Power to the People Executive Summary and Recommendations
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Mr Simon Danczuk 1
Mr Simon Danczuk 1 Contents 1. Letter from Mr Paul Turner-Mitchell, 23 October 2014 2 2. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Paul Turner-Mitchell, 30 October 2014 4 3. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Simon Danczuk MP, 30 October 2014 4 4. Letter from Mr Simon Danczuk MP to the Commissioner, 18 November 2014 7 5. Letter from the Commissioner to the Registrar, 24 November 2014 8 6. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Simon Danczuk MP, 24 November 2014 9 7. Letter from the Registrar to the Commissioner, 26 November 2014 9 8. Enclosures to letter of 26 Nov ember 2014 10 9. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Simon Danczuk MP, 16 December 2014 13 10. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Simon Danczuk MP, 12 January 2015 14 11. Email from Mr Danczuk MP to the Commissioner, 14 January 2015 16 12. Email from the Commissioner’s office to Mr Danczuk MP, 14 January 2015 17 13. Email from Mr Danczuk MP’s office to the Commissioner’s office, 26 January 201517 14. Email from the Commissioner’s office to Mr Danczuk’s office, 26 January 2015 17 15. Telephone call from the Commissioner’s office to Mr Danczuk’s office, 29 January 2015 18 16. Email from Mr Danczuk MP to the Commissioner, 29 January 2015 18 17. Letter from the Commissioner to Mr Danczuk MP, 2 February 2015 20 18. Extract from the Register of Members’ Financial Interests as of 6 January 2015 20 19. Email from the Commissioner’s office to Mr Danczuk MP, 16 February 2015 22 20. -
Antisemitism in the Radical Left and the British Labour Party, by Dave Rich
Kantor Center Position Papers Editor: Mikael Shainkman January 2018 ANTISEMITISM IN THE RADICAL LEFT AND THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY Dave Rich* Executive Summary Antisemitism has become a national political issue and a headline story in Britain for the first time in decades because of ongoing problems in the Labour Party. Labour used to enjoy widespread Jewish support but increasing left wing hostility towards Israel and Zionism, and a failure to understand and properly oppose contemporary antisemitism, has placed increasing distance between the party and the UK Jewish community. This has emerged under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, a product of the radical 1960s New Left that sees Israel as an apartheid state created by colonialism, but it has been building on the fringes of the left for decades. Since Corbyn became party leader, numerous examples of antisemitic remarks made by Labour members, activists and elected officials have come to light. These remarks range from opposition to Israel’s existence or claims that Zionism collaborated with Nazism, to conspiracy theories about the Rothschilds or ISIS. The party has tried to tackle the problem of antisemitism through procedural means and generic declarations opposing antisemitism, but it appears incapable of addressing the political culture that produces this antisemitism: possibly because this radical political culture, borne of anti-war protests and allied to Islamist movements, is precisely where Jeremy Corbyn and his closest associates find their political home. A Crisis of Antisemitism Since early 2016, antisemitism has become a national political issue in Britain for the first time in decades. This hasn’t come about because of a surge in support for the far right, or jihadist terrorism against Jews. -
Political Party Funding: Controversies and Reform Since 1997
BRIEFING PAPER Number 07152, 24 March 2016 Political party funding: By Elise Uberoi controversies and reform since 1997 Inside: 1. Introduction 2. Why is party funding contentious? 3. The situation before 1997 4. Party funding: 1997-2010 5. Party funding: 2010-2015 6. Party funding in the 2015 Parliament 7. What next for party funding reform? www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 07152, 24 March 2016 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Introduction 4 2. Why is party funding contentious? 6 2.1 The need for party funding 6 2.2 Public funding 6 2.3 Private funding 6 2.4 Party funding statistics 7 3. The situation before 1997 9 3.1 Public funding 9 3.2 Private funding 9 4. Party funding: 1997-2010 10 4.1 The Committee on Standards in Public Life (1998) and PPERA (2000) 10 4.2 The Electoral Commission review (2004) 11 4.3 ‘Cash for honours’ (2006) and the Electoral Administration Act 2006 11 4.4 Inquiries: Constitutional Affairs Select Committee (2006) and Phillips (2007) 12 The Constitutional Affairs Select Committee (CASC) 12 Sir Hayden Phillips 12 4.5 The Political Parties and Elections Act 2009 13 5. Party funding: 2010-2015 15 5.1 The Committee on Standards in Public Life (2011) 15 5.2 The Electoral Commission review (2013) 16 5.3 The Transparency of Lobbying, Non-Party Campaigning and Trade Union Administration Act 2014 and other developments 16 Draft Bill 17 Labour Party reform 17 5.4 Allegations and scandals reported by the press 17 5.5 The 2015 General Election 18 6. -
Neoliberalism As a Prevailing Force on the Conditions of Teacher Education in Canada1
Alberta Journal of Educational Research, Vol. 64.4, Winter 2018, 346-363 Neoliberalism as a Prevailing Force on the Conditions of Teacher Education in Canada1 Peter P. Grimmett, Ph.D. University of British Columbia This paper examines the impact of neoliberalist macro-policy and culture on the conditions and practice of teacher education in Canada. The origins and central features of neoliberalism are unpacked to show how the centrality of the nation state of liberalism has been replaced under neoliberalism by the distorted myth of a minimalist state that in reality reshapes social institutions along market lines and uses state regulation machinery to ensure that the market model is dominant to the point of diminishing the idea of the “public good.” This has made the world very unstable, leading to civil strife, political violence and an ongoing diasporization associated with trans-national migration. Within this unstable world, higher education and teacher education in Canada take place. I then turn to examining the impact of neoliberalist policy on higher education as a foreground to examining the impact of neoliberalist policy conditions on Canadian teacher education. Three themes are extrapolated to demonstrate this impact—the conflicted challenge between institutional legitimacy and professional identity that working in a higher education context presents to Canadian teacher educators; some unresolved issues of accessibility and accountability in Canadian teacher education programs; and the ways in which a commitment to social justice with its emphasis on inclusion, diversity, and multiculturalism that Canadian teacher educators name as important are frustrated and sometimes impeded. My thesis is that neoliberalism is using audit conditions of accountability to re-frame teachers’ work as an occupational relationship. -
Speakers of the House of Commons
Parliamentary Information List BRIEFING PAPER 04637a 21 August 2015 Speakers of the House of Commons Speaker Date Constituency Notes Peter de Montfort 1258 − William Trussell 1327 − Appeared as joint spokesman of Lords and Commons. Styled 'Procurator' Henry Beaumont 1332 (Mar) − Appeared as joint spokesman of Lords and Commons. Sir Geoffrey Le Scrope 1332 (Sep) − Appeared as joint spokesman of Lords and Commons. Probably Chief Justice. William Trussell 1340 − William Trussell 1343 − Appeared for the Commons alone. William de Thorpe 1347-1348 − Probably Chief Justice. Baron of the Exchequer, 1352. William de Shareshull 1351-1352 − Probably Chief Justice. Sir Henry Green 1361-1363¹ − Doubtful if he acted as Speaker. All of the above were Presiding Officers rather than Speakers Sir Peter de la Mare 1376 − Sir Thomas Hungerford 1377 (Jan-Mar) Wiltshire The first to be designated Speaker. Sir Peter de la Mare 1377 (Oct-Nov) Herefordshire Sir James Pickering 1378 (Oct-Nov) Westmorland Sir John Guildesborough 1380 Essex Sir Richard Waldegrave 1381-1382 Suffolk Sir James Pickering 1383-1390 Yorkshire During these years the records are defective and this Speaker's service might not have been unbroken. Sir John Bussy 1394-1398 Lincolnshire Beheaded 1399 Sir John Cheyne 1399 (Oct) Gloucestershire Resigned after only two days in office. John Dorewood 1399 (Oct-Nov) Essex Possibly the first lawyer to become Speaker. Sir Arnold Savage 1401(Jan-Mar) Kent Sir Henry Redford 1402 (Oct-Nov) Lincolnshire Sir Arnold Savage 1404 (Jan-Apr) Kent Sir William Sturmy 1404 (Oct-Nov) Devonshire Or Esturmy Sir John Tiptoft 1406 Huntingdonshire Created Baron Tiptoft, 1426. -
Friend Or Foe? Lobbying in British Democracy
Friend or Foe? Lobbying in British Democracy A discussion paper by Philip Parvin Friend or Foe? Lobbying in British Democracy Text and graphics © Hansard Society 2007 Published by the Hansard Society, 40-43 Chancery Lane, London WC2A 1JA Tel: 020 7438 1222. Fax: 020 7438 1229. Email: [email protected] All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means, without the prior permission of the Hansard Society. The Hansard Society is an independent, non-partisan educational charity which exists to promote effective parliamentary democracy. For more information about other Hansard Society publications visit our website at www.hansardsociety.org.uk The views expressed in this publication are those of the author. The Hansard Society, as an independent non-party organisation, is neither for nor against. The Society is, however, happy to publish these views and to invite analysis and discussion of them. ISBN 978 0 900432 63 2 Cover design by Ross Ferguson Sub-editing by Virginia Gibbons Printed and bound in Great Britain by Premier Corporate Mail Limited Contents Page Foreword 3 Executive Summary 4 Introduction 5 Chapter 1: Who are the lobbyists? 9 Chapter 2: Perceptions of the Lobbying Community 22 Chapter 3: Lobbying and Democracy 31 Appendix: Research Methodology 35 1 Acknowledgements The Hansard Society is grateful to Ellwood and Atfield who have made this project possible. In particular, Ben Atfield and Gavin Ellwood have supported this discussion paper from the outset, contributed ideas to the thinking and been generous with their enthusiasm and commitment. -
Stapylton Final Version
1 THE PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE OF FREEDOM FROM ARREST, 1603–1629 Keith A. T. Stapylton UCL Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2016 Page 2 DECLARATION I, Keith Anthony Thomas Stapylton, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signed Page 3 ABSTRACT This thesis considers the English parliamentary privilege of freedom from arrest (and other legal processes), 1603-1629. Although it is under-represented in the historiography, the early Stuart Commons cherished this particular privilege as much as they valued freedom of speech. Previously one of the privileges requested from the monarch at the start of a parliament, by the seventeenth century freedom from arrest was increasingly claimed as an ‘ancient’, ‘undoubted’ right that secured the attendance of members, and safeguarded their honour, dignity, property, and ‘necessary’ servants. Uncertainty over the status and operation of the privilege was a major contemporary issue, and this prompted key questions for research. First, did ill definition of the constitutional relationship between the crown and its prerogatives, and parliament and its privileges, lead to tensions, increasingly polemical attitudes, and a questioning of the royal prerogative? Where did sovereignty now lie? Second, was it important to maximise the scope of the privilege, if parliament was to carry out its business properly? Did ad hoc management of individual privilege cases nevertheless have the cumulative effect of enhancing the authority and confidence of the Commons? Third, to what extent was the exploitation or abuse of privilege an unintended consequence of the strengthening of the Commons’ authority in matters of privilege? Such matters are not treated discretely, but are embedded within chapters that follow a thematic, broadly chronological approach. -
Z675928x Margaret Hodge Mp 06/10/2011 Z9080283 Lorely
Z675928X MARGARET HODGE MP 06/10/2011 Z9080283 LORELY BURT MP 08/10/2011 Z5702798 PAUL FARRELLY MP 09/10/2011 Z5651644 NORMAN LAMB 09/10/2011 Z236177X ROBERT HALFON MP 11/10/2011 Z2326282 MARCUS JONES MP 11/10/2011 Z2409343 CHARLOTTE LESLIE 12/10/2011 Z2415104 CATHERINE MCKINNELL 14/10/2011 Z2416602 STEPHEN MOSLEY 18/10/2011 Z5957328 JOAN RUDDOCK MP 18/10/2011 Z2375838 ROBIN WALKER MP 19/10/2011 Z1907445 ANNE MCINTOSH MP 20/10/2011 Z2408027 IAN LAVERY MP 21/10/2011 Z1951398 ROGER WILLIAMS 21/10/2011 Z7209413 ALISTAIR CARMICHAEL 24/10/2011 Z2423448 NIGEL MILLS MP 24/10/2011 Z2423360 BEN GUMMER MP 25/10/2011 Z2423633 MIKE WEATHERLEY MP 25/10/2011 Z5092044 GERAINT DAVIES MP 26/10/2011 Z2425526 KARL TURNER MP 27/10/2011 Z242877X DAVID MORRIS MP 28/10/2011 Z2414680 JAMES MORRIS MP 28/10/2011 Z2428399 PHILLIP LEE MP 31/10/2011 Z2429528 IAN MEARNS MP 31/10/2011 Z2329673 DR EILIDH WHITEFORD MP 31/10/2011 Z9252691 MADELEINE MOON MP 01/11/2011 Z2431014 GAVIN WILLIAMSON MP 01/11/2011 Z2414601 DAVID MOWAT MP 02/11/2011 Z2384782 CHRISTOPHER LESLIE MP 04/11/2011 Z7322798 ANDREW SLAUGHTER 05/11/2011 Z9265248 IAN AUSTIN MP 08/11/2011 Z2424608 AMBER RUDD MP 09/11/2011 Z241465X SIMON KIRBY MP 10/11/2011 Z2422243 PAUL MAYNARD MP 10/11/2011 Z2261940 TESSA MUNT MP 10/11/2011 Z5928278 VERNON RODNEY COAKER MP 11/11/2011 Z5402015 STEPHEN TIMMS MP 11/11/2011 Z1889879 BRIAN BINLEY MP 12/11/2011 Z5564713 ANDY BURNHAM MP 12/11/2011 Z4665783 EDWARD GARNIER QC MP 12/11/2011 Z907501X DANIEL KAWCZYNSKI MP 12/11/2011 Z728149X JOHN ROBERTSON MP 12/11/2011 Z5611939 CHRIS -
Whole Day Download the Hansard
Thursday Volume 670 23 January 2020 No. 15 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Thursday 23 January 2020 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2020 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. 393 23 JANUARY 2020 394 Elizabeth Truss: Lowering barriers will mean lower House of Commons costs for businesses and more choice for consumers. In Wolverhampton and the west midlands overall, we send Thursday 23 January 2020 one in five of all exports to the United States. Getting a trade deal with the US would mean a removal of tariffs on products such as cars, textiles and steel, so there are The House met at half-past Nine o’clock huge opportunities there for those businesses to grow. Stewart Hosie (Dundee East) (SNP): I am glad that PRAYERS the Secretary of State expects us to cut lots of free trade deals, but they do not happen by chance; they happen [MR SPEAKER in the Chair] by detailed analysis and tough negotiations. How does she believe we can succeed in those negotiations when the number of expert trade negotiators she has is a fraction of the 600 the EU has? More importantly, is Oral Answers to Questions she not setting herself up for a fall by rather foolishly, in my opinion, embarking on parallel trade negotiations with such limited resources with both the European Union and the USA? INTERNATIONAL TRADE Elizabeth Truss: I am afraid I am not surprised to The Secretary of State was asked— hear the SNP talking our country down. -
Political Affairs Digest a Daily Summary of Political Events Affecting the Jewish Community
24 January 2020 Issue 1,938 Political Affairs Digest A daily summary of political events affecting the Jewish Community Contents Home Affairs Relevant Legislation Holocaust Consultations Home Affairs Westminster Hall Debate Assisted Dying Law col 186WH Christine Jardine (Liberal Democrat): … The current law in this country simply is not working. I hope that we can begin to address today the effect of that law on terminally ill people and their loved ones, and on public servants such as doctors, health and social care professionals, police and coroners. … this issue is hugely evocative, can involve issues of faith and puts the medical profession in the most difficult of positions. It is also, of course, the most personal, intimate and ultimate of decisions. … Andrew Selous (Conservative): … Does the hon. Lady agree that we need to be very careful to ensure that old and sick people do not feel a pressure to end their lives, perhaps from their children, who might want to inherit their assets and to whom they may feel they are being a burden? Christine Jardine: … That is why I am so concerned that we should have a very narrow and precise definition if we change the law. … col 187WH Fiona Bruce (Conservative): What is the hon. Lady’s response to the evidence that, in countries where assisted suicide has been made legal, investment in palliative care has fallen? Christine Jardine: … That is something we would have to be aware of, but I believe it is up to us to address it. … col 188WH Rupa Huq (Labour): … I get her point that saying goodbye in an airport is not the best thing for people who choose to go to Switzerland, but at the same time I worry about safeguards. -
Never Again Lessons from Labour's Key Seats
Never Again Edited by Sally Keeble and Will Straw Again Edited by Sally Keeble and Will Never Fabian Special LESSONS FROM LABOUR’S KEY SEATS Edited by Sally Keeble and Will Straw Fabian Special The Fabian Society is Britain’s oldest political think tank. Since 1884 the Society has played a central role in developing political ideas and public policy on the left. Through a wide range of publications and events the Society influences political and public thinking, but also provides a space for broad and open-minded debate, drawing on an unrivalled external network and its own expert research and analysis. The Society is alone among think tanks in being a democratically-constituted membership organisation, with almost 7,000 members. During its history the membership has included many of the key thinkers on the British left and every Labour Prime Minister. Today it counts over 200 parliamentarians in its number. Member-led activity includes 70 local Fabian societies, the Scottish and Welsh Fabians, the Fabian Women’s Network and the Young Fabians, which is itself the leading organisation on the left for young people to debate and influence political ideas. The Society was one of the original founders of the Labour Party and is constitutionally affiliated to the party. It is however editorially, organisationally and financially independent and works with a wide range of partners of all political persuasions and none. Fabian Society 61 Petty France London SW1H 9EU www.fabians.org.uk Fabian Special First published 2015 ISBN 978-0-7163-4124-6 Editorial Director: Ed Wallis This pamphlet, like all publications of the Fabian Society, represents not the collective views of the Society but only the views of the author. -
Download Transformative Power
TRANSFORMATIVE POWER: POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN TRANSITION HILARY WAINWRIGHT n a context of uncertainty and flux, it helps to start from the specific. My Istarting point is the rise of Syriza, the radical left coalition rooted in the movements resisting austerity that has become the main opposition party in the Greek parliament. Syriza’s ability to give a focused political voice to the anger and despair of millions has made a breakthrough from which we can learn. This is a matter not only of its soaring electoral support, which rose from 4 per cent of the national vote in 2009 to 27 per cent in June 2012 on the basis of a refusal of the policies imposed by the IMF, the European Commission (EC) and the European Central Bank (ECB), but also of the fact that this electoral mandate is reinforced by organized movements and networks of solidarity that Syriza has been part of building. This is not to imply that Syriza’s success is stable or that its momentum will necessarily be maintained. One of its 71 MPs, the ex-Pasok member and trade union leader, Dimtris Tsoukalas, warns that ‘votes can be like sand’.1 Threatening winds will blow persistently from a hostile media determined to exploit any sign of division; from national and European elites creating an atmosphere of fear towards the left and from an aggressive fascist party exploiting xenophobic tendencies in Greek society with some success, having won 7 per cent in the polls. Syriza does not provide a template to apply elsewhere; it is a new kind of political organization in the making.