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“Where the Internet Lives” Data Centers As Cloud Infrastructure
C HAPTER 3 “Where the Internet Lives” Data Centers as Cloud Infrastructure JN OEN IFER H LT AND PATRICK VONDERAU mblazoned with the headline “Transparency,” Google released dozens of Einterior and exterior glossy images of their data centers on the company’s website in 2012. Inviting the public to “come inside” and “see where the In- ternet lives,” Google proudly announced they would reveal “what we’re made of— inside and out” by offering virtual tours through photo galleries of the tech- nology, the people, and the places making up their data centers.1 Google’s tours showed the world a glimpse of these structures with a series of photographs showcasing “the physical Internet,” as the site characterized it. The pictures consisted mainly of slick, artful images of buildings, wires, pipes, servers, and dedicated workers who populate the centers. Apple has also put the infrastructure behind its cloud services on display for the digital audience by featuring a host of infographics, statistics, and polished inside views of the company’s “environmentally responsible” data center fa- cilities on its website.2 Facebook, in turn, features extensive photo and news coverage of its global physical infrastructure on dedicated Facebook pages, while Microsoft presents guided video tours of their server farms for free download on its corporate website.3 Even smaller data centers like those owned by Eu- ropean Internet service provider Bahnhof AB, located in Sweden, are increas- ingly on digital exhibit, with their corporate parents offering various images of server racks, cooling and power technology, or even their meeting rooms, Copyright © ${Date}. -
Future War and the War Powers Resolution
Emory International Law Review Volume 29 Issue 3 2015 Future War and the War Powers Resolution Eric Talbot Jensen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Eric T. Jensen, Future War and the War Powers Resolution, 29 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 499 (2015). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol29/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JENSEN GALLEYSPROOFS2 1/22/2015 11:37 AM FUTURE WAR AND THE WAR POWERS RESOLUTION ∗ Eric Talbot Jensen ABSTRACT Since its passage in 1973 over the veto of then-President Nixon, the War Powers Resolution (WPR) has been laden with controversy. Labeled as everything from ineffective to unconstitutional, the WPR has generally failed in its design to require notification and consultation to Congress by the President. Despite numerous proposals to amend the WPR, it continues to languish in the twilight of Executive war powers, and its future is bleak. With emerging technologies such as drones, cyber tools, nanotechnology, and genomics, the ineffectiveness of the WPR will prove even more profound. The WPR’s reliance on “armed forces” and “hostilities” as triggers for the reporting and consulting requirements of the statute will prove completely inadequate to regulate the use of these advanced technologies. Rather, as the President analyzes the applicability of the WPR to military operations using these advancing technologies, he will determine that the WPR is not triggered and he has no reporting requirements. -
Anonymity and Encryption in Digital Communications, February 2015
Submission to the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression – anonymity and encryption in digital communications, February 201 1! Introduction Privacy International submits this information for the Special Rapporteur's report on the use of encryption and anonymity in digital communications. Anonymity and the use of encryption in digital communications engage both the right to freedom of expression and right to privacy very closely: anonymity and encryption protects privacy, and ithout effective protection of the right to privacy, the right of individuals to communicate anonymously and ithout fear of their communications being unla fully detected cannot be guaranteed. As noted by the previous mandate holder, !rank #aRue, $the right to privacy is essential for individuals to express themselves freely. Indeed, throughout history, people%s illingness to engage in debate on controversial sub&ects in the public sphere has al ays been linked to possibilities for doing so anonymously.'( Individuals' right to privacy extends to their digital communications.) As much as they offer ne opportunities to freely communicate, the proliferation of digital communications have signi*cantly increased the capacity of states, companies and other non+state actors to interfere ith individual's privacy and free expression. Such interference ranges from mass surveillance of communications by state intelligence agencies, to systematic collection and storage of private information by internet and telecommunication companies, to cybercrime. Anonymity and encryption are essential tools available to individuals to mitigate or avert interferences ith their rights to privacy and free expression. In this ay, they are means of individuals exercising to the fullest degree their rights hen engaging in digital communications. -
Anonymity in a Time of Surveillance
LESSONS LEARNED TOO WELL: ANONYMITY IN A TIME OF SURVEILLANCE A. Michael Froomkin* It is no longer reasonable to assume that electronic communications can be kept private from governments or private-sector actors. In theory, encryption can protect the content of such communications, and anonymity can protect the communicator’s identity. But online anonymity—one of the two most important tools that protect online communicative freedom—is under practical and legal attack all over the world. Choke-point regulation, online identification requirements, and data-retention regulations combine to make anonymity very difficult as a practical matter and, in many countries, illegal. Moreover, key internet intermediaries further stifle anonymity by requiring users to disclose their real names. This Article traces the global development of technologies and regulations hostile to online anonymity, beginning with the early days of the Internet. Offering normative and pragmatic arguments for why communicative anonymity is important, this Article argues that anonymity is the bedrock of online freedom, and it must be preserved. U.S. anti-anonymity policies not only enable repressive policies abroad but also place at risk the safety of anonymous communications that Americans may someday need. This Article, in addition to providing suggestions on how to save electronic anonymity, calls for proponents of anti- anonymity policies to provide stronger justifications for such policies and to consider alternatives less likely to destroy individual liberties. In -
Geopolitics, Oil Law Reform, and Commodity Market Expectations
OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 63 WINTER 2011 NUMBER 2 GEOPOLITICS, OIL LAW REFORM, AND COMMODITY MARKET EXPECTATIONS ROBERT BEJESKY * Table of Contents I. Introduction .................................... ........... 193 II. Geopolitics and Market Equilibrium . .............. 197 III. Historical U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East ................ 202 IV. Enter OPEC ..................................... ......... 210 V. Oil Industry Reform Planning for Iraq . ............... 215 VI. Occupation Announcements and Economics . ........... 228 VII. Iraq’s 2007 Oil and Gas Bill . .............. 237 VIII. Oil Price Surges . ............ 249 IX. Strategic Interests in Afghanistan . ................ 265 X. Conclusion ...................................... ......... 273 I. Introduction The 1973 oil supply shock elevated OPEC to world attention and ensconced it in the general consciousness as a confederacy that is potentially * M.A. Political Science (Michigan), M.A. Applied Economics (Michigan), LL.M. International Law (Georgetown). The author has taught international law courses for Cooley Law School and the Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan, American Government and Constitutional Law courses for Alma College, and business law courses at Central Michigan University and the University of Miami. 193 194 OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 63:193 antithetical to global energy needs. From 1986 until mid-1999, prices generally fluctuated within a $10 to $20 per barrel band, but alarms sounded when market prices started hovering above $30. 1 In July 2001, Senator Arlen Specter addressed the Senate regarding the need to confront OPEC and urged President Bush to file an International Court of Justice case against the organization, on the basis that perceived antitrust violations were a breach of “general principles of law.” 2 Prices dipped initially, but began a precipitous rise in mid-March 2002. -
Exhibit a Case 3:16-Cr-00051-BR Document 545-2 Filed 05/11/16 Page 2 of 86
Case 3:16-cr-00051-BR Document 545-2 Filed 05/11/16 Page 1 of 86 Exhibit A Case 3:16-cr-00051-BR Document 545-2 Filed 05/11/16 Page 2 of 86 Executive Order 12333 United States Intelligence Activities (As amended by Executive Orders 13284 (2003), 13355 (2004) and 134 70 (2008)) PREAMBLE Timely, accurate, and insightful information about the activities, capabilities, plans, and intentions of foreign powers , organizations, and persons, and their agents, is essential to the national security of the United States. All reasonable and lawful means must be used to ensure that the United States will receive the best intelligence possible. For that purpose, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the National Security Act of 1947, as amended, (Act) and as President of the United States of America, in order to provide for the effective conduct of United States intelligence activities and the protection of constitutional rights, it is hereby ordered as follows: PART 1 Goals, Directions, Duties, and Responsibilities with Respect to United States Intelligence Efforts 1.1 Goals. The United States intelligence effort shall provide the President, the National Security Council, and the Homeland Security Council with the necessary information on which to base decisions concerning the development and conduct of foreign, defense, and economic policies, and the protection of United States national interests from foreign security threats. All departments and agencies shall cooperate fully to fulfill this goal. (a} All means, consistent with applicable Federal law and this order, and with full consideration of the rights of United States persons, shall be used to obtain reliable intelligence information to protect the United States and its interests. -
Drowning in Data 15 3
BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE WHAT THE GOVERNMENT DOES WITH AMERICANS’ DATA Rachel Levinson-Waldman Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law about the brennan center for justice The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that seeks to improve our systems of democracy and justice. We work to hold our political institutions and laws accountable to the twin American ideals of democracy and equal justice for all. The Center’s work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from racial justice in criminal law to Constitutional protection in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution — part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group, part communications hub — the Brennan Center seeks meaningful, measurable change in the systems by which our nation is governed. about the brennan center’s liberty and national security program The Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program works to advance effective national security policies that respect Constitutional values and the rule of law, using innovative policy recommendations, litigation, and public advocacy. The program focuses on government transparency and accountability; domestic counterterrorism policies and their effects on privacy and First Amendment freedoms; detainee policy, including the detention, interrogation, and trial of terrorist suspects; and the need to safeguard our system of checks and balances. about the author Rachel Levinson-Waldman serves as Counsel to the Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program, which seeks to advance effective national security policies that respect constitutional values and the rule of law. -
No. 16-3588 in the UNITED STATES COURT of APPEALS for THE
Case: 16-3588 Document: 003112605572 Page: 1 Date Filed: 04/26/2017 No. 16-3588 IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT ______________________ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee v. GABRIEL WERDENE, Appellant ______________________ On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania ______________________ BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANT AND IN SUPPORT OF REVERSAL OF THE DECISION BELOW ______________________ Of counsel: Caroline Wilson Palow* Lisa A. Mathewson Scarlet Kim* The Law Offices of PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL Lisa A. Mathewson, LLC 62 Britton Street 123 South Broad Street, Suite 810 London EC1M 5UY Philadelphia, PA 19109 Phone: +44 (0) 20 3422 4321 Phone: (215) 399-9592 [email protected] [email protected] Counsel for Amicus Curiae, *Counsel not admitted to Third Circuit Bar Privacy International Case: 16-3588 Document: 003112605572 Page: 2 Date Filed: 04/26/2017 CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT Pursuant to Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 26.1 and Local Appellate Rule 26.1.1, amicus curiae Privacy International certifies that it does not have a parent corporation and that no publicly held corporation owns 10% or more of its stock. i Case: 16-3588 Document: 003112605572 Page: 3 Date Filed: 04/26/2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................................................................... iii STATEMENT OF INTEREST ................................................................................. -
Bulk Powers in the Investigatory Powers Bill: the Question of Trust Remains Unanswered
Bulk Powers In The Investigatory Powers Bill: The Question Of Trust Remains Unanswered BULK POWERS IN THE INVESTIGATORY POWERS BILL: The Question Of Trust Remains Unanswered September 2016 1/10 Bulk Powers In The Investigatory Powers Bill: The Question Of Trust Remains Unanswered Introduction We are on the brink of introducing the most pervasive and intrusive surveillance legislation of any democratic country in the world. The Investigatory Powers Bill sought to answer important questions about the place that modern and highly intrusive surveillance capabilities have in a democratic society, questions that were raised by the Edward Snowden disclosures in 2013 and subsequent reports produced by David Anderson QC, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) and the Intelligence and Security Committee (ISC) in 2015. But just a matter of weeks before the new law is enacted, significant questions of trust remain unanswered. This paper highlights some of the key flaws Privacy International sees in the current incarnation of the Investigatory Powers Bill, and urges the House of Lords to put the brakes on the bulk powers, about which many important questions remain unanswered. In this paper we set out how: • the Bill fails to provide sufficient clarity, which was promised at the outset of the legislative process, to alleviate confusion around the UK’s surveillance laws; • the Bill has not advanced transparency to the degree needed, still leaving most of the public in the dark about the extent of the surveillance powers; • significant questions remain about the Bill’s safeguards and oversight regime; and • major questions also remain regarding the bulk powers, even in light of David Anderson QC’s recent report. -
The Case of Donald J. Trump†
THE AGE OF THE WINNING EXECUTIVE: THE CASE OF DONALD J. TRUMP† Saikrishna Bangalore Prakash∗ INTRODUCTION The election of Donald J. Trump, although foretold by Matt Groening’s The Simpsons,1 was a surprise to many.2 But the shock, disbelief, and horror were especially acute for the intelligentsia. They were told, guaranteed really, that there was no way for Trump to win. Yet he prevailed, pulling off what poker aficionados might call a back- door draw in the Electoral College. Since his victory, the reverberations, commotions, and uproars have never ended. Some of these were Trump’s own doing and some were hyped-up controversies. We have endured so many bombshells and pur- ported bombshells that most of us are numb. As one crisis or scandal sputters to a pathetic end, the next has already commenced. There has been too much fear, rage, fire, and fury, rendering it impossible for many to make sense of it all. Some Americans sensibly tuned out, missing the breathless nightly reports of how the latest scandal would doom Trump or why his tormentors would soon get their comeuppance. Nonetheless, our reality TV President is ratings gold for our political talk shows. In his Foreword, Professor Michael Klarman, one of America’s fore- most legal historians, speaks of a degrading democracy.3 Many difficulties plague our nation: racial and class divisions, a spiraling debt, runaway entitlements, forever wars, and, of course, the coronavirus. Like many others, I do not regard our democracy as especially debased.4 Or put an- other way, we have long had less than a thoroughgoing democracy, in part ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– † Responding to Michael J. -
Mass Surveillance
Mass Surveillance Mass Surveillance What are the risks for the citizens and the opportunities for the European Information Society? What are the possible mitigation strategies? Part 1 - Risks and opportunities raised by the current generation of network services and applications Study IP/G/STOA/FWC-2013-1/LOT 9/C5/SC1 January 2015 PE 527.409 STOA - Science and Technology Options Assessment The STOA project “Mass Surveillance Part 1 – Risks, Opportunities and Mitigation Strategies” was carried out by TECNALIA Research and Investigation in Spain. AUTHORS Arkaitz Gamino Garcia Concepción Cortes Velasco Eider Iturbe Zamalloa Erkuden Rios Velasco Iñaki Eguía Elejabarrieta Javier Herrera Lotero Jason Mansell (Linguistic Review) José Javier Larrañeta Ibañez Stefan Schuster (Editor) The authors acknowledge and would like to thank the following experts for their contributions to this report: Prof. Nigel Smart, University of Bristol; Matteo E. Bonfanti PhD, Research Fellow in International Law and Security, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna Pisa; Prof. Fred Piper, University of London; Caspar Bowden, independent privacy researcher; Maria Pilar Torres Bruna, Head of Cybersecurity, Everis Aerospace, Defense and Security; Prof. Kenny Paterson, University of London; Agustín Martin and Luis Hernández Encinas, Tenured Scientists, Department of Information Processing and Cryptography (Cryptology and Information Security Group), CSIC; Alessandro Zanasi, Zanasi & Partners; Fernando Acero, Expert on Open Source Software; Luigi Coppolino,Università degli Studi di Napoli; Marcello Antonucci, EZNESS srl; Rachel Oldroyd, Managing Editor of The Bureau of Investigative Journalism; Peter Kruse, Founder of CSIS Security Group A/S; Ryan Gallagher, investigative Reporter of The Intercept; Capitán Alberto Redondo, Guardia Civil; Prof. Bart Preneel, KU Leuven; Raoul Chiesa, Security Brokers SCpA, CyberDefcon Ltd.; Prof. -
Data Retention Policy (GDPR Compliant)
Data Retention Policy (GDPR Compliant) Data controller: Habasit (UK) Ltd Habegger House Gannex Park Dewsbury Road Elland HX5 9AF 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Habasit (UK) Ltd (“we”, “our”, “us” or “the Company”) must comply with our obligations under data protection laws (including the GDPR and the Data Protection Act 2018) whenever we Process Personal Data relating to our employees, workers, customers and suppliers and any other individuals we interact with. 1.2 This includes the obligation not to Process any Personal Data which permits the identification of Data Subjects for any longer than is necessary and the purpose of this policy is to assist us to comply with that obligation. This policy should be read alongside the Data Retention Matrix which is appended at Schedule 1 to this policy and which provides guideline data retention periods for various different types of Personal Data we hold. 1.3 Compliance with this policy will also assist us to comply with our ‘data minimisation’ and accuracy obligations under data protection laws which require us to ensure that we do not retain Personal Data which is irrelevant, excessive, inaccurate or out of date. 1.4 A failure to comply with data protection laws could result in enforcement action against the Company, which may include substantial fines of up to €20 million or 4% of total worldwide annual turnover (whichever is higher), significant reputational damage and potential legal claims from individuals. It can also have personal consequences for individuals in certain circumstances i.e. criminal fines/imprisonment or director disqualification. 1.5 Compliance with this policy will also assist in reducing the Company’s information storage costs and the burden of responding to requests made by Data Subjects under data protection laws such as access and erasure requests.