of point, one that does not begin by recognizing the traditional festivals. In this particular tradi- the prevalence of nature-culture dichotomy. As tional cosmology, both domains of the living I have emphasized in this paper, the entangle- and the non-living are intertwined temporarily ment among the dead and the living, the nature in the city. Opponents of the government’s and the super-nature that the practice of burn- prohibition argue that the traditional custom ing paper money represents is prevalent in cannot be abandoned because there are very contemporary Chinese society. The govern- few chances when the living can send their re- ment authorities are the actors who are trying gards and filial love to their dead ancestors. to apply and reinforce the dichotomy of nature Furthermore, burning a small amount of paper and culture to promote ideologies of moder- money several nights throughout the year nity. should not be considered a major source of pollution to the environment compared to In conclusion, I have described in this pa- some other substantial and irreversible envi- per the practice of burning paper money as a ronmental damages such as congested traffic, traditional Chinese way of showing respect as well as carbon emissions that result from the and filial love to their dead ancestors, as well use of unclean energy sources or unregulated as the local cosmology behind such practice. factory production, all of which are very much Paper money plays a mediating role in the en- celebrated as signs of “modernity” and “devel- tanglement and has the power to influence opment”. both the living and the dead. Many municipal governments in Northeastern China have been What stands out in this Chinese struggle trying to ban the practice of burning paper over paper money burning echoes Maria Esco- money. I argue that the fundamental reason bar’s argument that the power of things is dis- that the regulations have never been successful persed, fragmented and made through relations is that nature-culture dichotomy cannot tri- (2013:377). In similar fashion, the power of umph over the traditional cosmology of entan- paper money against the discourse of “mod- glement. By analyzing the practice of burning ernist dreams” should be understood in the net- paper money in networks, I have provided an works of the human, the non-human, the spirit, alternative perspective to understand the strug- the living and the dead. Authorities’ attempts gles over such practice between people who at enforcing the modernist dichotomies associ- practice it, and government authorities who at- ated with the long-established nature-culture tempt to ban it. entanglement have failed to eradicate tradi- tional knowledge and cosmologies, which is the fundamental reason why such prohibitive Notes regulations prove ineffective. 1.See media coverage of regulations from Conclusion the municipal government of Changchun, Har- While critical anthropological thinking in bin, Dandong, Liaoyang in the past ten years. Europe and the Americas is occupied with All four are major cities in Northeastern China.

8 http://www.lngongmu.com/news_info.ph Hinchcliffe, Steve and Whatmore, Sarah. 2006 p?tsn=275 Living Cities: Towards a Politics of Con- http://heilongjiang.dbw.cn/sys- viviality. Science as Culture 15(2):123- tem/2013/03/20/054653881.shtml 138. http://www.chinaneast.gov.cn/2014- 01/15/c_133045990.htm Jiang, Rong. 2008. Wolf Totem. New York: The http://ly.nen.com.cn/78560135869366272 Penguin Press. /20071107/1903040.shtml Latour, Bruno. 1993. We Have Never Been References Cited Modern. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Anagnost, Ann S. 1987. Politics and Magic in University Press. Contemporary China. Modern China 13(1):40-61. Kwon, Heonik. 2007. The Dollarization of Vi- etnamese Ghost Money. Journal of the Blake, C. Fred. 2011. Burning Money: The Royal Anthropological Institute 13:73-90. Material Spirit of the Chinese Lifeworld. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Siu, Helen F. 2007. Grounding Displacement: Uncivil Urban Spaces in Postreform De La Cadena, Marisaol. 2010. Indigenous South China. American Ethnologist Cosmopolitics in the Andes: Conceptual 34(2):329-350. Reflections beyond “Politics”. Cultural Anthropology 25(2):334-370. Tsing, Anna L. 2005. Friction. NJ, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Degnen, Cathrine. 2009. On Vegetable Love: Gardening, Plants, and People in the Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo. 1998. Cosmolog- North of England. Journal of the Royal ical Deixis and Amerindian Perspectiv- Anthropological Institute 15:151-167. ism. The Journal of the Royal Anthropo- logical Institute 14(3):469-488. Escobar, Arturo. 1999. After Nature: Steps to an Antiessentialist Political Ecology. Cur- Zhang, Amy. 2014. Rational Resistance: rent Anthropology 40(1):1-30. Homeowner Contention against Waste In- cineration in Guangzhou. China Perspec- Escobar, Maria Paula. 2013. The Power of tives 2014(2):45-52. (Dis)placement: Pigeons and Urban Re- generation in Trafalgar Square. Cultural Geographies 21(3):363-387.

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