Additions to Ulrich Heinen: Huygens and Rubens. Reflecting the passions in paintings. With some considerations in the neuroscience in art history. In: Stephanie Dickey und Herman Roodenburg (Ed.): Motions of the Mind. Representing the Passions in the Arts of the Early Modern Netherlands, Netherlands Yearbook for the History of Art 60, 2010, pp. 150–177.

For the printed version of the article some notes and the last chapters had to be abridged. Here is the original version of those parts of the article.

Content:

I additions to chapters

II additions to notes I additions to chapters

Diaetetica

The version of Rubens’s Medusa that Huygens described in the collection of the merchant Sohier does not seem to have had rhetorical associations of this kind. Instead Huygens’s account begins and ends with social moments. First his friend shows him the picture clearly in order to shock him by pulling back the curtain suddenly. Finally Huygens ends with the witty remark – fitting well for a relaxed table talk – that he prefers ‘to praise this painting rather in the house of friends than in my own’ and that in this context he remembered the anecdote of the barbarian envoy who had no appreciation of art because he could not distinguish between the value of paintings and the value of their subjects. In this social framework the example can lead to a more general idea of the individual and common relevance of shocking pictures like this. Huygens’s textual framework still preserves an impression of an enjoyable conversation in the collection of his friend. The therapeutic relaxing effect of such jocular conversation, as it was described by medical scholars from antiquity as well as the early modern era in treatises on ‘diaeta’,81 can still be noticed between the lines of Huygens’s text. For Huygens the frightening effect of the picture is bound up with an exchange of friendship, from the first scare until the intellectual reflection of the painting and the experienced power of images to the relaxing repartee and later to the total recall of the experience of the painting and its intellectual reflection in his autobiography. In this regard Rubens’s Medusa and Huygens’s autobiographical notations apparently practice and reflect not only a compendium of concepts grounded in art theory, rhetoric, poetry and philosophy, with regard to the emotional pictorial effects of ictus, compassion, enárgeia and enérgeia, and even sublimitas, but are intended as intermediaries of a salubrious stress-cycles performed in sociable conversation. Today it is well-known that cycles of escalation, relaxation and homoeostasis in the endocrine system are essential for physiological health and fitness and how the whole cycle of stress depends on mental images and often can be controlled by external stimuli.82 Mental images,

81 See J. Verberckmoes, Schertsen, schimpen en schateren. Geschiedenis van het lachen in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden, zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Nijmegen 1998, 70–84; K. Bergdolt, Leib und Seele. Eine Kulturgeschichte des gesunden Lebens, Munich 1999, 179–222; Rubens was familiar with medical treatises on salubrious and dietetical aspects; see for example the relevant books in his library: Heinen, Garten, op. cit. (N. 12). 82 See Mühlmann, Nature, op. cit. (N. 5), 43–45; J. P. Pinel, op. cit. (N. 5), 471–476; LeDoux, Gefühle, op. cit. (N. 5), 259–265; Hülshoff, op. cit. (N. 5), 115, 135–136, 159–160 and passim. 2 activated through perceptions or memories, are acting upon the endocrine system. This system triggers the health of body and soul. After successfully passing a moment of stress the concentration of adrenaline and cortisol, that suddenly had increased to prepare for reaction against the stressor, drops down deep under the original level. At the same time particularly in male viewers the concentration of testosterone shoots up. Endorphins are poured out mainly in the brain. Temporarily the senses of well-being, sexual desire and potency are strengthened. The homoeostasis of a low level of stress that appears in the feeling of success benefits success in future escalations of stress. When stress is low, the reserve of energetic molecules is built up again and can be activated in future moments of stress. The circuit recreates. But if disappointments – the reason may be real or only imagined – are stored as memories, the hormonal state of emergency persists for an indeterminate length of time. Digestion, growth, sexuality and memory are hindered. The circuit is permanently overloaded, immune defense weakened. Furthermore the ability of a stressed organism to react to the next stressors with new escalation effectively is lowered because enduring stress consumes the energy reserves. The circuit is exhausted. So stress has to be interrupted again and again by periods of homoeostasis. Stress has to be diminished and the consumption and production of energy-reserves has to come in balance again. But a world without stress is not healthy either. If there are no exterior stimuli, paranoid imaginations of imaginary stressors may be produced. So the integration of horrifying paintings such as Rubens’s Medusa into the harmlessness of upper class everyday life apparently had the elementary function of prompting short cycles of stress that could be closed again in social laughter about the shocking joke. Those cycles of escalation, relaxation and homoeostasis are the condition for biological fitness and for the enduring ability for self- preservation and reproduction. Escalation, relaxation and homoeostasis, the whole cycle of stress, is accompanied by mental images. But in producing these interior images thalamus and hippocampus can be influenced or partly even navigated by external pictures or other stimuli from outside. So pictures can regulate and sometimes even control the emotional status that is responsible for individual health and productivity.

Unfortunately only few publications are dealing with the connection between pictures and the neurophysiology of feeling happy and calm; an exception: Freedberg, Historical Dimension, op. cit. (N. 5); ibid., Empathy, Motion and Emotion, op. cit. (N. 5), 31–32. For neurophysiological research on these feelings see for instance Damasio, Spinoza-Effekt, op. cit., passim; S. Ortigue et al., ‘The Neural Basis of Love as a Subliminal Prime. An Event-related Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging Study’, Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 19,7, 2007, 1218–1230; Hidehiko Takahashi et al.: ‘Brain Activation during Judgments of Positive Self-conscious Emotion and Positive Basic Emotion. Pride and Joy’, Cerebral Cortex 18.4, 2008, 898–903. 3 The importance of external stimuli on the physiological regulation of individual and collective stress and particularly the influence of pictures and imaginations on health as well as the relaxing effect of jokes were already observed and interpreted physically since antiquity: Fear could concentrate blood and spirit in the heart; the regeneration of the circuit of blood could be experienced as revival after danger.83 Although the physiological background of the impact of external stimuli on the physiological regulation of individual and collective stress and particularly the influence of pictures and imaginations on physiological health as well as the relaxing effect of jokes was unknown in the antique and in early modern time, its effects were yet considered in medical or magical concepts. For instance, the Stoic Epictetus in his Diatribes advised a kind of stoical imagination-therapy (2.18.25f.): Bad imaginings, that lead to destructive passions and vitiate well-being, can be expunged through beautiful and noble contra-visions, that can reinvigorate. Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472) pointed to painted springs and brooks with regard to the water balance in the human body, when he described individual therapeutic effects of paintings.84 Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499) announced that the gaze of beauty regulates the abundance of black bile and so cures melancholy.85 Thomas Fienus (1567–1631) stated in his De viribus imaginationis tractatus (Leuven 1608) that imagination influences the shape of the individual body.86 And the Paracelsian physician Johann Baptist van Helmont (1577–1644), living near Brussels, underlined in his Ortus medicinae, published posthumously in 1648, that even the imagination of a disease could endanger one’s health.87 Particularly the relaxing effect of jokes was often considered in early modern medical literature.88 For instance, the physician Hieronymus Mercuriale (1530–1606) in his De Arte Gymnastica, which Rubens read, asserted the salubriousness of laughing.89 The Jesuit and Lipsius-correspondent Jacobus Pontanus (1542–1626) in his Attica bellaria (1610) referred to

83 See for example Th. Rahn, ‘Gryphius’ Cardenio und Celinde. Zwei dramatische Krankengeschichten’, in: J.-D. Krebs (ed.), Die Affekte und ihre Repräsentation in der deutschen Literatur der Frühen Neuzeit (Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik. Reihe A. Kongreßberichte, 42), Berne et al. 1996, 93–106, esp. 97. 84 L. B. Alberti, De re aedificatoria, Florence 1485 (Chadwyck-Healey [ed.], Art Theorists of the Italian Renaissance Full-Text Databaseed, Cambridge 1998), 322, vol. 9, cap. 4. 85 See Bergdolt, op. cit. (N. 81), 184. 86 See P. Boeynaems, ‘De Geneeskunde te Antwerpen in de tijd van Rubens’, in: Geneeskunde rond Rubens, cat. exh. Antwerp (Geneesherenhuis), 1977, 21–30, esp. 28. 87 See Bergdolt, op. cit. (N. 81), 233. 88 See ibid., 179–222. 89 H. Mercuriale, De Arte Gymnastica Libri Sex, Venice 1601 (11573), cap. 6.6 (‘De lectionibus, sermonis, risus, & fletus qualitatibus’), 285–289. For Rubens and Mercuriale see Heinen, Haut, op. cit. (N. 69), 83. For Mercuriale’s thoughts on saloubriousness see Bergdolt, op. cit. (N. 81), 204–205. 4 Cicero (de Or. 2.23), Seneca (Tranq. 17.8), and the humanistic literature on salutary life: Permanent strenuousness corrupts the powers of the soul; relaxation sometimes restores them.90 In his widely read Progymnasmata (1592–98) he advised the pupils of the Jesuits emphatically to jocoseness, because diversified jokes and gentle emotions could correct the humors.91 In his Hygiasticon (1613), written for his confreres as a guidebook to a salubrious life, the Antwerp Jesuit Leonardus Lessius (1554–1623), for whose De iustitia et jure Rubens designed the title page, specially illuminated the connection between visual imaginations and salubriousness.92 Rubens himself apparently was very interested in antique and early modern teachings like this. He organized his everyday life in compliance with these notions, he arranged his garden as a place of salubrious recreation, he owned books on these topics, and reflected on them in many of his paintings.93

Virtus

Since paintings like Rubens’s Medusa excited the emotion triggering sites of the brain in communicative contexts, they also could coordinate groups of beholders. Thus Rubens and many other artists integrated the shocking motif of Perseus and the Medusa at many prominent and public places in emotional as well as intellectual visual discourses on political unity and actual political and military engagement.94 In the context of communication and conviviality, representations such as Rubens’s Medusa provide the focal point for a stress cycle that functions both individually and collectively. Such kind of paintings may make the emotional susceptibility of humanity observable. They provoked conversations about the nexus of pictorial illusions and the passions, and made it possible to calibrate the emotional and physiological effects of pictures. This emotional calibration of the response to paintings may be seen in connection with early modern cultural

90 See B. Bauer, Jesuitische ‘ars rhetorica’ im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe, Frankfurt (Main) et al. 1986, 292–293; for the connection to the physiology of jokes (H.-G. Schmitz, Physiologie des Scherzes. Bedeutung und Rechtfertigung der Ars Iocandi im 16. Jahrhundert, Hildesheim et al. 1972) in renaissance culture see also ibid., 300–302. For Pontanus and Lipsius see B. Bauer, ‘Jacob Pontanus SJ., ein oberdeutscher Lipsius. Ein Augsburger Schulmann zwischen italienischer Renaissancegelehrsamkeit und jesuitischer Dichtungstradition’, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 47 (1984), 77–120, 87–100. 91 See Bauer, ars rhetorica, op. cit. (N. 91), 294–295. 92 L. Lessius, ‘Hygiasticon’, in: Id., Opuscula, Antwerp 1626, 891–914, esp. cap. 9 (Paßiones mitigare) 910. See Bergdolt, op. cit. (N. 81), 206. For Rubens’s title page see Judson/Van de Velde, op. cit. (N. 20), no. 38. 93 See Heinen, Garten, op. cit. (N. 12). 94 See the list in Evers, op. cit. (N. 1), 266. See also the many examples in Zech, op. cit. (N. 80),; and F. Prims, Rubens en zijne eeuw, Brussels 1927, 109 ff. 5 theories. They often argue that society is founded and the scale of collective passions is calibrated with reference to horror and war and identify the basis for the constitution of culture and society in the collective memory of extreme passions. They constituted culture and society with reference to the experience of horror and war: For example, Leon Battista Alberti’s treatise on architecture sanctified the city wall as extreme fix point for the calibration of all levels of aesthetical ‘decorum’ in art and collective stress.95 Niccolo Machiavelli’s (1469–1527) Discorsi founded a solid society (stato) on a five year cycle of ‘ripigliare lo stato’ – which recalled to all citizens the fright and the fear of the cruelties that were done in the beginnings of those particular society.96 In his dedication to Moritz of Nassau Heinsius pointed out that tragedies are useful to society.97 Diego de Saavedra Fajardo (1584–1648) opined in his Idea de un principe politico cristiano that the arts have a civilizing effect on society: They mitigate the hardness of ruling and make the rulers more acceptable for the people.98 Lastly, Roger de Piles (1636–1709) presented the sublimeness of Rubens’s art as the pinnacle of individual and collective emotions.99 In his Saturnalium sermonum libri (1582) Lipsius praised the mortal combats of gladiators in the late Roman empire. Although, he considered these spectacles damnable, he nevertheless recognised that they were schools of bravery, the basis of imperial power and expansion of the Roman empire. Lipsius asks if such cruel scenes like executions may not have been schools of imperturbability, where beholders were educated to constancy against any extreme exertions of emotion.100 In Netherlandish art collections gruesome paintings such as the Medusa were juxtaposed with more serene and gentle scenes as well as with ironical refractions of pictorial pathos, which had more introspective and calmer effects on the beholder. Seen in relation to Rubens’s

95 Alberti, aedificatoria, op. cit. (N. 84), 216, vol. 7, cap. 1, and passim; see Mühlmann, Alberti, op. cit. (N. 5), esp. 37–39, 92–127; id., Nature, op. cit. (N. 5), 36–67, esp. 46–56. See also the ideal arrangement of pictorial motives on rooms with different functions and emotions in Vitruv, De architectura, VII.5.2; Alberti, aedificatoria, op. cit. (N. 84), vol. 9, cap. 4; G. P. Lomazzo, op. cit. (N. 11), 340–350, lib. 6, cap. 21–27; G. B. Armenini, De’ veri precetti della pittura, Ravenna 1587, 173– 183; G. Mancini, Considerazioni sulla pittura (ca. 1620), ed. L. Salerno, Rome 1956–1957, vol. 1, 141–144. 96 See N. Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (1531), vol. 3, cap. 1 (ed. F. Bausi, Rome 2001, vol. 2, 529–530). 97 See Mayer, op. cit. (N. 20), 168. 98 D. de Saavedra Fajardo, Idea de un principe politico cristiano, Munich 1640, 33–37, Empresa VI (see M. Warnke, Hofkünstler. Zur Vorgeschichte des modernen Künstlers, Cologne 1985, 289–290). 99 See Th. Puttfarken, Roger de Piles’ Theory of Art, New Haven/London 1985, 115–124. 100 J. Lipsius, Saturnalium sermonum Libri duo, Qui de Gladiatoribus, Antwerp 1588, Lib. 2, Cap. 2. 21. 22, fol. 140 und 141; see Beise, op. cit. (N. 39), 110–111. 6 Medusa and Huygens’s reflections on his response to this painting, also emotionally contrasting paintings had a specific function in pictorially instigated stress cycles. The relaxation in front of paintings with harmless themes can be estimated with regard to the experience of this highest stress-escalations.101 Indeed, in the context of ‘cultivated stress’ one may define all objects of early modern collections as specific activators of a wide range of different passions aimed to stimulate various stages of more or less salubrious stress cycles and to provoke conversations about the emotional susceptibility of humanity and the stress- impact of illusionistic media. Hence, religious as well as profane scenes, landscapes as well as still lifes, instruments of scientific research as well as weapons may function in this way. Thus the members of the elite could build and reflect the fundaments of community conversing about shocking or relaxing paintings in art collections. With the background of their visual and emotional experiences they could shape important features of the whole society applying their insights to public architecture, ephemeral decorations, theater, political debates etc. Therefore many aspects of their collections were also part of public communication. In this respect early modern collector’s cabinets may be viewed as assembly points, at which the elite and the humanists could test the individual and collective functioning of stress and control for further application. All cultural development emerges from clusters of mental images. Because in some people images can be combined with similar somatical markers, paintings can help to organize, coordinate, synchronize or differentiate their conditions of stress in this social group. The dependence of individual and collective decisions and behaviors on emotional valuations of images and the possibility of navigating these processes by external stimuli leads individuals to cultural cooperation and synchronisation.102 The elements of cultural information – Richard Dawkin’s (*1941) ‘memes’103 – and their complexion to specific clusters of cultural symptoms (memeplexes) are linked to evolutionary

101 See for instance the wide range of passions, reflected in interposed portraits of philosophers and mythological figures, in Rubens’s concept for the Torre della Parada: Heinen, Garten, op. cit. (N. 12), 136–137. 102 See Mühlmann, Nature, op. cit. (N. 5), esp. 29–31, 69; K. Eibl, op. cit. (N. 5), 310–319; H. Mühlmann, ‘MSC. Maximal stress cooperation’. The Driving Force of Cultures, Vienna/New York 2005. 103 On ‘memes’ and ‘memeplexes’ See R. Dawkins, The Selfish Gene, London 1978; for the coevolution of memes and the genes since the evolution of mirror-neurons see S. Blackmore, ‘Evolution and the Memes. The human brain as a selective imitation device’, Cybernetics and Systems 7 mechanisms. The collective coordination of their stress-status gives correlated impulses on the will and on the behavior of every individual of this group. Through the perception of stress-cooperations in which individual stress cycles are co-ordinated as impulses on the will and on the behavior of a couple of stress-coordinated individuals, the intensity of escalation, relaxation and homoeostasis in every individual in this group is strengthened and controlled. So stress-cooperation amplifies the chance of success in individual and collective confrontations with stressors. Stress-coordinated groups are more successful than separated individuals in convincing a real stressor through cooperative association and division of action and in the suggestion of mental images of individual or collective success. Cultural artifacts and attitudes – pictures, music, dance, theater, sports, military exercises et cetera – are not only symbolical representations, ready for cortical, semiotic analysis. But they are also working in the emotion triggering sites of the brain and in the body as stimuli on the regulation of stress and – if they are perceived by many individuals – are enabling the stress- cooperation of a social group of people. So symbolical representations in cultural artifacts and behaviors are valued by ‘somatical markers’ in a feedback. If mental images, enabled by public symbolical representations in artifacts and attitudes – painting, music, dance, theater, military exercise et cetera –, fit with the clusters of mental patterns and somatical markers in an individual’s memory, the individuals may be integrated in social stress-coordination and -cooperation. So the cultural coordination of symbolical systems, that are represented and analyzed cortically, is clustered again and again through the actual stimulated ‘somatical markers.’ If cultural stress- coordinated action fits to the environment of the individuals the cultural shaped cluster of mental images and their ‘somatical markers’ succeeds. The chance for preservation and dissemination of cultural symbolical systems and their items increases if the associated clusters of mental images and ‘somatical markers’ provoke stress-cooperations, that are – real or mental – successful in passing moments of stress in ever-changing environments. Not only in individuals but also in social groups pictures might help to activate the phases of a healthy cycle of stress from escalation to relaxation and regained homoeostasis. They can support the collective regulation of emotional conditions, which is constitutive for the - symbolically represented - identity as well as for the self-assertiveness of any cultural system. Hence for the success of cultural artifacts and behaviors and so for their persistence and dissemination as particular features of a culture the following conditions are crucial:

32.1 (2001), 225–255; Dawkins’s theory transferred to art history in: Changeux, op. cit. (N. 28), 196– 199; Elbs, op. cit. (N. 5), 31, 43. 8 (1) the fitness of mental images and the ‘somatical markers’ stimulated by those artifacts and behaviors to the established individual clusters of memories and ‘somatical markers’; (2) their contribution to the enabled stress-cycles in the individuals; (3) the – real or only mental – success of the enabled stress-coordination and - cooperation, that is enabled by the cultural artifacts and behaviors, in particular environments. So cultural artifacts and behaviors as stimuli of mental images and ‘somatical markers’, triggering stress-coordination and -cooperation, are multipliers and indicators of cultural success. Culture evolves. Hence the cycle of stress reciprocally links brain and body, connects symbolical representations with actions of individuals and groups in particular environments. Analyzing stress-impacts of cultural artifacts and behaviors and their physiological basics is the missing link in today’s theory of cultural evolution. This concept which was founded by Heiner Mühlmann in the late 1980s104 completes the causal connection of the cortical representations of symbolic systems and individual or collective actions. A crucial feedback of success and failure inserted in the causal system of cultural evolution with this connection of cultural artifacts of behaviors, mental images, ‘somatical markers’, stress-coordination and the individual and collective decisions and actions. The response of the human stress-system to visual media is connected to the health of the individual as well as to the evolutionary success or failure of cultures. Already antique and early modern authors have noted the nexus of cultural artifacts or behaviors, the enabled status of stress and its consequences for individual health, the provoked actions of individuals and groups and the success of a community. Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484–1558) in 1561 for instance refers to the antique consciousness of the emotional power of music, particularly of the music of war. With reference to Plutarch he pointed to a connection between salubriousness, that can be strengthened or even revived, and individual fitness for war. For Scaliger music – supporting psychic and bodily salubriousness – has always had an important role in self-assertiveness of individuals and communities.105

104 See Mühlmann, Nature, op. cit. (N. 5). 105 Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484–1558) in 1561 for instance refers to the antique consciousness of the emotional power of music, particularly of the music of war. With reference to Plutarch he pointed to a connection between salubriousness, that can be strengthened or even revived, and individual fitness for war. For Scaliger music – supporting psychic and bodily salubriousness – has always had 9 Whether at the home of the merchant Sohier or at the Duke of Buckingham, whether addressed to mental reflection or to spontaneous stress-responses, Rubens’s Medusa may be seen as an important contribution to the cultural regulation and coordination of stress, preparing the individual as well as the collective community of beholders for the emotional and cultural challenges of their time. The painting must have evoked clusters of mental images with many symbolical and somatical connotations and must have connected them with recent ‘somatical markers’, accentuated by particular means of pictorial representation. Rubens’s gruesome paintings, such as Medusa, and contemporary responses by authors like Huygens contributed evidently to the regulation, coordination and cooperation of stress and so to the fitness of a European elite which in the midst of global expansions and wars valued a life centered upon the idea of uprightness, conctancy and homoeostasis as power reserve.106 So the interplay of extremes within the physiology of stress, as it is documented in the overall artistic production and reception of both northern and southern Netherlands, must have been important for the emotional and cultural core of individual and collective success in early modern Netherlands. Call it ‘process of civilization’ or whatever you like: First of all the northern as well as the southern Netherlands had been cultural systems of political, economical, military and cultural success.107 Only when one recognizes cultures as the subtle control and formation of efficient collective cooperations of stress, can one understand the connection between the friendly

an important role in self-assertiveness of individuals and communities: Plutarch tells that an oracle counseled a diseased woman that ‘her health would be restored if she venerated the Muses. She did this with effort again and again. So she recovered and gained not only good health but also power and the courage of a military commander: The Muses do not only sing about military success, they also prepare for it.’ See J. C. Scaliger, Poetices libri septem. Sieben Bücher über die Dichtkunst, ed. L. Deitz and G. Vogt-Spira, 4 vol., Stuttgart 1994/95, vol. 1, 81–82 Kap. 1.2; (English transl. U. H.); refs. for Plutarch, Mul. virt. 4.245 c–f. For the therapeutical effects of music in antiquity see Bergdolt, op. cit. (N. 82), 66–67. For the antique tradition of music as instrument for education and harmonization of the irrational parts of the soul in Plato and the Stoics Posidonius (135–51 BC) and Diogenes of Babylon (240–150 B. C.) see also Nussbaum, Stoic views, op. cit. (N. 20), 112–120. 106 For the strategies of homoeostasis in the nexus between civility, education, conversation, theatre, poetry, music, painting, and war in the self-formation of the 17th centurie’s Dutch elite, particularly in the Huygens family see Herman Roodenburg, The Eloquence of the Body. Perspectives on gesture in the Dutch Republic, Zwolle 2004. Consider also the cultural importance of the Netherlandish culture of gardening; for this culture see U. Heinen, ‘Rubens’ Garten und die Gesundheit des Künstlers’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004), 71–182; Ch. Lauterbach, Gärten der Musen und Grazien. Mensch und Natur im niederländischen Humanistengarten. 1522–1655, München/Berlin 2004. Significantly Damasio explicates his thoughts on the neurophysiological fundaments of well-being with reference to the ethics of the 17th century Dutch philosopher Baruch Spinoza (A. R. Damasio, Der Spinoza-Effekt. Wie Gefühle unser Leben bestimmen, Berlin 2005). 107 See Heinen, Bildverständnisse, op. cit. (N. 50). 10 general appearance of Dutch visual culture with the harsh reality of northern Netherlandish society. Only then do all the harmless details of Dutch still life or genre paintings, or the demonstrable empathy or irony of the mature Rembrandt fit in functionally with the brutal repression and persecution of the political and religious oppressed majority of champions of parliamentarianism, of Roman Catholics, or of the many non-Calvinistic Protestant groups, with the brutal conquest and exploitation of overseas colonies as much as with the decisive promotion of global slave trade, and with the destructive campaign that the Dutch establishment conducted against their own Catholic brethren in the Southern Netherlands. The emotional divergences of cabinets of art made the entire emotional gamut accessible which permitted an analytic and synthetic training of combinations of individual or collective stress phases. An elite which was emotionally attuned in this way was able to cultural task-sharing and to change in a controlled, yet swiftly manner their emotional engagement depending on location and opportunity, oscillating between being pacifist or belligerent, tolerant or assertive, modest or triumphal. Trained by interrelated cultural strategies of emotional modulation and reflection the members of the elite were able to control individual and collective emotions and to remain calm in every situation – fundamental sociobiological conditions for individual and collective sobriety, assertive fitness and escalating power in future conflict. Not only Rubens’s dedication to diplomacy but also his important contributions to this kind of cultural regulations may be meant when Hugens – just before his report on Rubens’s Medusa – pointed to the painter’s erudition and to his mission for the common good: ‘To the head and the Apelles, Petrus P. Rubens, I give a place under the miracles of our world; to the painter, „who is erudit in all sciences“ – which surpasses the eulogy on the Macedonian Pamphilus –; to the man, whom the Spanish Archdukes taught that he was not born to push a screen before the sun, but whom they instructed that – particularly because he earned a larger area for his fame – to dedicate the gifts of his divine genius to the service of the common good after he had given pleasure in abundance.’108

108 ‘Corijphaeum et Apellem PETRUM P. RUBENIUM inter orbis nostri miracula colloco: pictorem „omnibus literis eruditum“, quod Pamphili Macedonis suprà elogium fuit, virum denique, quem Hispaniae Principes Reip. admouendo non soli natum pluteo docuerunt, sed et ampliora spatia laudis meritum diuini ingenij dotes utilitati publicae amputare jusserunt, postquam oblectationem abundè procurasset.’ Worp, Fragment, op. cit. (N. 1), 72; id., Schilders, op. cit. (N. 2) 118. English transl. E. Ph. H., U. H. ‘Omnibus literis eruditum’ cites Plinius sec., naturalis historiae 35.36 (76). 11 Rubens’s gruesome paintings were addressed to a wide variety of emotional responses.109 They could be part of a rhetoric persuasio, or instruments for experimental exercises in the regulation of the passions and stress, initiating ethical, poetical, aesthetical or dietetic results or reflections – all this historical concepts of response to pictures can be reflected in terms of contemporary neuroscience, an insight that vice versa detects some fundaments of contemporary thought in the history of ideas. Ultimately, however, paintings such as Rubens’s Head of Medusa and the contemporary responses to them by authors like Huygens not only demonstrate the passions and their reflection and not only lead to reflecting the passions, but – extreme calibration parameters of emotional responses to pictures – can open a window to the emotional functionality of entire cultures and their imaginations. In this regard they are important contributions to the cultural regulation and coordination of stress, preparing individuals as well as the community for the emotional and cultural challenges of their time.

109 For a theory of polyvalent addressing in the image-theory of early modern time see Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 19), esp. 29–44. 12 II. additions to notes (referring to the original published article) note 1 On Nicolaas Sohier see G. Schwartz, Rembrandt, His Life, His Paintings, London 1984, 76. On the different versions of the painting and it’s interpretation see H-G. Evers, Rubens und sein Werk. Neue Forschungen, Brussels 1943, 266; J. G. van Gelder, ‘Rubens in Holland in de zeventiende Eeuw’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek (1950/51), 102–150, esp. 141; De eeuw van Rubens, cat. exh. Brussels (Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten can België), 2nd ed. 1965, 289, no. 306; J. G. van Gelder, ‘De waardering van Rubens, een terugblik’, Antwerpen. Tijdschrift van de Stad Antwerpen 23 (1977), 179–197, esp. 182–184; L. Rens, ‘Rubens en de literatuur van zijn tijd’, Dietsche Warande en Belfort 122 (1977), 328–355, esp. 342–344; W. Prohaska, in: Peter Paul Rubens. 1577–1640. Ausstellung zur 400. Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages, cat. exh. Vienna (Kunsthistorisches Museum), 1977, no. 23, 81–83; H. Vlieghe, ‘Constantijn Huygens en de Vlaamse schilderkunst van zijn tijd’, De zeventiende eeuw 3 (1987), 191–210, esp. 193–197; J. Lichtenstein, La couleur eloquente. Rhétorique et peinture à l’âge classique, Paris 1989, 210; D. Bodart, in: Pietro Paolo Rubens (1577–1640), cat. exh. Padua (Palazzo della Ragione), Rome 1990, 118–119, no. 40; P. C. Sutton, in: Id. et al., The Age of Rubens, cat. exh. Boston (Museum of Fine Arts), 1994, 245–247; S. Koslow, ‘„How looked the Gorgon then“. The Science and Poetics of the „Head of Medusa“ by Rubens and Snyders’, in: C. P. Schneider et al. (ed.), Shop Talk. Studies in Honor of Seymour Slive, Cambridge 1995, 147–149; ead., Frans Snyders. Stilleven- en dierenschilder. 1579–1657, Antwerp 1995, 303–307; W. Brassat, ‘Tragik, versteckte Kompositionskunst und Katharsis im Werk von Peter Paul Rubens’, in: U. Heinen and A. Thielemann (ed.), Rubens Passioni. Kultur der Leidenschaften im Barock, Göttingen 2001, 41–69, esp. 63–65; W. Brassat, ‘Malerei’, in: G. Ueding (ed.), Historisches Wörterbuch der Rhetorik, vol. 5, Darmstadt 2001, col. 740–842, esp. col. 815; Christiane Kruse, Wozu Menschen malen. Historische Begründungen eines Bildmediums, Munich 2003, 393–396; J. Pieters, ‘De blik van de Medusa en de praktijk van de historicus’, in: Nederlandse letterkunde. Driemaandelijks tijdschrift, 8,2 (2003), 41– 61; I. Schaudies, ‘Trimming Rubens’ shadow. New light on the mediation of Caravaggio in the Southern Netherlands’, in: J. de Jong et al. (ed.), Rubens and the Netherlands (Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 55 [2004]) 335–367, esp. 344; U. Heinen, in: Id. and N. Büttner, Peter Paul Rubens. Barocke Leidenschaften, cat. exh. Brunswick (Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum), 2004, 222– 225, no. 44; id., ‘Emotionales Bild-Erleben in der Frühen Neuzeit. Ein neurobiologischer Systematisierungsversuch’, in: R. Zymner and M. Engel (ed.), Anthropologie der Literatur. Poetogene Strukturen und ästhetisch-soziale Handlungsfelder, Paderborn 2004, 356–382; W. Prohaska, in: J. Kräftner et al. (ed.), Rubens in Wien. Die Meisterwerke. Die Gemälde in den Sammlungen des Fürsten von und zu Liechtenstein, des Kunsthistorischen Museums und der Gemäldegalerie der Akademie der bildenden Künste in Wien, cat. exh. Vienna 2004, no. 50, 222–227 (questioning the attribution of the animals to Snyders); K. Herding, ‘Zum künstlerischen Ausdruck von Grauen und Sanftmut’, in: Id. and B. Stumpfhaus (ed.), Pathos, Affekt, Gefühl. Die Emotionen in den Künsten, Berlin/New York 2004, 330–356, esp. 334–335; J Pieters, Speaking with the dead, Explorations in literature and history, Edinburgh 2005, pp 61–68; Inge Broekman, De rol van de schilderkunst in het leven van Constantijn Huygens (1596–1687), Hilversum 2005, 18–20; Susan Koslow: ‘„The Head of Medusa“ by Peter Paul Rubens and Frans Snyders. A Postscript’, May 2, 2006, in: http://profkoslow.com/publications/medusapostscript.html; A. T. Woollett and A. van Suchtelen et al. (ed.), Rubens and Brueghel. A Working Friendship, cat. exh. Los Angels (The J. Paul Getty Museum), 2006, 180–185; U. Heinen, ‘Zur bildrhetorischen Wirkungsästhetik im Barock. Ein Systematisierungsversuch nach neurobiologischen Modellen’, in: J. Knape (ed.), Bildrhetorik, Baden- Baden 2007, 113–158; D. Freedberg, ‘Empathy, Motion and Emotion’, in: K. Herding and Antje Krause-Wahl (ed.), Wie sich Gefühle Ausdruck verschaffen. Emotionen in Nahsicht, Taunusstein 2007, 17–51, esp. 32; S. Kurth, Das Antlitz der Agonie. Körperstrafe im Mythos und ihre barocke Rezeption, Weimar 2009, pp. 110–116; G. Gruber, in: S. Ferino-Pagden (ed.), Wir sind Maske, cat. exh. Wien 2009, pp. 122–124. note 4

13 See A. Prosperi, ‘Fantasia versus intelletto. Strategie missionarie per la conversione dei popoli’, in: S. de Blaauw et al. (ed.), Docere, Delectare, Movere. Affetti, Devozione e Retorica nel Linguaggio artistico del primo Barocco Romano. Atti del Convegno organizzato dall’ Istituto Olandese a Roma e dalla Bibliotheca Hertziana (Max-Planck-Institut), 19.–20.1.1996, Rome 1998, 13–26, esp. 18–19; for earlier theories of localization in the brain see W. Pagel, ‘Medieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the Brain and its Functions’, in: F. N. L. Poynter (ed.), The History and Philosophy of Knowledge of the Brain and its Functions. An Anglo-American Symposium, London, 15.–17.7.1957, Oxford 1958, 95–114. note 5 For the physiological and psychological aspects discussed below see the following items. For the interaction of body and brain in perception, cognition, emotion, stress, and will: M. Solms, ‘Was sind Affekte?’, Psyche 50.6 (1996), 485–522; M. J. George, ‘Into the Eye of the Medusa: Beyond Testosterone’, Journal of Men’s Studies 5 (1997), 295–313; E. M. Sternberg, ‘Emotions and disease. From balances of humors to balance of molecules. A new Field of Research investigates how the Immune and Nervous Systems communicate with each other’, Nature Medicine 3.3 (1997), 264–267; B. Engelmann, Neuronales Selbst und szenischer Affekt. Grundriß einer neurobiologisch und psychodynamisch angelegten Emotionsforschung, Frankfurt (Main) et al. 1997; A. R. Damasio, Descartes’ Error. Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain, New York 1994, esp. 127–222; J. LeDoux, Das Netz der Gefühle, Munich 1998, 169–179, 259–260, 274–275; M. Kurthen, T. Grunwald and C. E. Elger, ‘Will there be a Neusoscientific Theory of Consciousness?’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 2.6 (1998), 229–324; id., ‘Intentionalität und Sprachlichkeit in Psychoanalyse und Kognitionswissenschaft’, Psyche (Stuttgart) 52.9/10 (1998), 850–883; J. D. Haynes et al., ‘Die funktionale Rolle des bewußt Erlebten’, Gestalt theory 20.3 (1998), 186–213; G. Tononi, G. M. Edelman and Olaf Sporns, ‘Complexity and Coherency: Integrating Information in the Brain’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 2.12 (1998), 474–484; G. Hüther, Biologie der Angst. Wie aus Streß Gefühle werden, 2d ed. Göttingen 1998; O. Neumann et al., ‘Willentliche Reaktion auf nicht bewußt wahrgenommene visuelle Reize’, Forschung an der Universität Bielefeld 19 (1999), 35–41; G. Roth, ‘Bewußte und unbewußte Handlungssteuerung aus neurobiologischer Sicht’, in: F. Meyer-Krahmer and S. Lange (ed.), Geisteswissenschaften und Innovationen, Heidelberg 1999, 77–133; E. T. Rolls, ‘Précis of „The Brain and Emotion“‘, Behavioral and Brain Sciences 23 (2000), 177–234; A. R. Damasio, Ich fühle, also bin ich. Die Entschlüsselung des Bewußtseins, Munich 2000; G. Roth, Fühlen, Denken, Handeln. Die neurobiologischen Grundlagen des menschlichen Verhaltens, Frankfurt (Main) 2001; Ch. Zimmer, Subjektive, endokrine und vegetative Reaktionen auf akuten Schmerz. Möglichkeiten der kognitiven Beeinflussung, Frankfurt (Main) 2001, esp. 1–39, 151–154; M. Davis and P. J. Whalen, ‘The Amygdala. Vigilance and emotion’, Molecular Psychiatry 6 (2001), 13–34; M. Pauen, Grundprobleme der Philosophie des Geistes. Eine Einführung, Frankfurt (Main) 2001; M. Siegal and R. Varley, ‘Neural Systems involved in „Theory of Mind“‘, Natural Reviews. Neuroscience 3 (2002), 463–471; W. H. R. Miltner et al., ‘Attention bias in phobics. Cortical and behavioral correlates’, Psychophysiology 39 (2002), 60; P. Dilger, T. Straube, H. J. Mentzel et al., ‘Brain Activation to Phobia-related Pictures in Spider Phobic Humans. An Event-related Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging Study’, Neuroscience Letters 348.1 (2003), 29–32; J. LeDoux, Das Netz der Persönlichkeit. Wie unser Selbst entsteht, Düsseldorf/Zurich 2003; A. R. Damasio, Der Spinoza- Effekt. Wie Gefühle unser Leben bestimmen, Berlin 2005. For the neurophysiological connection of emotional involvement and memory see also L. Cahill et al., ‘Beta-adrenergic activation and memory for emotional events’, Nature (1994), 702–704; T. Canli et al., ‘Activation in the human amygdala associates event-related arousal with later memory for individual emotional experience’, The Journal of Neuroscience 20 (2000), 1–5; St. Hamann, ‘Cognitive and neural mechanisms of emotional memory’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 5.9 (2001), 394–400; K. S. LaBar and R. Cabeza, ‘Cognitive neuroscience of emotional memory’, Nature Reviews Neuroscience 7 (2006), 54–64. For the connection of stress physiology and ethology see H. Mühlmann, The Nature of Cultures. A Blueprint for a Theory of Culture Genetics, ed. B. Brock, Vienna/New York 1996, 29–31, 69; J. P. J. Pinel, Biopsychologie. Eine Einführung, Heidelberg et al. 1997, 458–489; N. E. Aiken, The Biological Origins of Art, Westport (Conn.)/London 1998, 29–108; G. Hüther, Biologie der Angst. Wie aus Streß Gefühle werden, 2d ed. Göttingen 1998; Th. Hülshoff, Emotionen. Eine Einführung für beratende,

14 therapeutische, pädagogische und soziale Berufe, Munich/Basel 1999, passim; K. Eibl, Animal Poeta. Bausteine der biologischen Kultur- und Literaturtheorie, Paderborn 2004, 310–319. For ‘unlearned enabling mechanisms’ see I. Eibl-Eibesfeldt, ‘The interactions of unlearned behavior patterns and learning in mammals’, in: J. F. Delafresnaye (ed.), Brain Mechanisms and Learning, Oxford 1961, 53–73; W. M. Schleidt, ‘Die historische Entwicklung der Begriffe „Angeborenes auslösendes Schema“ und „Angeborener Auslösemechanismus“ in der Ethologie’, Zeitschrift für Tierpsychologie 19 (1962), 697–722; L. Schmidt-Atzert, Lehrbuch der Emotionspsychologie, Stuttgart et al. 1996, 243–245; I. Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Die Biologie des menschlichen Verhaltens. Grundriß der Humanethologie, 4th ed., Munich et al. 1997, 63–65, 88, 112–114, 899–901, 916–918, 922. For the relevance of neurophysiology/neuroesthetics for art and art history see Richard G. Coss, The ethological command in art, Leonardo 1.3, (1968), 273–287; G. Ch. Rump, ‘Verhaltensforschung und Kunstgeschichte’, in: Hahn, M. and M. Schuster (ed.), Fortschritte der Kunstpsychologie, Frankfurt (Main) 1980, 111–123; id., ‘Ethologie und Bildkommunikation’, in: M. Schuster and B. Woschek (ed.), Nonverbale Kommunikation durch Bilder, Stuttgart 1989, 79–91, esp. 81–84; M. Schuster and B. Woschek, ‘Bildhafte und verbale Kommunikation’, in: Ibid., 3–22, esp. 14; Mühlmann, Nature, op. cit. (N. 5), J. P. Changeux, ‘Art and Neuroscience’, Leonardo 27.3 (1994), 189–201; S. Zeki, ‘Art and the Brain’, Dædalus 127 (1998), 71–103; B. Cooke and F. Turner (ed.), Biopoetics. Evolutionary explorations in the arts, Lexington 1999, passim; S. Zeki, Inner Vision. An exploration of art and the brain, Oxford 1999; J. A. Goguen (ed.), Art and the Brain, Thorverton et al. 1999 (Journal of Consciousness Studies 6,6/7 [1999]); Aiken, op. cit. (N. 5), 109–142; E. Voland and K. Grammer (ed.), Evolutionary aesthetics, Berlin et al. 2003; O. Elbs, Neuro-esthetics. Mapological Foundations and Applications (Map 2003), Munich 2005 (with more literature); D. Freedberg and V. Gallese, ‘Motion, Emotion and Empathy in esthetic Experience’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 11.5 (2007), 197–203; id., ‘Mirror and canonical neurons are crucial elements in esthetic response’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 11 (2007), 411; D. Freedberg, Empathy, op. cit. (N. 5); H. Hacker, ‘Neuronale Rezeption emotionaler Inhalte der darstellenden Kunst’, in: Ibid., 53–64; C. Martindale et al. (ed.), Evolutionary and neurocognitive approaches to aesthetics, creativity, and the arts, Amityville, NY 2007. For approaches to historical concepts of these questions see: J. Onians, ‘The biological basis of Renaissance aesthetics’, in: F. A. Lewis and M. Rogers (ed.), Concepts of beauty in Renaissance Art, Aldershot/Vermont 1999, 2–27. The first reference to ethology as basis of pictorial affect- communication in early modern time in H. Mühlmann, Ästhetische Theorie der Renaissance. Leon Battista Alberti, Diss. Munich 1968 (published Bonn 1981), 9. For a comprehensive and always updated bibliography by Oliver Elbs see also http://www.mapology.org/en/References (accessed on 28 September 2008). note 8 G. Vasari, Leben der ausgezeichnetsten Maler, Bildhauer und Baumeister, ed. L. Schorr and E. Förster, Darmstadt 1983, vol. 3. 1, 12–13. In connection with Rubens’s Medusa: Prohaska, 1977, op. cit. (N. 1), 82; Pieters, op. cit. (N.1), 52–53; for Vasari’s legend see J. Varriano, ‘Leonardo’s lost Medusa and other Medici Medusas from the Tazza Farnese to Caravaggio’, Gazette-des-Beaux-arts 130 (1997), no. 1544, 73–80; U. Pfisterer, ‘Erste Werke und Autopoiesis. Der Topos künstlerischer Frühbegabung im 16. Jahrhundert’, in: Id. and M. Seidel (ed.), Visuelle Topoi. Erfindung und tradiertes Wissen in den Künsten der italienischen Renaissance, Munich/Berlin 2003, 263–302, esp. 271–274; K. Krüger, ‘Gesichter ohne Leib. Dispositive der gewesenen Präsenz’, in: N. Suthor and E. Fischer-Lichte (ed.), Verklärte Körper. Ästhetiken der Transfiguration, Munich 2006, 183–222, esp. 208–211. note 9 See Koslow, Gorgon, op. cit. (N. 1); ead., Postscript, op. cit. (N. 1). Koslow mentions that Lucan is Lucan is listed on p.18 of an sales catalogue that was published in 1658 after the death of Rubens’s son Albert (see Prosper Arents, De Bibliotheek van Pieter Pauwel Rubens. Een reconstructie, ed. Frans Baudouin et al., Antwerp 2001, 357). This entry (‘Lucanus cum notis Bersmanni’) may be M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia sive de bello civili Caesaris et Pompeii libri X. ex emendatione Hugon. Grotii cum eiusdem ad loca insigniora notis. Accesserunt variarum lectionum libellus et index opera

15 Theodori Pulmanni [Theodor Poelmann, 1510–1607?] et aliorum concinnati, Leiden (Ex officina Plantiniana Raphelengii) 1614 (11564). To Koslows reference of sources one has to add the motif of the snakes, rupturing their mother’s body, in Hieronymus Wierix after de Vos, The triumph of the truth, engraving, 436 x 344 mm (M. Mauquoy- Hendrickx, Les estampes des Wierix conservées au Cabinet des Estampes de la Bibliotheque Royale Albert Ier. Catalogue raisonné. Enrichi de notes prises dans diverses autres collections, 3 vol., Brussels 1978–1982, no. 1409, 251). For the amphisbaena also: A. Balis, ‘Facetten van de Vlaamse dierenschilderkunst van de 15de tot de 17de eeuw’, in: Het Aards Paradijs. Dierenvoorstellingen in de Nederlanden van de 16de en 17de eeuw, Antwerp 1982, 36–55, esp. 45; for the amphisbaena in contemporary literature see K. Reichenberger, Die Schöpfungsgeschichte des Du Bartas. Themen und Quellen der Sepmaine, Tübingen 1963, vol. 2, 234. The same ‘amphisbaena’ as in Rubens’s Medusa is represented on a woodcut in Nardo Antonio Recchi et al., Rerum medicarum Novae Hispaniae thesaurus seu Creators, Rome 1651, 797. Johan Faber (1574–1629) worked on the edition of this book just in the time when he met Rubens in Italy. note 11 ‘Both [painter and poet] follow a secret instinct of Nature: […] Painters […] are possessed with the love of those Arts, not so much by a fore-determined advise, as by blind fit or a most violent and irresistible fury.’ F. Junius, The Painting of the Ancients, London 1638, 3.7.; in: Id., The Literature of Classical Art, 2 vol., ed. K. Aldrich et al., Berkeley etc. 1991, 43, vol. 1, lib. 1, cap. IV; see N. E. Land, The Viewer as Poet. The Renaissance Response to Art, Pennsylvania State University 1994, 22. For the concept of ‘furor poeticus’ in early modern art theory see G. P. Lomazzo, Trattato dell’Arte de la Pittura, Milan 1584, 108–110, lib. 2, cap. 2; J. J. Chai, Gian Paolo Lomazzo and the Art of Expression, Diss. Cambridge 1990 (Ann Arbor), 165–171, 251. For this concept in antique and medieval philosophy and rhetoric: J. Neumann, ‘Furor poeticus’, in: Wörterbuch Rhetorik, op. cit. (N. 1), vol. 3, col. 490–495; for early modern time: L. Nebes, Der ‘furor poeticus’ im italienischen Renaissanceplatonismus. Studien zu Kommentar und Literaturtheorie bei Ficino, Landino und Patrizi, Marburg 2001; Ch. J. Steppich, Numine afflatur. Die Inspiration des Dichters im Denken der Renaissance, Wiesbaden 2002. For this concept in Rubens’s work see Heinen, Barocke Leidenschaften, op. cit. (N. 1), 30; id., ‘Komponieren im Affekt. Vergil – Monteverdi – Rubens’, in: Herding/Krause-Wahl (ed.), op. cit. (N. 1), 161–188. For Rubens and Junius see also Nadia J. Koch, Zur Bedeutung der Phantasia für die Rekonstruktion der klassischen Tafelmalerei, in: Ralf Biering et al. (ed.), Maiandros. Festschrift für Volkmar von Graeve, Munich 2006, 165–178, especially 171–172. For a neuroesthetical interpretation of the furor poeticus as ‘hypomania’ see S. Kluwe, ‘Furor poeticus. Ansätze zu einer neurophysiologisch fundierten Theorie der literarischen Kreativität am Beispiel der Produktionsästhetik Rilkes und Kafkas’, literaturkritik.de 2, February 2007. note 12 For Rubens’s admiration for Seneca and Lipsius see recently U. Heinen, in: Heinen/Büttner (ed.), op. cit. (N. 1), passim; id., ‘Rubens’ Garten und die Gesundheit des Künstlers’, Wallraf- Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004), 71–182; with the earlier literature, esp. 161, note 78; additional: E. Kieser, Antikes im Werke des Rubens, Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst N.F. 10 (1933) 110– 137, esp. 137; M. Sabbe, ‘Het Geestleven in Antwerpen in Rubens’ Tijd’, in: F. Prims, Rubens en zijne eeuw, Brussels 1927, 63–172, esp. 139–144; M. Warnke, Kommentare zu Rubens, Berlin 1965; E. Paratore, ‘Ovidio e Seneca nella cultura e nell’arte di Rubens’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 38 (1967), 533–565; P. Eberlein, Die Darstellung des Senecatodes bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, Magisterthesis (typoscript) Freiburg im Breisgau 1969, 27; G. Hess, ‘Der Tod des Seneca. Ikonographie – Biographie – Tragödientheorie’, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Schillergesellschaft 25 (1981) 209–213; F. Huemer, ‘A New View of the Mantuan Friendship Portrait’, in: W. H. Wilson (ed.), Papers Presented at the International Rubens Symposium April 14–16 1982 (The Ringling Museum of Art Journal 1983), Sarasota 1983, 94–105, esp. 97–98; ead., ‘Rubens and Galileo 1604. Nature, art, and poetry’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 44 (1983), 175–196, esp. 190–191; J. Ruysschaert, ‘Les éditions de 1605 et de 1615 du Sénéque Lipsien et le tableau dit des „Quattre Philosophes“ de Rubens’, in: M. Gregori (ed.), Rubens e Firenze, Florence 1983, 196–215; F. Huemer, ‘Philip Rubens

16 and his Brother the Painter’, in: Rubens and his world. Bijdragen opgedragen aan Prof. Dr. Ir. R.- Adolphe d’Hulst, Antwerp 1985, 123–128; M. Warnke, ‘Das Bild des Gelehrten im 17. Jahrhundert’, in: Sebastian Neumeister and Conrad Wiedemann (ed.), Res Publica Litteraria. Die Institutionen der Gelehrsamkeit in der frühen Neuzeit (Wolfenbüttleler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 14), 2 Vols., Wiesbaden 1987, vol. 1, 1–31; G. Maurach, ‘Tacitus und Rubens. Zwei Bilder von Senecas Tod’, Gymnasium 97 (1990); M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics. Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius, Princeton 1991; J. Müller Hofstede, ‘Peter Paul Rubens 1577–1640. Selbstbildnis und Selbstverständnis’, in: E. Mai and H. Vlieghe (ed.), Von Bruegel bis Rubens. Das goldene Jahrhundert der flämischen Malerei, cat. exh. Cologne (Wallraf-Richartz-Museum), 1992, 103–120, esp. 103–109; J. Müller Hofstede, ‘Rubens und das Constantia-Ideal. Das Selbstbildnis von 1623’, in: M. Winner (ed.), Der Künstler über sich in seinem Werk. Internationales Symposium der Bibliotheca Hertziana. Rom 1989 (Acta Humaniora, 6), Weinheim 1992, 365–405, esp. 380–387; R. Stephan-Maaser, Mythos und Lebenswelt. Studien zum ‘Trunkenen Silen’ von Peter Paul Rubens, Münster 1992, 197–201, and passim; S. Zurawski, ‘Reflections on the Pitti Friendship Portrait of Rubens. In Prise of Lipsius and in Remembrance of Erasmus’, The Sixteenth Century Journal 23.4 (1992), 727–753; G. Winter, ‘Peter Paul Rubens. Gruppenbild als Selbstportrait’, in: H. Kreuzer et al. (ed.), Von Rubens zum Dekonstruktivismus. Sprach-, literatur- und kunstwissenschaftliche Beiträge. Festschrift für Wolfgang Drost, Heidelberg 1993, 203–227; J. Papy, ‘De Hond (canis familiaris). Hondenpsychologie bij Justus Lipsius’, Brabantse Folklore en Geschiedenis 282 (1994), 157–171; L. Tongiorgi-Tomasi, ‘Tulipomania. addenda’, in: M. A. Giusti and A. Tagliolini (ed.), Giardino delle muse. Arti e artifici nel barocco europeo. Atti del IV colloquio internazionale, Pietrasanta 8.–10.9.1993, Florence 1995, 79–95, esp. 79–80; U. Heinen, Rubens zwischen Predigt und Kunst. Der Hochaltar für die Walburgenkirche in Antwerpen, Weimar 1996, 19, 190, note 76a, 77; F. Huemer, Rubens and the Roman circle. Studies of the first decade, New York/London 1996, 67–70, and passim; G. Maurach, Seneca. Leben und Werk, 2d ed., Darmstadt 1996, 48–54; Mark Morford, ‘L’influence de Juste Lipse sur les Arts’, in: Christian Mouchel (ed.), Juste Lipse (1547–1606) en son temps. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 1994, Paris 1996, 235–273; F. Vuilleumier, ‘Sous l’œil de Sénèque. Les quatre philosophes en miroir de la galerie palatine de Florence’, in: Ibid., 295–320; M. Dlugaiczyk, Peter Paul Rubens. ‘Der Triumph des Siegers’, Marburg 1996, 26–30; M. Morford, ‘Towards an Intellectual Biography of Justus Lipsius – Pieter Paul Rubens’, in: M. Laureys (ed.), The World of Justus Lipsius. A Contribution towards his Intellectual Biography. Proceedings of a Colloquium held under the Auspices of the Belgian Historical Institute in Rome, 22.–24.5.1997 (Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 68), Turnhout 1998, 387–403; M. Morford, ‘Justus Lipsius en zijn contubernales. De „vier filosofen“ van Peter Paul Rubens’, in: Justus Lipsius (1547–1606) en het Plantijnse Huis, cat. exh. Antwerp (Museum Plantijn-Moretus), 1997–1998, 138–145; H. Peeters, ‘Le „contubernium“ de Lipse à Louvain à travers sa correspondance’, in: G. Tournoy, J. De Landtsheer and J. Papy (ed.), Iustus Lipsius. Europae Lumen et Columen. Proceedings of the International Colloquium Leuven 17. – 19. 9. 1997 (Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 15), Leuven 1999, 141–168; D. Imhof, ‘The Illustration of Works by Justus Lipsius published by the Plantin Press’, in: Ibid., 67–81, esp. 76–78; J. Papy, ‘Lipsius and his Dogs. Humanist Tradition, Iconography and Rubens’s „Four Philosophers“‘, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 67 (1999), 167–198, esp. 182–185; S. Tauss, Dulce et decorum? Der Decius-Mus-Zyklus von Peter Paul Rubens, Osnabrück 2000, 212–220; Brassat, Tragik, op. cit. (N. 1); Kate Bomford, The Visual Representation of Friendship amongst Humanists in the Southern Netherlands, c. 1560–1630, Diss. London (Courtauld Institute of Art) 2000 (typoscript); C. H. Lusheck, Rubens’s graphic eclecticism. Style, eloquence and the matter of drawing, circa 1600 – 1620, Diss. Berkeley 2000 (Ann Arbor 2001), 39–65; J. Raeymaekers, ‘De herkenning van Philopoemen. Rubens en Justus Lipius’, De Zeventiende Eeuw 15.2 (2000), 197–203; P. Zanker, ‘I ritratti di Seneca’, in: P. Parroni (ed.), Seneca e il suo tempo. Atti del Convegno internazionale di Roma-Cassino, 11.–14.11.1998 (Biblioteca di Filologia e critica, 6), Rome 2000, 47–58, esp. 52; L. Eisenlöffel, Homo movens iactamus. Staatsdenken, Menschenbild und Bildkultur bei Peter Paul Rubens, Frankfurt (Main) et al. 2001, 84, 89, 92–93, 125–131, 152, 158, 176–177; H. J. Raupp, ‘Rubens und das Pathos der Landschaft’, in: U. Heinen and A. Thielemann (ed.), Rubens Passioni. Kultur der Leidenschaften im Barock, Göttingen 2001, 159–179, esp. 172–176; U. Heinen, ‘Haut und Knochen – Fleisch und Blut. Rubens’ Affektmalerei’, in: U. Heinen and A. Thielemann (ed.), Rubens Passioni. Kultur der Leidenschaften im Barock, Göttingen 2001, 70–109, esp. 90–97; U. Heinen, ‘Rubens’ lipsianischer Garten’, in: U. Härting and E. Schwinzer (ed.), Gärten und Höfe der

17 Rubenszeit. Internationales Symposium im Gustav-Lübcke-Museum der Stadt Hamm, 12.1.–14.1.2001 (Die Gartenkunst 14 [2002]), 1–8; Th. Noll, ‘“Der sterbende Seneca“ des Peter Paul Rubens. Kunsttheoretisches und weltantschauliches Programmbild’, Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 52 (2001), 89–158; H. Ost, Malerei und Friedensdiplomatie. Peter Paul Rubens’ ‘Anbetung der Könige’ im Museo del Prado zu Madrid, Cologne 2003, 116–118; A. Georgievska-Shine, ‘Horror and Pity. Some Thoughts on the Sense of the Tragic in Rubens’s „Hero and Leander“ and „The Fall of Phaeton“‘, Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 30 (2003), 217–228; Heinen, Bild-Erleben, op. cit. (N. 1); A. Thielemann, ‘Sprechende Köpfe. Seneca-Bildnisse um 1600’, in: M. Kunze and H. Wrede (ed.), 300 Jahre ‘Thesaurus Brandenburgicus’. Archäologie, Antikensammlungen und antikisierende Residenzausstattungen im Barock. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Schloss Blankensee, 30.9.–2.10.2000, Munich 2006, 167–206; Heinen, Wirkungsästhetik, op. cit. (N. 1); id., ‘Text- und Bild-Formen neostoischen Wissens von den Leidenschaften’, in: W. Oechslin (ed.), Wissensformen, Zurich 2008, 194–219. For the sources on Rubens and the circle of Lipsius see Ch. Ruelens and M. Rooses (ed.), Correspondance de Rubens et Documents Epistolaires concernant sa Vie et ses Œuvres Publies. Codex Diplomaticus Rubenianus, 6 vol., Antwerp 1887–1909, vol. 1, passim. Andreas Thielemann is preparing a broader study on Rubens and the stoa. He presented a part of it at 12 June 1999 at the symposium Rubens Passioni at Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Cologne (‘Der stoische Modus. Mentalstilistische Aspekte des Rubensschen Klassizismus’). note 13 Ira 2.4.2. Seneca explicitly calls spontaneous emotions not ‘affectus’, but ‘affectio’, ‘inconsulto naturae impetus’, ‘morsus’ and ‘ictus’. See also ad Marc. 7.1; ad Polyb. 18, 4; Ep. 11.1–7; 57.4; 71.27; 74.30–31; 85.29; 99.13–21; Ira 2.1.1; 2.2.1–2.3.3; 2.3.1–3; Const. Sap. 10.4. For the stoic doctrine of ‘ictus’ see J. Lipsius, Manvdvctionis ad Stoicam philosophiam libri tres, Antwerp 1604 (we used the Opera omnia, Wesel 1675), 706–709, cap. 2.11; 769–773, cap. 3.7; M. Pohlenz, Die Stoa. Geschichte einer geistigen Bewegung, Göttingen 5th ed. 1992, vol. 1, 54–63, 88, 91, 141–153, 164–183, 307–308; M. Forschner, ‘Die pervertierte Vernunft. Zur stoischen Theorie der Affekte’, Philosophisches Jahrbuch 87 (1980), 258–280; Ä. Bäumer, Die Bestie Mensch. Senecas Aggressionstheorie, ihre philosophischen Vorstufen und ihre literarischen Auswirkungen, Frankfurt (Main) etc. 1982, 93–96, 130–131; A. Michel, ‘Seneque, Juste Lipse et les Passions’, in: R. Chevallier and R. Poignault (ed.), Présence de Sénéque (Collection Caesarodunum, 24bis), Paris 1991, 179–187, esp. 184–185; B. Inwood, ‘Seneca and Psychological Dualism’, in: J. Brunschwig and M. C. Nussbaum (ed.), Passions & Perceptions. Studies in Hellenistic Philosophy of Mind, Cambridge 1993, 150–183, esp. 164–183; J. Lagrée, Juste Lipse et la restauration du stoïcisme. Étude et traduction des traités stoïciens. De la constance, Manuel de philosophie stoïcienne, Physique des stoïciens (extraits), Paris 1994, 39–44; A. Schiesaro, ‘Passion, Reason and Knowledge in Seneca’s Tragedies’, in: S. Morton Braund and Ch. Gill (ed.), The Passions in Roman Thought and Literature, Cambridge 1997, 89–111, esp. 105–106; R. Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind. From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation. The Gifford Lectures, New York 2000, 66–75. The stoic theory of ‘ictus’ is preceded by Gorgias’ (480–380 B. C.) thoughts on the irresistible impact of speech and painting on emotion and decision-making; see Gorgias, ‘Encomium of Helen’, 17–18, in: Thomas Schirren and Thomas Zinsmaier, Die Sophisten. Ausgewählte Texte. Griechisch/Deutsch, Stuttgart 2003, pp. 79–89, esp. pp. 87–89. For relations of the stoic doctrine of ‘ictus’ and modern brain research see Richard Sorabji, Emotion and peace of Mind. From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, New York 2000, 144–155. note 16 For this central topos of antique poetry and early modern theory of images see Horaz, Ars Poetica, 101–103 (English transl. U. H.). See also G. Mazzoli, Seneca e la poesia, Milan 1970, 127; Bäumer, op. cit. (N. 13), 131, note 4. note 19 For Seneca’s theory and practice of tragedy see M. Fuhrmann, ‘Die Funktion grausiger und ekelhafter Motive in der lateinischen Dichtung’, in: H. R. Jauß (ed.), Die nicht mehr schönen Künste. Grenzphänomene des Ästhetischen, Munich 1968, 23–66, esp. 45–50; Mazzoli, op. cit. (N. 16), 122–

18 138; Bäumer, op. cit. (N. 13), 130–136; Th. G. Rosenmeyer, Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology, Berkeley et al. 1989; Schiesaro, op. cit. (N. 13); Sorabji, Emotion, op. cit. (N. 13), 71–81. On the influence of Seneca’s tragedies on Rubens see Paratore, op. cit. (N. 12), 547–553; Hess, op. cit. (N. 12); Huemer, Galileo 1604, op. cit. (N. 12), 190–191; Stephan-Maaser, op. cit. (N. 12), 197–201; Huemer, circle, op. cit. (N. 12), 67–70; further literature in Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 19, 190, note 76a, 77; Lusheck, op. cit. (N. 12), 127–185; see now also Brassat, Tragik, op. cit. (N. 1); Georgievska-Shine, Horror, op. cit. (N. 12), esp. 224–225; Heinen, Leidenschaften, op. cit. (N. 1), 31– 33. For the wide distribution of these tragedies see the letter of Delrio to Lipsius on 28 May 1593 (A. Gerlo et al. [ed.], Ivsti Lipsi Epistolae, Brussels 1978 ff., vol. 1, 223–224). The preface to Delrio’s Selectae Patrum Societatis Jesu Tragoediae, Antwerp 1634, calls Seneca a ‘tragicorum fons ac princeps’ (see J. M. Valentin, ‘Hercules moriens. Christus patiens. Baldes Jephtias und das Problem des christlichen Stoizismus im deutschen Theater des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Argenis 2 [1978], 37–72, esp. 51). For Lipsius and Delrio see M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics. Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius, Princeton/New Jersey 1991, 119–120; W. Thomas, ‘Martín Antonio Delrío and Justus Lipsius’, in: Laureys, op. cit. (N. 12), 343–366 (but both too much prejudiced against Delrio). For the reception of Seneca’s tragedies in Antwerp see E. Rombauts, ‘Sénèque et le théatre Flamand’, in: J. Jacquot (ed.), Les tragédies de Sénèque et la théatre de la Renaissance, Paris 1964, 211–219. note 20 Pivotal for this is the reference to Epictetus in early Jesuit poetics: ‘Sapiens Epictetus, apud Arrianum tragoediam definit, speculum eorum, qui à fortunâ pendent. cuiusmodi cuncti, perpaucis exceptis, qui fortuita euenta praeuidere, & secum antè solent peragere, séque ita praemunire, vt praeuisi casus fortuiti leuiùs feriant, & fortiùs ipsi excipiant inuadentes. plurimum huic rei contulerint exempla Regum et Heroum, quae proponit et exponit orchestra.“ M. A. Delrio, Syntagmata Tragoediae Latinae, Antwerp 1593–99, vol. 1, Praefatio, fol. *4r to fol. **r; see H.-J. Schings, ‘Consolatio Tragödiae. Zur Theorie des barocken Trauerspiels’, in: R. Grimm (ed.), Deutsche Dramentheorien, 2 vol., 3d ed., Darmstadt 1980, vol. 1, 19–55, esp. 35; for the theory of tragedy in Epictetus’s Diatribes see M. C. Nussbaum, ‘Poetry and the Passions. Two Stoic views’, in: Brunschwig/Nussbaum (ed.), op. cit. (N. 13), 97–149, esp. 128–130, 138; for Delrio’s theory of tragedy see R. Mayer, ‘Personata Stoa. Neostoicism and Senecan Tragedy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 57 (1994), 151–174, esp. 159–167, 171, 173; Rombauts, op. cit. (N. 19), 215; Valentin, op. cit. (N. 19), 45–48; B. Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater. Ansätze zu einer Poetik der Synästhesie bei den Jesuiten’, in: H. F. Plett (ed.), Renaissance-Poetik. Renaissance Poetics, Berlin/New York 1994, 197–238. See also: ‘ut perturbatione vacemus, nullum efficacius remedium, quàm si crebro frustrationes & infortunia quae euenire possunt, praemeditemur, ut praesentia.’ Delrio, op. cit. (N. 20), vol. 3, 205, commentary in Hippolyt, line 990 (994), ‘in imparata’, with reference to Epictetus, Ench. 7. ‘Porrò ut hic Theseus, ita Maronianus Aeneas iactat omnia se animo mala praecepisse, & secum ante peregisse. videlicet quia (ut ait Seneca epist. 108) nemo non fortius ad id, cui se diu composuerat, accessit, & duris quoque, si praemeditata erant, obstitit: at contra imparatus, etiam leuissima expauit. Id agendum, ne quid nobis inopinatum sit: &, quia omnia nouitate grauiora sunt; haec cogitatio assidua praestabit, at nulli fis malo tyro. Idem de tranquill. vitae cap. II. quicquid enim fieri potest, quasi futurum prospiciendo, malorum omnium impetus molliet; qui ad praeparatos expectantèque nihil adferunt noui: securis & beata tantum spectantibus, graues eueniunt. „Cuius potest accidere, quod cuiquam potest.“ hoc si quis in medullas demiserit, & omnia aliena mala, quorum ingens quotidie copia est, si adspexerit, tanquam illis liberum & ad se iter sit: multo antè se armabit, quàm petatur. Serò animus ad periculorum patientiam post periculum instruitur. & Consolatione ad Marciam: Necesse est itaque magis corruamus, quod quasi ex inopinato ferimur. Quae multo antè praevisa sunt, languidius incurrunt.’ Delrio, op. cit. (N. 20), vol. 3, 205, commentary in Hippolyt, line 990 (994), ‘gero’, with regard to Epictetus, Ench. 7. For the ‘praemeditatio futurorum malorum’ in the poetics of Antonio Sebastiano Minturno, De Poeta, Venice 1559, that was used by Delrio, see Schings, Consolatio, op. cit. (N. 20), 36. In Rubens’s surroundings Epictetus was well-known. Lipisus recommended in the preface to his Seneca-edition (1606) to read Epictetus parallel to Seneca (adiunctus Epictetus). The title page of this

19 edition even represents Epictetus’s portrait as pendant to the portrait of Seneca (L. Annaei Senecae Philosophi opera, quae exstant omnia. A Ivsto Lipsio emendata et Scholijs illustrata, Editio secunda, atque ab vltimâ Lipsi manu, Antwerp 1615, v; R. Judson und C. Van de Velde, Book Illustrations and Title-Pages [Corpus Rubenianum. Ludwig Burchard, 21], 2 vol., Brussels 1978, vol. 2, fig. 102–103). In his Manuductio Lipsius dedicates a special chapter to Epictetus: Lipsius, Manvdvctio, op. cit. (N. 13), 681–682, cap. 1.19. note 23 ‘Danielis Heinsii De Tragoediae constitutione liber. In quo inter caetera, tota de hac Aristotelis sententia dilucide explicatur’, in: Aristoteles, De Poetica liber. Daniel Heinsius recensuit […], Leiden 1611 (repr. Hildesheim/New York 1976), cap. 2, 22–23, 28; see. E. Rotermund, ‘Der Affekt als literarischer Gegenstand. Zur Theorie und Darstellung der Passiones im 17. Jahrhundert’, in: Jauß (ed.), op. cit. (N. 19), 239–269, esp. 247; see Schings, Consolatio, op. cit. (N. 20), 28–29 (who in view of Heinsius’s few anti-stoical comments ignores the stoic elements in Heinsius); J. H. Meter, The Literary Theories of Daniel Heinsius. A Study of the Development and Background of his Views on Literary Theory and Criticism during the Period from 1602 to 1612, Assen 1984, 171–172. For Seneca’s and Epictetus’s comparisions of stoical reflection to the workout and fight of athletes and gladiators see U. Poplutz, ‘Das Glück des Übenden. Vom antagonistischen Umgang mit den Affekten in der stoischen Philosophie’, Hermeneutische Blätter (Institut für Hermeneutik & Religionsphilosophie. Theologische Fakultät Universität Zurich) 1/2 (2004), 83–90, esp. 86–89. note 24 See Rosenmeyer, op. cit. (N. 19). Similar in Seneca’s philosophical writings; see: Maurach, op. cit. (N. 12), 63–64, 71. Similar is the concept of ‘consolatio’ in the poetics of Minturno, op. cit. (N. 20); see Schings, Consolatio, op. cit. (N. 20), 36. note 27 See G. Rizzolatti et al., ‘Premotor cortex and the recognition of motor actions’, Cognitive Brain Research 3 (1996), 131–141; V. Gallese et al., ‘Action recognition in the premotor cortex’, Brain 119 (2/1996), 593–609; G. Rizzolatti and M. A. Arbi, ‘Language within our Grasp’, Trends in Neurosciences 21 (1998), 188–194; M. I. Stamenov and V. Gallese (ed.), Mirror Neurons and the Evolution of Brain and Language. Selected Contributions to the Symposium held on July 5–8 2000 in Delmenhorst, Amsterdam et al. 2002; V. S. Ramachandran, Phantoms in the Brain. Human Nature and the Architecture of the Mind, London 1999; G. Rizzolatti and L. Craighero, ‘The mirror-neuron system’, Annual Review of Neuroscience 27 (2004), 169–192; V. Gallese, ‘Embodied simulation: From neurons to phenomenal experience’, Phenomenology and the Cognitive Sciences 4 (2005) 23– 48; Ch. Keysers and V. Gazzola, ‘Towards a unifying neural theory of social cognition’, Progress in Brain Research 156 (2006), 393–406; M. Dapretto, Understanding emotions in others. Mirror neuron dysfunction in children with autism spectrum disorders, Nature Neuroscience 9.1 (2006), 28–30; A. Avenanti et al., ‘Transcranial magnetic Stimulation highlights the sensorimotor Side of Empathy for Pain’, Nature Neuroscience 8 (2005), 955–960; A. Avenanti et al., ‘Stimulus-driven modulation of motor-evoked potentials during observation of others’ pain’, Neuroimage 32 (2006), 316–324; id., ‘The sensorimotor side of empathy’, in: M. Mancia (ed.), Psychoanalysis and Neuroscience, Milan 2006, 235–256; B. Calvo-Merino et al., ‘Seeing or Doing? Influence of Visual and Motor Familiarity in Action Observation’, Current Biology 16 (2006), 1905–1910; G. Rizzolatti et al., ‘Mirrors in the Mind’, Scientific American 295, (5/2006), 30–37; I. Bufalari et al., ‘Empathy for Pain and Touch in the human somatosensory cortex’, Cerebral Cortex (January 6, 2007) (http://cercor.oxfordjournals. org/cgi/content/abstract/bhl161v1, accessed on 1 August 2007); V. Gallese, et al., ‘Intentional attunement: Mirror neurons and the neural underpinnings of interpersonal relations’, Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 55 (2007), 131–176; V. Gallese et al., ‘The sense of touch. Embodied simulation in a visuo-tactile mirroring mechanism for the sight of any touch’, Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 20 (2008), 1611–1623; G. Rizzolatti and C. Sinigaglia, Empathie und Spiegelneurone. Die biologische Basis des Mitgefühls, Frankfurt (Main), 2008. A system of human premotor cortical regions activated during facial movement is also involved in auditory processing of affective nonverbal vocalizations like laughter: see J. E. Warren et al., ‘Positive

20 Emotions Preferentially Engage an Auditory–Motor „Mirror“ System’, The Journal of Neuroscience, 26 (2006), 13067. Many aspects of the mirror neuron discovery are based on the principle of external or interpersonal isomorphism formulated by the Gestalt psychologists (W. Köhler, Die psychischen Gestalten in Ruhe und im stationären Zustand, Braunschweig 1920; W. Köhler, ‘Gestaltprobleme und Anfänge einer einer Gestalttheorie’, Jahresberichte über die gesamte Physiologie und experimentelle Pharmakologie mit vollständiger Bibliographie, vol. 3: Bericht über das Jahr 1922, part 1: Übersichtsreferate, München/Berlin 1925, 512–539; K. Koffka, Principles of Gestalt Psychology, New York 1935; W. Köhler, Die Aufgabe der Gestaltpsychologie, Berlin/New York 1971, 50, 67, 76, and passim), see M.N. Eagle and J.C. Wakefield, ‘Gestalt Psychology and the Mirror Neuron Discovery’, Gestalt Theory 29 (1/2007), 59–64; Carmelo Calì, ‘Isomorphism and Mirror Neuron System’, Gestalt Theory 29 (2/2007), 168–173. These concept of mirror neurons transferred to art history by J. P. Changeux, ‘Art and Neuroscience’, Leonardo 27.3 (1994), 189–201, esp. 192–193; Freedberg/Gallese, Experience, op. cit. (N. 5), 197–203; Barbara Maria Stafford, Echo objects. The cognitive work of images, Chicago (Ill.) 2007. note 29 First in Leone Battista Alberti, Della Pictura libri tre, lib. I, 120; we used the edition: Id., ‘Drei Bücher über die Malerei’, in: H. Janitschek (ed.), Leone Battista Alberti’s kleinere kunsttheoretische Schriften (Quellenschriften für Kunstgeschichte, 11), Vienna 1877, 45–163; see Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 19, 188, note 64 (with status quaestionis); U. Reißer, Physiognomik und Ausdruckstheorie der Renaissance. Der Einfluß charakterologischer Lehren auf Kunst und Kunsttheorie des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Munich 1997, 106–108, 116–118, 137–141, 147–150. note 36 For the neurophysiological effects of seeing fearful eyes see J. S. Morris et al., ‘Human Amygdala Responses to Fearful Eyes’, NeuroImage 17 (2002), 214–22; P. J. Whalen et al., ‘Human Amygdala Responsivity to masked fearful Eye Whites’, Science 306 (2004), 2061. See also the considerations of the development of the great white scelera of human eyes in the evolution at G. F. Striedter, Principles of Brain Evolution, Sunderland(MA) 2005, 336 ff. (O. Elbs pointed me to these sources). note 38 See S. Vogel, ‘Sozialdisziplinierung als Forschungsbegriff?’, Frühneuzeit-Info 8 (1997), 190–193; K. A. Vogel, ‘Wo Sprache endet. Der Bericht des Anton Prätorius über die Folter und das Problem der „selektiven Empathie“‘, in: M. Meumann and D. Niefanger (ed.), Ein Schauplatz herber Angst. Wahrnehmung und Darstellung von Gewalt im 17. Jahrhundert, Göttingen 1997, 188–204; K. Stegbauer, ‘Perspektivierungen des Mordfalles Diaz (1546) im Streit der Konfessionen. Publizistische Möglichkeiten im Spannungsfeld zwischen reichspolitischer Argumentation und heilsgeschichtlicher Einordnung’, in: W. Harms and A. Messerli (ed.), Wahrnehmungsgeschichte und Wissensdiskurs im illustrierten Flugblatt der Frühen Neuzeit (1450 – 1700). Tagung in Ascona, Monte Verità, vom 31. Oktober bis 4. November 1999, Basel 2002, 371 – 414. note 41 See Ch. Ruelens and M. Rooses (ed.), Correspondance de Rubens et Documents Epistolaires concernant sa Vie et ses Œuvres Publies. Codex Diplomaticus Rubenianus, 6 vol., Antwerp 1887– 1909, vol. 2, 240, 257; Muller, op. cit. (N. 18), 87. Rubens must have known the philosophy of the early Greek stoics for example through his reading of the Life of Philosophers by Diogenes Laertius (about 200 A. D.); see E. McGrath, Rubens. Subjects from History (Corpus Rubenianum. Ludwig Burchard, 13), 2 vol., London 1997, vol. 1, 63. note 43 For the neo-stoic theory of emotional impacts of mental images now in extenso K. Westerwelle, Montaigne. Die Imagination und die Kunst des Essays, Munich 2002, esp. 419–437. See also J. Abecassis, ‘Fortis imaginatio generat casum’, in: B. Yon (ed.), La peinture des passions. De la Renaissance à l’Âge classique. Actes du Colloque international. Saint-Etienne, 10, 11, 12 avril 1991, Saint-Etienne 1995, 185–202.

21 note 44 Sen, epist. 23.3, et al.; see Forschner, op. cit. (N. 13); E. Asmis, ‘Seneca’s „On the Happy Life“ and Stoic Individualism’, in: M. C. Nußbaum (ed.), The Poetics of Therapy. Hellenistic Ethics in its Rhetorical and Literary Context, Edmonton 1990, 219–255, esp. 232–245. See also Rubens’s friend Kaspar Schoppe (1576 – 1649) on the instinctive drive of nature: internal joy, friendliness, hilariousness or reverence: Gaspar Scioppius, Elementa Philosophiae Stoicae Moralis, Mainz 1606, CXXIV; on Schoppe and Rubens see Ch. Ruelens, ‘Un têmoignage relatif à P. P. Rubens en Italie’, Rubens Bulletijn 4 (1896), 113–117, esp. 115; Ruelens/Rooses, op. cit. (N. 41), vol. 1, passim, esp. 252–266; J. Müller Hofstede, ‘Rubens in Italien’, in: Peter Paul Rubens. 1577–1640, 2 vol., cat. exh. Cologne (Wallraf-Richartz-Museum), 1977, vol. 1, 13–354, esp. 78–79; Huemer, Galileo 1604, op. cit. (N. 12), 178, 190; Morford, Biography, op. cit. (N. 12), 390–393; Huemer, circle, op. cit. (N. 12), 10–17, 151, 180–186. note 47 See J. H. Hagstrum, The Sister Arts. The Tradition of Literary Pictoralism and English Poetry from Dryden to Gray, Chicago 1958, 11–13; G. LeCoat, The Rhetoric of the Arts, 1550–1650, Frankfurt (Main) 1975, 44–45, 52; H. F. Plett, Rhetorik der Affekte. Englische Wirkungsästhetik im Zeitalter der Renaissance, Tübingen 1975; M. E. Hazard, ‘The Anatomy of „Liveliness“ as a Concept in Renaissance Aesthetics’, Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 33 (1974/75), 407–418, esp. 408– 412; N. Michels, Bewegung zwischen Ethos und Pathos. Die Wirkungsästhetik italienischer Kunsttheorie des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Münster 1988, 60–62; B. Saint Girons, Fiat lux. Une philosophie du sublime, Paris 1993, 168–171; P. Galland-Hallyn, ‘De la rhétorique des affects à une métapoétique. Évolution du concept d’enargeia’, in: H. F. Plett (ed.), Renaissance-Rhetorik. Renaissance-Rhetoric, Berlin/New York 1993, 244–265 (inter alia for enárgeia in stoic philosophy); ead., Les Yeux de l’éloquence. Poétiques humanistes de l’évidence (Collection l’Atelier de la Renaissance, 5), Orléans 1995, 99–184; Jeroen Jansen, ‘Helderheid (perspicuitas) in enige renaissancistische drama-voorredes’, Spektator 24.3/4 (1995), 202–215; A. Manieri, L’immagine poetica nella teoria degli antichi. Phantasia ed enargeia, Pisa/Rome 1998, 97–192. For the Cinquecento see also Land, Viewer, op. cit. (N. 11); Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 19, 186–188, note 57–63; Jeroen Jansen, ‘Een Neolatijnse encyclopedie en een voorrede in de moedertaal. Twee opvattingen over perspicuitas in 1616’, in: Caroline van Eck et. al. (red.), Een kwestie van stijl. Opvattingen over stijl in kunst en literatuur, Amsterdam1997, 79–95. With regard to Rubens see also Ch. Göttler, ‘Nomen mirificum. Rubens’ „Beschneidung Jesu“ für den Hochaltar der Jesuitenkirche in Genua’, in: V. von Flemming (ed.), Aspekte der Gegenreformation (Zeitsprünge. Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, Sonderheft 1, 3/4). Frankfurt (Main) 1997, 796–844, esp. 818–819; ead., ‘„Barocke“ Inszenierung eines Renaissance-Stücks. Peter Paul Rubens’ „Transfiguration“ für Santissima Trinità in Mantua’, in: Ead. et al. (ed.), Diletto e Maraviglia. Ausdruck und Wirkung in der Kunst von der Renaissance bis zum Barock, Emsdetten 1998, 167–189, esp. 167–171. My considerations on the difference between enárgeia and enérgeia in painting were first presented on 11 June 1999 in the introduction to the Symposium Rubens – Passioni in Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Cologne. Independently from this they are confirmed now by the comprehensive survey of V. von Rosen, ‘Die Enargeia des Gemäldes. Zu einem vergessenen Inhalt des Ut-pictura-poesis und seiner Relevanz für das cinquecenteske Bildkonzept’, Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 27 (2000), 171–208. note 49 Agricola for instance noticed that passions, such ‘as benevolence, anger and compassion add to the auditor’s mind an intense compulsion to believe.’ Agricola, op. cit. (N. 37), 309. Later the theory of tragedy followed this interpretation; for Jacob Masenius, Palaestra Eloquentiae ligatae, Cologne 1657, see Beise, op. cit. (N. 39), 117. Some modern ideas, how Rubens’ Head of Medusa provokes high intensity in actual perception and in memory are reflected in Pieters, op. cit. (N.1), 42–44. note 51

22 See J. S. Held, ‘Carolus Scribanius’s Observations on Art in Antwerp’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996), 174–204, esp. 178. For Rubens’s title-page for Scribanius’s Politico- Christianus of 1624 see Judson/Van de Velde, op. cit. (N. 20), no. 54. note 52 See C. Nativel, ‘La comparaison entre la peinture et la poésie dans le „de pictura veterum“ (1,4) de Franciscus Junius (1589–1677)’, Word and Image 4 (1988), 323–330, esp. 327–328; ead., ‘Quelques sources antiques du „De Pictura Veterum“ de Franciscus Junius’, De zeventiende eeuw 5 (1989), no. 2, 33–49, esp. 40–43; ead., ‘La théorie de l’enargeia dans le De pictura ueterum de Franciscus Junius. Sources antiques et développements modernes’, in: R. Démoris (ed.), Hommage à Elizabeth-Sophie Chéron. Texte et peinture à l´age classique, Paris 1992, 73–85; Ph. P. Fehl et al., ‘Glossary of Rhetorical Terms in Praise of Art’, in: Junius, Literature, op. cit. (N. 11), vol. 1, 375–380; Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 186–187, note 57–58; for the antique sources now comprehensive N. J. Koch, Techne und Erfindung in der klassischen Malerei. Eine terminologische Untersuchung, Munich 2000, 207–225. note 53 ‘Meritò postulat hîc Cassiodorus, ut ›graphikòs operam det libris antiquorum‹ quemadmodum enim supra ostendimus artificis ingenium multijugâ lectione mirificè ali atque foecundari, ita & hîc liquebit judicia eorum qui Picturas inspiciunt plurimùm juvari, si eximiae artis opera cum imaginibus quas lectio suggesserit conferant, atque ad hoc quasi archetypum examinent. Restat igitur, ut demonstremus scriptores veteres usque adeò exactis verborum coloribus, boum, equorum, hominum denique imagines delineasse, ut omninò aliter ab artificibus nec potuerint pingi, nec debuerint.’ Junius, Pictura 1637, op. cit. (N. 14), 221, cap. 3.7.13; id., Literature, op. cit. (N. 11), vol. 1, 334; see Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 301, note 39–40; 303, note 52; see also Junius, Pictura 1637, op. cit. (N. 14), 38–41, cap. 1.5.2; 215–216, cap. 3.7.8; id., Painting 1638, op. cit. (N. 11), cap. 1.5.2, 3.7.8, 3.7.12, in: Id., Literature, op. cit. (N. 11), vol. 1, 60–64, 303–304, 309. note 54 ‘Quamombrem etiam omissis frivolis, universam rerum adumbratarum speciem, & quidquid in iis notabilius, latiore quadam comprehensione animo semper complecti studeamus, quò singula delineatarum rerum momenta cùm animo praeconceptis imaginibus rectè atque ordine contendere possimus. quod quàm sit facilè, pereleganter docet Maximus Tyrius Dissertat. XXVIII, […] inquit […], agilis & expedita res est reminiscentia. Sicut enim ea quae facile moventur corpora, motum tamen impulsumque manus postulant, ut initio motus inde accepto, diutissime conservent eum; sic mens nostra, occasionem reminiscentiae, quam sensus suggerit semel amplexa, ab hoc initio longè lateque recordando progreditur. & quemadmodum in longâ tenuique hastâ fieri videmus, ut extremam partem movens, motum istum per totam hastam usque ad ipsam cuspidem diffundat; in longo quoque protensoque fune, qui primam ejus partem quatit, totum necessario, eunte ad finem usque motu illo, movet: ita menti exiguo tantùm ad reminiscentiam totius rei opus est initio. […] Pictum naufragium intuentem, multiplices quoque navim frangentium horrores circumstant. Fracti vento fluctus undiquaque incanescunt; piceae nubes coelum ex oculis, inhorrescente interim mari, eripiunt; ut ne proram quidem totam gubernator in tam spissis tenebris conspicere valeat. discurrunt nautae ad officia trepidantes; vela tempestati subducere parant: & quamvis eos iratum mare velis succurrere vetet, non cessant tamen pro communi luce toto robore niti; exhauriunt fretum; rudentes disjectos aptant. viribus denique ventorum ex diverso furentium diu multumque jactatâ nave, vexantur armamenta, funes turbantur, velorum sinus scinduntur; & saeva nimium tempestas, peragens mandata fatorum, infestiore procellâ insurgit, tenues quassae jam navis reliquias penitùs expugnatura: non relinquitur arbor, non gubernacula, non funis, non remus: exarmata navis, quasi rudis atque infecta materia, it cùm fluctibus: nautici tandem, malo audaces, nave in desertum aliquod littus impactâ, naufragio cùm ipsa tempestate decîdunt; abundè felices, si vel minimam lacerae navis tabulam amplexi in terram enatare possint.’ Junius, Pictura 1637, op. cit. (N. 14), 3. 7. 7, 213–215 (other impressive examples are following); in the English edition this chapter unfortunately is cancelled after the Maximus’s example: Id., Painting 1638, op. cit. [N. 11], 3. 7. 7, in: Id., Literature, op. cit. [N. 11], vol. 1, 302). For recent theories on this kind of remembrance see J. H. Mace, Involuntary memory, Malden (MA) 2007.

23 note 59 The connection of Caravaggio’s Head of Medusa and the reception of those thoughts of Aristotle in 16th century first in R. Preimesberger, ‘Golia e Davide’, in: Docere, op. cit. (N. 4), 61–69, esp. 67. Preimesberger analyzed also the ‘meraviglia’ in the moment of change from horror to recognition in front of Caravaggio’s painting; rev. in: I. Lehnhart, ‘Triumph im Auge der Medusa. Ein Berliner Kolloquium zur Wirkungsästhetik der Mimik in der Renaissance’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (30. Juni 1999), No. 148, N6; see also Louis Marin, Détruire la peinture, Paris 1977 (German ed.: Die Malerei zerstören, Paris 1981, 150–202); M. Fumaroli, L’École du silence. Le Sentiment des images au XVIIe siècle, Paris 1994, 44–50; Brassat, Tragik, op. cit. (N. 1), 63. For the amazement, which is connatural to this effect, in poetics of the Cinquecento, particularly inspired by Pseudo-Longinus, see K. Ley, Die ‘scienza civile’ des Giovanni della Casa. Literatur als Gesellschaftskunst in der Gegenreformation, Heidelberg 1984, 252, 255, 261–262. For the ‘admiratio-aesthetic’ in cinquecento art theory – particularly in connection with the Medusa – see Pfisterer, Autopoiesis, op. cit. (N. 8), 273. For the admiratio-aesthetic in Rubens’s time see H. Locher, ‘Das Staunen des Betrachters. Pietro da Cortonas Deckenfresko im Palazzo Barberini’, in: H. J. Kunst et al. (ed.), Werners Kunstgeschichte, Worms 1990, 1–46, esp. 32–34; Pieters, op. cit. (N.1), 53–58 (with regard zu Rubens’s Medusa); M. Oberli, ‘Aspetti di un „estetica dell’orribile“ nella pittura barocca’, in: Sebastian Schütze (ed.), Estetica Barocca, Rome 2004, 223–240. See also the literature on other examples which use the petrifying effect of Medusa in early modern art: A. A. Barb, ‘Diva Matrix. A faked gnostic intaglio in the possession of P. P. Rubens and the iconology of a symbol’, Journal of the Warburg an Courtauld Institutes 16 (1953), 193–238; J. Freccero, ‘Medusa. The letter and tghe spirit’, Yearbook of Italian Studies 2 (1972), 1–18; N. Hertz, ‘Medusa’s Head. Male Hysteria under Political Pressure’, Representations 4 (1983), 27–54; C. Gallagher et al., ‘More about „Medusa’s Head“‘, Representations 4 (1983), 55–72; S. Huot, ‘The Medusa Interpolation in the Romance of the Rose. Mythographic Program and Ovidian Intertext’, Speculum 62 (1987), 865–877; A. Poseq, ‘Caravaggio’s Medusa Shield’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 113 (1989), 170–174; M. Cole, ‘Cellini’s Blood’, Art Bulletin 81 (1991), 215–235; E. Cropper, ‘The petrifying Art. Marino’s poetry and Caravaggio’, Metropolitan Museum Journal 26 (1991), 193–212 ; J. Shearman, Only connect. Art and Spectator in the Italian Renaissance, Princeton 1992, 44–58; Ph. Morel, ‘La chair d’Andromedè et le sang de Méduse. Mythologie et rhétorique dans le ‘Persée et Adromède’ de Vasari’, in: F. Jiguret and A. Laframboise (ed.), Andromède ou le héros a l’épreuve de la beauté, Paris 1996, 57–84; I. Lavin, ‘Bernini’s Bust of the Medusa. An Awful Pun’, in: S. de Blaauw et al. (ed.), Docere, Delectare, Movere. Affetti, Devozione e Retorica nel Linguaggio artistico del primo Barocco Romano. Atti del Convegno organizzato dall’ Istituto Olandese a Roma e dalla Bibliotheca Hertziana (Max-Planck-Institut), 19.–20.1.1996, Rome 1998, 155–174, esp. S. 159; R. Mack, ‘Facing Down Medusa (An Aetiology of the Gaze)’, Art History 25,5 (2002), 571–604; G. Wolf, ‘Der Splitter im Auge. „Cellini“ zwischen Narziß und Medusa’, in: A. Nova and A. Schreurs (ed.), Benvenuto Cellini. Kunst und Kunsttheorie im 16. Jahrhundert, Köln et al. 2003, 315–336; F. Fehrenbach, Kohäsion und Transgression, in: U. Pfisterer and A. Zimmermann (ed.), Animationen, Transgressionen. Das Kunstwerk als Lebewesen, Berlin 2005, 1–42, esp. 27–28, note 5. For the reception of this thoughts of Aristotle and the relation to the idea of the sublime in Rubens’s Head of Medusa see Pieters, op. cit. (N.1), 54–56; J. Pieters., ‘Rubens, tijdgenoot?’, Dietsche Warande en Belfort 149 (2004), 38–46, esp. 41, 44–46. note 61 ‘De versiersche vertellinghe van Perseus en Medusa wijst aen, en is te verstaen, dat Perseus is te ghelijcken, oft beduydt de redelijckheyt, oft het verstandt onser Sielen, en Medusa de vleeschelijcke quade ghenegentheyt, oft natuerlijcke wellusticheyt, die den Menschen allencx benemende alle redelijckheyt, voorsichticheyt, en wijsheyt doet veranderen, en worden gelijck onbevoelijcke steenen, in quade ghewoonten verhardt […].’ K. Van Mander, Uutlegginghe, en sin-ghevende verclaringhe, op. den Metamorphosis Publij Ovidij Nasonis, Haarlem 1604, vol. 4, fol. 39v; see Sutton, Age of Rubens, op. cit. (N. 1), 245–246; Pieters, op. cit. (N.1), 48–49; for Rubens’s reading of Van Mander see Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 193, note 94. On this note already in 1565 Ludovico Dolce (1508– 1568) commented with regards to Dante (1265–1321) and Petrarca (1304–1374) that the donee to whom a Gorgone di Medusa is presented should be armed against the lasciviousness of the world, that turns men into stone and dispossesses the human senses: ‘Dinoterebbe che colui a cui si mandasse

24 dovesse stare armato contro le lascivie del mondo che fanno gli uomini divenir sassi, cioè gli priva dei sensi umani e gl’ indurisce alle operazioni virtuose in guisa che niuna ne possono fare. Onde Dante: „Che se ‘l Gorgon si scopre, e tu ‘l vedessi, mestier non fora di tornar più suso.“ E il Petrarca: „Se ciò non fosse, andrei non altramente a veder lei, che ‘l capo di Medusa, che facea marmo diventar la gente.“ Onde dicono i poeti che Perseo andò ad assalirla con lo scudo cristallino avuto da Minerva; il quale scudo si può interpretar la prudenza che si acquista col mezzo del sapere.’ Ludovico Dolce, Dialogo dei colori. Nel quale si ragiona delle qualità, diversità e proprietà des colori, Lanciano 1913, 140. Cesare Ripa declares that the ‘testa di Medusa […] dimostra la vittoria, che hà la ragione de gli inimici contrarij alla virtù, quale gli rende stupidi, come la testa di Medusa, che faceua restare medesimamente stupidi quelli, che la guardauano.’ Cesare Ripa, Iconologia overo descrittione di diversi imagini, intr. Erna Mandowsky, Hildesheim et al. 2003 (repr. of the ed. Rome 1603), 426. A madrigal by Gaspare Murtola (died 1624) interpreted in 1603 Caravaggio’s Head of Medusa in the collection of the Grand Duke of Tuscany as an appeal to avoid anger and fury and as warning against the petrifying power of the sight even of the painted Medusa: ‘È questa di Medusa │ La chioma avvelenata, │ Di mille serpi armata? │ Sì, sì: non vedi come │ Gli occhi ritorce e gira? │ Fuggi lo sdegno, e l’ira │ Fuggi, ché se stupore agli occhi impetra, │ ti cangerà anco in pietra.’ G. Murtola, Rime. cioè: Gli Occhi d’Argo, Venice 1603, madrigal no. 473; on these sources see Prohaska, 1977, op. cit. (N. 1), 82; A. Poseq, ‘Caravaggio’s Medusa Shield’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 113 (1989), 170– 174, esp. 170; Krüger, Gesichter, op. cit. (N. 8), 211. For a psychoanalytic interpretation of the Medusa which seems to be based on this tradition see Sigmund Freud, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 17, London/Frankfurt (Main), 1941, 45–47 (see Marin, Die Malerei zerstören, op. cit. [n. 59], 197–199). For a gendered connotation of the head of Medusa as female-sensual danger to the male intellect in Rubens’s time see Koslow, Gorgon, op. cit. (N. 1). An anthology of sources on the Medusa: Marjorie Garber and Nancy J. Vickers (ed.), The Medusa reader, New York et al. 2003. Similar to van Mander’s thoughts on the petrifying impact of horror Michel Eyquem de Montaigne explains that Niobe was transformed into a rock when seeing all her children killed (Michel de Montaigne: Essais, erste moderne Gesamtübersetzung von Hans Stilett, Darmstadt 2004, book 1, chap. 2, 11). Philipp Rubens, the brother of the painter, pointed to this example on 21st of May 1601 in a letter to his teacher Justus Lipsius. Peter Paul Rubens enclosed this letter in the memory edition on his brothers’ death (S. Asterii Episcopi Amaseae Homiliae..., ed. Philip Rubens, Antwerpen 1615, 242– 243; see Correspondance de Rubens et Documents Epistolaires concernant sa Vie et ses Œuvres Publies. Codex Diplomaticus Rubenianus, ed. Charles Ruelens und Max Rooses, 6 vols., Antwerp 1887–1909, vol. 1, 5). note 62 That kind of elegancy may be compared with the signature of Jan van Kessel (ca. 1626–1679) of 1657, assembled from snakes, spiders, and worms: Jan van Kessel, Signature (snakes, spiders, and worms), Coll. Kötser, Zurich (Bodart, Padua 1990, op. cit. [N. 1], 118, with reference to Rubens’s Medusa;); see also the snake, influenced by Rubens’s Medusa in: Jan van Kessel, Angola, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (K. Renger and C. Denk, Flämische Malerei des Barock in der Alten Pinakothek, Munich/Cologne 2002, 239–240, inv. 1911.10, with reference to Rubens’s Medusa). note 67 See Ley, op. cit. (N. 59), 240–254; G. Costa, ‘The Latin Translations of Longinus’s „Peri Hypsous“ in Renaissance Italy’, in: R. J. Schoeck (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Bononiensis. Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies. Bologna 26 August to 1 September 1979 (Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies, 37), Binghamton/New York 1985, 224–238; K. Ley, ‘Marinismus – Antimarinismus. Zur Diskussion des Stilproblems im italienischen Barock und zu ihrer Rezeption in der deutschen Dichtung’, in: K. Garber (ed.), Europäische Barock-Rezeption (Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 20), 2 vol., Wiesbaden 1991, 857–878. The supposition of an influence of Ps.-Longinus on Michelangelo, Raffael, Caravaggio et al. and on the art of early baroque in: Costa, op. cit. (N. 67), 224–238, esp. 228–230; Saint Girons, op. cit. (N. 47), passim. For the fate of Peri Hypsous in 16th and early 17th century see D. Till, Das doppelte Erhabene. Eine Argumentationsfigur von der Antike bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, Tübingen 2006, 21–25.

25 note 68 See B. Weinberg, ‘Translations and Commentaries of Longinus, „On the Sublime“, to 1600. A Bibliography’, Modern Philology 47.3 (1950) 145–151, esp. 145; Costa, op. cit. (N. 67), 225–228; for Orsini and Lipsius see W. Bracke, ‘Giusto Lipsio e Fulvio Orsini’, in: Laureys, op. cit. (N. 12), 81–96; for Lipsius and Muret: J. Ijsewijn, ‘Marcantonio Mureto’, in: Ibid., 71–80. note 69 For magnanimitas see Lipsius, Constantia, op. cit. (N. 17), 538, cap. 1.9; id., Manvdvctio, op. cit. (N. 13), 672, cap. 1.16; 762, cap. 3.6; id., Physiologia Stoicorum libri tres, Antwerp 1604 (we used the Opera omnia, Wesel 1675), 836, cap. 1.2; see H.-J. Schings, Die patristische und stoische Tradition bei A. Gryphius. Untersuchungen zu den Dissertationes funebres und Trauerspielen, Cologne 1966, 250–252; Raupp, Landschaft, op. cit. (N. 26), 172–176; U. Heinen, ‘Haut und Knochen – Fleisch und Blut. Rubens’ Affektmalerei’, in: Heinen/Thielemann, op. cit. (N. 1), 70–109, esp. 73, 101–103 and passim. note 70 An influence of Ps.-Longinus on Daniel Heinsius (1580–1655) – who was in contact with Rubens – was assumed in Meter, op. cit. (N. 23), 77–86 (without checking the stoic sources). For the influence of Ps.-Longinus on Junius see: Philip Fehl, ‘Poetry and the Entry of the Fine Arts to England’, in: C. A. Patrides and R. B. Waddington (ed.), The Age of Milton, Manchester 1980, 273–306, esp. 283; H.- J. Raupp, Untersuchungen zu Künstlerbildnis und Künstlerdarstellungen in den Niederlanden im 17. Jahrhundert, Hildesheim et al. 1984, 139–141 (with the information that Ps.-Longinus isn’t known in northern art theory before Junius); C. Nativel, ‘Le De pictura ueterum de Franciscus Junius, Le Musée Imaginaire d’un Philologue’, in: I. D. McFarlane (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani. Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies. St. Andrews 24 August to 1 September 1982 (Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies, 38), Binghamton/New York 1986, 107– 115, esp. 112; ead., sources 1989, op. cit. (N. 52); ead., ‘Partes Orationis et partes pingendi: Rhetorique antique et peinture au XVIIe siècle’, in: A. Dalzell et al. (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies. Toronto 8 August to 13 August 1988 (Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies, 86), Binghamton/New York 1991, 528–538, esp. 536–537; ead., théorie, op. cit. (N. 52), 78; ead., ‘Le Traité du sublime et la pensée esthétique anglaise de Junius à Reynolds’, in: R. Schnur et al. (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Hafniensis. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies. Copenhagen 12 August to 17 August 1991 (Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies, 120), Binghamton/New York 1994, 721–730; F. Junius, De pictura veterum libri tres (Roterodami 1694), ed., transl., comm. C. Nativel, vol. 1, Genf 1996, 544–549, 568; Ph. P. Fehl, ‘Touchstones of art and art criticism: Rubens and the work of Franciscus Junius’, The Journal of Aesthetic Education 30.2 (1996), 5–24, esp. 8). Though without any particular documents or evidence it is assumed that Rubens was directly influenced by Ps.-Longinus in: Brassat, Tragik, op. cit. (N. 1), 45–47, 52, 56; id., Malerei, op. cit. (N. 1), col. 815. Brassat apparently didn’t know the stoic tradition of the sublime. An influence of the theory of the sublime – without any reference to the stoics, but convincingly connected with the concept of terribilità in italian art theory – was already presumed by van Gelder, waardering, op. cit. (N. 1), 182–184. For the influence of Ps.-Longinus on later art of the seventeenth century – particularly on Nicolas Poussin – see Fumaroli, op. cit. (N. 59), passim. It may only be casual coincidence that Leone Allacci (1586–1669), a young Greek scholar, who studied from 1600 to 1610 at the Collegium Gracum of Sant’Atanasio in Rome (Via del Babuino), nearby Rubens’s habitation (Rubens resided in 1606 at the via della Croce; see A. Bertolotti, ‘La casa di Pietro Paolo Rubens in Roma’, Il Buonarroti. Scritti sopra le arti e le lettere 3.3 [1887–1890], 34– 35), finished an annotated Latin translation of the Peri hypsous in 1631 (Vallicelliana Library, Ms Allacci XXXIX 1–8). In 1631 he asked Pierre Dupuy (1592–1651), a friend of Rubens, to help him find an editor for the manuscript; see Costa, op. cit. (N. 67), 232. note 72 For a general theory of rhetoric George A. Kennedy, Comparative Rhetoric. An Historical and Cross- Cultural Introduction, Oxford 1998; Jens E. Kjeldsen: ‘Talking to the eye. Visuality in ancient

26 rhetoric’. In: Word and Image 19.3 (2003) 133–137, esp. 133. For the aims of rhetoric see also the review of sources in Heinen, Hochaltar, op. cit. (N. 12), 23, 202, note 126–127, 226, note 311– 312. note 73 See Damasio, Descartes, op. cit. (N. 5), 223–267; LeDoux, Gefühle, op. cit. (N. 5), 221–239, 257– 267, 304–322; J. M. Allman and J. Woodward, ‘Moral Intuition: Its Neural Substrates and Normative Significance’, Journal Physiology (2007) (http://www.allmanlab.caltech.edu/PDFs/WoodwardAllman2007.pdf); for the current discussion: Roth, Handlungssteuerung, op. cit. (N. 5); Ch. Geyer (ed.), Hirnforschung und Willensfreiheit. Zur Deutung der neuesten Experimente, Frankfurt (Main) 2004. It would be interesting to confront those models of neuro-physiology with Aby Warburg’s (1866–1929) ‘Pathosformeln’. As cultural instruments of alienation from archaic passions Warburg traced them back to ‘engrams’ in the brain. note 76 For a detailed analysis of the aesthetic barrier in Caravaggio’s painting see Kruse, Menschen, op. cit. (N. 1), 397–400; Krüger, Gesichter, op. cit. (N. 8), 197–212; id., ‘Das Unvordenkliche Bild. Zur Semantik der Bildform in Caravaggios Frühwerk’, in: Caravaggio 2006, op. cit. (N. 75), 24–35, esp. 24–28. note 80 For Ghisbert van Veen’s print Alessandro Farnese as a similar example of a political and rhetorical contextualization of the Head of Medusa see Heinen, Wirkungsästhetik, op. cit. (N. 1), esp. 117, 143; on this and further examples in Rubens’s works see also Evers, op. cit. (N. 1), 266; L. Rosenthal, ‘Seizing Opportunity. Rubens’s „Occasio“ and the Violence of Allegory’, Jaarboek Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten. Antwerp (2000), 185–209, esp. 196 (the engraving after Otto van Veen, about 1585, in: J. Rupert Martin, The Decoration for the Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi [Corpus Rubenianum. Ludwig Burchard, 16], Brussels 1972, 211; W. Hofmann, Zauber der Medusa. Europäische Manierismen, cat. exh. Wien 1987, 197–198, no. IV. 3). For the political implications of the Perseus-Mythos in 16th century see also A.-L. Zech, Imago boni principis. Der Perseus- Mythos zwischen Apotheose und Heilserwartung in der politischen Öffentlichkeit des 16. Jahrhunderts, Münster et al. 2000. For a differentiated allegory of the myth of Perseus and the Medusa on political and military theory in Rubens’s time see Francis Bacon, ‘Perseus, sive bellum’, in: Id., De sapientia veterum [1609], trans. Sir Arthur Gorges [1619], New York/London 1976, 38–45. note 82 See note 82 in the additions to chapters. note 90 See note 105 in the additions to chapters. note 93 See note 106 in the additions to chapters.

27