Functional Punishment
A discursive study of functional punishment-representations in MetroXpress’ news articles, 2018.
Anja Skov Ljungberg
Media and Communication Studies: Culture, Collaborative Media, and Creative Industries, Master's programme One-year master thesis 15 ECTS points Spring semester, 2018 Supervisor: Michael Krona
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Abstract
In this thesis project, the phenomenon of news media representation of punitivism has been researched through a methodology of a socio-semiotic discourse analysis framed within a theoretical structure of Durkheimianism and news value components. Articles concerning MetroXpress’ representation of criminal deviance and punishment were located through a buzzwords search within the newspaper’s online data archives. The search granted a total of 702 word-occurrences appearing in 216 separate news articles. The discourse analysis seperated these articles into the five sub-discourses of “Blurbs”, “Verdicts”, “Spectacle”, “Single Agent Focus” and “Cultural Context”. The distribution of articles pertaining to specific sub-discourses were distributed such that the highest concentration of articles was present in the “Blurbs” discourse, closely followed by “Verdicts”, placing “Single Agent Focus” and “Spectacle” in the middle, while the “Cultural Context” discourse was made up of the fewest articles.
The methodology granted insight into functional punishment and MetroXpress’ representation of criminal deviance, revealing the newspaper’s discourse to be one of situated timeliness which positively promoted judicial-systemic activity. Presenting an anti-Durkheimian conception of deviance in relation to its supposed manifestation in any society, the newspaper presents the phenomenon as defeatable by the judicial system. In this regard, MetroXpress has positioned itself as the mouthpiece of the justice system, in such a manner that they function as a legitimizing force for the punitive system. Beyond the hierarchy of eliteness which permeates the discourse, a normalization of the conception of criminal deviants as dysfunctional obstacles who prohibit organic social cohesiveness is another facet of the discourse. Consequently, a primary focal point within the narratives center on the functional relationship between the deviant individual, systemic representatives and their relation to social cohesiveness.
Keywords: Punishment, Deviance, News values, News discourse, Social Cohesion, Agency, Functionalism, Durkheimianism.
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Table of Contents 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..p.5. 2. Literature review…………………………………...…………………………………...………p.6. 3. Theoretical framework…………………………………………………………………….…..p.11. 4. Methodology………………………………………………………………………..…...….…p.17. 5. Ethics………………………………………………………………………………..………....p.23. 6. Five sub-discourses…………..………………………………………………………..………p.24. 6.1. Blurbs..…………………………………….……………………………………..………….p.26. 6.1.1. Timeliness and Proximity………………………………………………...…………p.27. 6.1.2. Punitive legitimacy…………………………………………………………….……p.27. 6.1.3. Superlativeness, Impact and performative punitivism…………………………..…..p.29. 6.1.4. Eliteness and narrative actors………………………………………………………..p.31. 6.2. Verdicts………………………………………………..…………………………….....…….p.34. 6.2.1. Consonance and the Prevalence Hypothesis………………………………………...p.34. 6.2.2. The contradicting rhetoric of deviance normalization………………………………p.37. 6.3. Deviance and Punishment, blurbs and verdicts………………………...…….....….…….…p.38. 6.3.1. Deviancy as societal dysfunctionality…………………………………………….…p.38. 6.3.2. The three functions of punishment……………………………………………….…p.40. 6.4. Spectacle……………………………………………………………………………....…..…p.43. 6.4.1. The aesthetics of spectacle…………………………………………………………..p.43. 6.4.2. Cultural Proximity……………………………………………………………...……p.44. 6.5. Single agent focus……………………………………………………………………..…..…p.45. 6.5.1. Narratives of emotion………………………………………………………………..p.45. 6.5.2. Implicit systemic criticism…………………………………………………………..p.46. 6.5.3. Sacralization and inclusive agency structures……………………………………….p.47. 6.6. Deviance and Punishment, Spectacle and single agent focus…………..…………....…...…p.48. 6.6.1. Punishment as retribution or restitution?...... p.48. 6.6.2. Punishment as social identity………………………………………………………..p.49. 6.6.3. The individuality of deviance……………………………………………………….p.50. 6.7. Cultural context..…..………………………….…………………………………….....…….p.51. 7. Concluding discussion…………………………………………………………………………p.53. 8. Literature…………..……………………………………………………….…………..……...p.56. 9. Appendix………………………………………..………..…………………………….….…..p.64. 9.1. Buzzword occurrence……………………………..……….…..………….…..p.64.
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List of figures and tables
Table 1.1. News value components……..……………………………..……………..…………..p.16.
Table 1.2. Article categorization chart…………………………………………………...………p.22.
Table 1.3. News value component categorization……………………………………..…………p.23.
Figure 1.4. Buzzword occurrence……………..………...…………………………..…………....p.24.
Figure 1.5. The five strands of discourse…….……………………..…………..………………..p.25.
Figure 1.6. Division of articles……..……………………...…………………………….……….p.26.
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1. Introduction
In an ever-changing cultural environment, societal views of punishment, deviance and the representation of these social phenomena exist in flux. The very nature of deviance and its definition is a relative phenomenon amongst cultures and so is the conception of a proper punitive response (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 561-562). In this regard, news media language, or semiotic news discourses, functions as a representation of the world in a textually coded language, a language which reflects a discursive structure of social values and ideals (Mason, 2006, 253-254). The thesis project operates from a conceptual standpoint established by Émile Durkheim. The Durkheimian perspective states that society constructs deviance through measures of symbolic processes with which much simpler phenomena such as “flags” or “football” are similarly constructed. That is to say, punishment and deviance conceptually exist without intrinsic attributes until the process of social labeling has occurred (Simmons, 1965, p. 223). Therefore, an analysis of MetroXpress’ punishment-representations within their news media discourse in a functional context has the capacity to clarify the result of said socio-cultural process of assigning meaning to specific cultural phenomena.
The Danish newspaper MetroXpress has been chosen as the object of study for its popularity and reach. In 2001 the newspaper was established as the very first free newspaper in Denmark to be published on a daily basis (Søllinge, 2017). In its first year of publication MetroXpress was exclusively published in the capital of Copenhagen, but the city of Aarhus soon followed in 2002, and in 2004 the newspaper achieved nation-wide publication (ibid). With a daily stock of approximately 330.000 prints, and close to 500.000 daily readers, the newspaper has established itself as the largest free newspaper publication in Denmark (Jasper, 2016). With such an extensive readership, an analysis thereof offers insight into the specific mode of representations of punishment and deviance that the Danish public frequently faces from their news media outlets. That being said, in June of 2018 MetroXpress was officially closed down as an independent newspaper by its parent company Berlingske Media in order to facilitate a merger with the newspaper Berlingske Tidende (Ibid).
The study aims to uncover and decode semiotic representations of the functionality of punishment as a response to criminal deviance through a socio-semiotic discursive news value analysis. Discursive news value analyses have the capacity to contextualize the newsworthy aspects of news happenings- and actors in a framework of textually constructed semiotic systems of
5 representation (Badnarek, 2016, p. 435-436). Consequently, the analysis seeks to provide answers to the following research questions;
RQ1: How does MetroXpress represent the functionality of punishment?
RQ2: How does MetroXpress characterize the phenomenological nature of criminal deviance?
RQ3: Based on the discursive socio-semiotic news value analysis of the five sub-discourses, what are the primary characteristics of MetroXpress’ news discourse regarding punishment and criminal deviance?
As a result, the study contributes to a methodological tradition of a linguistically explored socio-cultural news media discourse, since the research will capture and explore a specific moment in time in regards to the mode of punishment-representation in a specific Danish news media outlet.
2. Literature review
In the following section, three essential academic explorations of crime representation within the media will be presented. Each individual article functions as an exemplified representational source for the three primary tendencies of theoretical inquiry and mode of methodology utilized within the field of study. The primary discourses fall into three distinct categories of; problem- solving, criminology and demographic representation.
The criminological tradition finds its focus within the exploration of systems of power in relation to the representation of stakeholders within the restorative justice systems. The tradition is characterized by a contextualizing angle which concentrates around evolutionary longitudinal policy-studies. The interplay of exercised power between invested agents represented within the legal texts forms the foundation for insight into normative processes of policymaking. The criminological approach classifies criminal deviance through the law. That is to say, social behavior is determined and defined as deviant if it does not uphold the values of current policies and laws. Therefore the approach bears little sociological insight into the social functionality of punishment as the frame of interest is confined to the processes of law and the enactment thereof. In essence, the tradition underpins a research practice which upholds the law as the ultimate performative space in which representations of implicit and systemized practices of social control are enacted. Giuseppe
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Maglione’s analysis “Imaging victims, offenders and communities. An investigation into the representations of the crime stakeholders within restorative justice and their cultural context” embodies the tradition of criminology and the criminal justice approach to the field of study (Maglione, 2017, p. 22-33). Similar explorations of the field can be found in “Generating Ambivalence: Media Representations of Canadian Transplant Tourism” by Lindsey McKay and “Constructing the ideal victim in the United States of America’s annual trafficking in persons reports” by Michael Wilson (McKay, 2016, p. 322-341; Wilson, 2016, p. 29-45). The analysis is concerned with “underlying premises” of restorative justice laws and policies, and the representation of stakeholders within policy documents (Maglione, 2017, p. 23). Methodologically, Maglione approaches his research by exploring the historical context of normative representations. In practice he achieves this through archival research and a comparative and discursive analysis of dominant “descriptions, implicit assumptions and typified images of the ‘victim’, ‘offender’ and ‘community’ within policy documents and legal statutes on restorative justice (RJ), produced in England and Wales between 1985 and 2015” (Ibid). This type of research awards Maglione’s study with the capacity to draw out patterns of power and influence and uncover implicit normative practices of representation within the policy literature. Furthermore, the methodological approach exemplifies a common tendency within the criminological research tradition.
Eileen E.S Bjornstrom’s “Race and Ethnic Representations of Lawbreakers and Victims in Crime News: A National Study of Television Coverage” exemplifies the most prevalent mode of inquiry in regards to media representations of criminal deviance, namely that of demographic representation. These studies focuses on precisely defined social groups, often related to race, class or gender, and examines how that group is represented within the media. Similar explorations of the field can be found in “The Power of Political Voice: Women's Political Representation and Crime in India” by Lakshmi Iyer and “A Different Lens? How Ethnic Minority Media Cover Crime” by Aziz Douai (Iyer, 2012, p. 165-193; Douai, 2018, p. 96-121). The demographic tradition inhabits the realm of the quantitative empirical methodology. It seeks to uncover discursive patterns of textual representation, by a data collecting research-process of discursive statistical analysis. The combination of method and research object common in demographic-representational studies results in a research approach which is characterized by the social-constructivist perception of news as normative. That is to say, the general societal framework of understanding is a construct which arises from socially situated inter-communicative interactions. Consequently, media representation therefore has the normative capacity to shape public opinion, and representational value is measured
7 in regards to social impact. From the perspective that “Media representations of crime shape public opinion”, Bjornstrom sets out to explain patterns of race-ethnic group representations as either perpetrators or victims in television crime news (Bjornstrom, 2010, p. 274). Through a method of stratified random sampling of television news stories, broadcast in 2002 and 2003, the quantitative- rooted analysis is based on news stories which mention contemporary specific violent crimes. Data is presented as descriptive statistics and focuses on the overrepresentation of specific ethnic groups as offenders and the concurrent underrepresentation of the same group as victims (Bjornstrom, 2010, p. 281-286, 289). Bjornstrom’s study represents the norm within the demographic- representational tradition by showcasing its socially oriented focus on the social power the media exercise by awarding specific demographic groups social roles and governing their agency.
The problem-solving approach to media representation embodies an attempt to illuminate a specific societal issue, and present research data which has the capacity to address the issue in question. Similar to the demographic tradition, the problem-solving tactic utilizes a quantitative longitudinal methodology and problematizes media texts as normative and functional. This means that research conducted from this theoretical perspective attempts to provide a functional explanation of the social reality which they perceive media representation has the ability to construct. Anna Di Ronco’s research article ”Changing representations of organized crime in the Italian press” from 2018, demonstrates the tradition of problem-solving as an approach to the study of representation of criminal deviance within the media. In her article she aims “to inspect the ways in which the press has represented the threats posed by organized crime over time” (Ronco, 2018, p. 1). She suggests that the phenomenon of organized crime has seen its normative manifestation in the media discourse in both Italy and around the world. The media discourse is observed to continuously construct a definition of organized crime which equates it to a prevalent image of “ethnically homogeneous criminal groups” (Ronco, 2018, p. 4). These recurring narratives function as mediums which seek to establish organized crime as a dominant subculture, and thereby Ronco pinpoints the socio-functional power media representations possess. Methodologically, the field of study is approached through a comparative longitudinal analysis of public perceptions, which results in an extensive descriptive statistical analysis. This methodology is common within the particular field of study and can be seen in similar studies by Grant Hannis and Victoria Ellen Collins, respectively, “A Comparative Analysis of Nineteenth-Century Californian and New Zealand Newspaper Representations of Chinese Gold Miners” and “The State of Coverage: The Media’s Representation of International Issues and State Crime” (Hannis, 2011, p. 248-273;
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Collins, 2011, p. 5-21). The quantitative empirical data in Ronco’s study was extracted from the news collection database Lexis Nexis Acade through a key-word search. However, it is important to note that the utilization of aggregate news databases proposes a flaw in the final data output. The database archives constitute an amalgamation of a wide range of news outlets, but the researcher is not in control of the extent of the archive’s reach. For instance, Ronco points to the fact that the exclusion of some major newspapers with a high circulation within the public limits the representational value of the sample statistics. That being said, the problem-solving tradition is more commonly associated with the method of purposive sampling which provides the researcher with additional control in regards to the scope of their research object.
Within these three overarching traditions, the selected academic sources, which form the foundation for this thesis project’s exploration of media coverage of punishment- and deviance representations in news media articles, has formed a distinct academic character. Generally, the literature falls into a tradition of socio-functionalism and promotes an academic distance from the subject of criminology. The academic distancing is derived from the perception that “criminology is focused primarily on behaviors that violate laws” and therefore counteract a sociologically oriented research project (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 560). Thematically, the chosen source material can be condensed into six primary problematized themes; the ethics of crime and punishment, the socio- functionality of punishment, consequentialism, the contextual sociology of deviance, populistic media discourses and Émile Durkheim’s perspective on punishment. That is to say, the materiel showcases a tendency to revolve around sociological explorations of a wide range of case-oriented media texts and the discourse in which they are performed.
As opposed to the fairly homogenous thematic of the various sources, the methodology does provide some deviations from the primary tendency which is present in the material. The methodology of the majority of the literature is based on the utilization of quantitatively processed interviews, discourse analyses and questionnaires with the purpose to produce empirical statistical data on the occurrence of specific modes of representation (Simmons, 1965, p. 223-232; Bednarek, 2014, p. 135-158). Deviations from this trend present themselves in the form of three different methodological approaches; the examination of a theory, hypothesis testing and theoretical time- series analysis. Mark Cooney and Callie Harbin Burt explore the prevalence hypothesis in “Less Crime, More Punishment” (Cooney, 2008, p. 491-527). Similarly, Richard A. Hilbert and Allan E. Liska examine theories, in their respective research studies of social anomie and the paradoxical
9 nature of society’s reaction to criminal deviance (Hilbert, 1989, p. 242-250; Liska, 1991, p. 1441- 1463). These three academic articles are examples of close reading which is “a form of qualitative analysis […] suitable for research, which aims to criticize, comment or renew the already existing theories or models” (University of Jyväskylän, 2010). A theoretical time-series analysis is presented by Steven Spitzer in his research article on Émile Durkheim’s theory of penal evolution. The approach enhances the element of temporality in regards to the research object and enables the researcher “to make conclusions on the background factors of the temporal changes of phenomena” (ibid). As a result, the majority of the methodologies are operationalized within an overarching research perspective of functionalism, constructivism and a consistent sociological focus, while the methodological variations provide the project with analytical complexity since research philosophies of both hermeneutic interpretivism and positivism are represented, albeit a slight overrepresentation of empirical interpretivism can be detected. That is to say, the thesis project’s source materials operate within a fairly consistent paradigm of predominant empiricism, mixed method analysis and sociological interpretivism, which thereby influence the academic scope of the project.
This thesis project’s contribution to the academic field of media representation and criminal deviance presents itself in the form a fusion of the three primary research traditions. The analysis goes beyond a demographic focus and instead examines the socio-semiotic discursive qualities of the problematized research object, which in this case is MetroXpress’ news articles concerning criminal deviance and punishment. Meanwhile the project operates with a similar aim as the demographic tradition as it seeks to uncover discursive patterns of textual representation. Methodologically the thesis project employs a similar approach to the extraction of empirical news data as is present in the problem-solving approach. News articles are located through a straightforward buzzword search inspired by the tradition, and the incorporation of some quantitative descriptive statistics similarly mirror the problem-solving research approach. That being said, the choice of a single newspaper as the research object eliminates the uncertainty which surrounds the utilization of aggregate news databases, which has otherwise been the prevalent mode of method within the problem-solving tradition. Inspired by the criminological tradition, the discourse analysis incorporates the focus on normativity and positions of power constructed within the media texts. Furthermore, within a socio-functional framework, I apply specific theories in regards to the discourse analysis and the discussion about the nature of deviance and punishment. This theoretical layer in combination with an extensive socio-semiotic discursive analysis is rarely
10 attempted within any of the three traditions. Finally, the research will be presented in a Danish perspective, which hitherto has proven to be exceptionally underrepresented within the literature, with no academic articles attempting research similar to that of this study. Thus, inspired by traditional research traditions, the project will showcase an original amalgamated angle of inquiry, both in terms of research tradition and methodology, but also in the presentation of a single case study within a Danish national perspective.
3. Theoretical framework
Discursive news media representations of crime, punishment and social deviance exists within a broader theoretical discussion of the treatment and social functionality of punishment. Sociologist Émile Durkheim’s observations on social stability, punishment and the sacred interdependent societal subjects will form the theoretical framework of the analysis. The theoretical insights will be employed to uncover discursive embedded networks of power, representation and social values in news media practices, while placing the research into a discussion of the function of punishment in modern society. In a literary context, the theoretical Durkheimian approach is primarily based on select chapters from “Readings From Emile Durkheim”, “Megan's Law and Durkheim’s Perspective of Punishment: Retribution, Rehabilitation or Both?” by Tanni Chaudhuri, and Émile Durkheim’s own “Two Laws of Penal Evolution”, combined with a number of derivative interpretational academic articles.
Whereas a Durkheimian conception of social deviance forms the basis for the core analysis in this thesis project, subsequent topical discussion of punishment draws on contextual articles written about crime and punishment, analyzed from the perspectives of complimentary academic traditions. A representational problematization of what, sociologically, is deemed criminal and deviant behavior is guaranteed to touch upon the study of criminology. In contrast to the sociological study of deviance, a methodology founded in criminology is focused on the violations of laws, and often deals in quantitative research techniques (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 566). Although, my analytical focus takes a step back from the focus on laws and the legality of deviant behavior, the criminologist perspective provides the project with a general understanding of the systems that surround societal perceptions of deviance and punitivism. Simultaneously, a dominant functionalist tradition which permeates the chosen sociologically oriented literature, especially present in the
11 article “Functions of Crime: A Paradoxical Process” by Allen E. Liska and Barbara D. Warner, carries through into my own analysis. My research targets the Danish newspaper MetroXpress and its particular discursive representation of the functionality of punishment, and therefore, inevitably, prompts a functionalist approach. In relation to the theoretical foundation, a functionalist angle affords valuable insight into Durkheim’s theory of social order. Émile Durkheim recognized society as a single organism encompassing all of its individual members. He observed that this societal organism incited functional interdependence and produced a sense of organic cohesive solidarity, and it is these theoretical considerations that will further my representational analysis (Lehmann, 1995, p. 909).
All in all, it can be said that the thesis project operates within a theoretical framework of functionalist Durkheimianism. Émile Durkheim’s theoretical position on social deviance and functional crime is distilled from his numerous influential writings. In the following section, I proceed to describe my understanding of the Durkheimian theory of deviance and functional crime, which will be theoretically operationalized in the forthcoming analysis.
The Durkheimian theory of criminal deviance proposes three primary suppositions; the culturally relative nature of deviance, the societal ‘normalcy’ of deviance and the social cohesive functionality of deviance. First of all, the theory suggests that social conceptions of deviance are relative to the society in which they exist. That is to say, definitions of deviance will expand or contract in relation to the frequency of occurrence of deviant behavior, and societal norms will adjust hereafter (Cooney, 2008, p. 491). Society will continuously recognize and regulate against extreme behavior, which means that “Crime cannot therefore be eliminated since, whatever behavior is eliminated, something would still be the "outermost" extreme” (Hilbert, 1989, p. 243). Cultural relativity, in terms of differential interpretations, practices, beliefs, and norms, contribute to the fluidity of the concept of criminal and social deviance (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 562). In a Durkheimian perspective this relative phenomenological state of perceptions solidifies the fact that socio-cultural relativity is more than simply differential sets of divergent value systems, and to limit it as such would produce artificial boundaries for constructive social research (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 561-562). Furthermore, Durkheim’s theory denounces a static analytical and conceptualized interpretation of deviance grounded in the conviction that temporal and contextual considerations must be taken into account. Any analysis of deviance in a specific society must be understood as a
12 snapshot of its specific time and contextual socio-political circumstances. In summary, because society is constantly changing so are perceptions of deviance.
The second analytically significant feature of Durkehim’s theory of deviance comes in the form of his insistence that deviance and crime, often used interchangeably, is a normal feature of society. The social normality of crime lies within the phenomenon’s universality, its inherence to conditions of collective existence and the fact that a complete obliteration of crime would suggest a society founded on unconditional moral conformity (Durkheim, 2004, p. 34-37; Tiryakian, 1964, p. 261). Durkheim even goes as far as to denounce crime as a pathological property, and instead showcases it as a feature of society which has the preventive capacity to inhibit anomie (Hilbert, 1989, p. 242). Durkheim likewise suggested that crime is a phenomenon arising from “the way in which society self-regulates”, and thereby function as a healthy protective practice in terms of protecting society “against the withering away of the collective conscience” (Hilbert, 1989, p. 243). It is in this regards that the Durkheimian understanding of the functionality of crime comes into play.
Within the functionalist argument for crime and punishment resides the concept of a societal collective consciousness. In its essence, the functionalist position argues that crime has the capacity to maintain social order, for the reason that society’s reaction to deviance facilitates an interdependent communal and moral strengthening (Chaudhuri, 2017, p. 65; Liska, 1991, p. 1442). Therefore, crime enables and maintains social control and stability through continuous systems of feedback. This system of feedback is presented as performative social reactions to deviance in the form of explicit and implicit measures of punishment (Chaudhuri, 2017, p. 66-67). Durkheim elaborated on his functionalist understanding of crime and punishment by asserting his perspective on a modern society characterized by organic solidarity. Organic solidarity is to be understood as a societal state where “differentiated, specialized individuals are integrated with each other and regulated by each other” (Lehmann, 1995, p. 909). This interpersonal integration can be interpreted as cooperative collectivism in the sense that specialized individuals each function as vital cogs in the machinery of society. Resulting from this interdependent societal functionality, comes absolute social reliance and, as a product thereof, organic solidarity. Derived directly from the notion of organic solidarity is the social function of punishment. Similarly to the function of crime, the sociological function of punitive measures can be located in its reinforcement- and affirmation of society’s collective normative solidary values. That is to say, punishment is dealt on the grounds
13 that the criminal act constitutes an offense to the societal collective conscience of morality (Carvalho, 2018, p. 220-222; DiCristina, 2000, p. 493-494; Durkheim, 2004, p. 34-37). All in all, penal justice manifests a system of social constraint in such a manner that it informs which type of social conduct is deemed deviant and a threat to social cohesion.
This interpretation of the Durkheimian theoretical measures provide the framework for my discursive methodological approach to MetroXpress’ conceptual representation of criminal deviance and punishment, and furthermore function as the theoretical tool to uncover the newspapers’ specific concepts of the social functionality of deviance, crime and punishment. In continuation hereof Monika Bednarek and Helen Caple’s observations of news values will be operationalized as a discursive tool of analysis. Furthermore, Norman Fairclough’s theoretical insights into media and language, presented in his book Media Discourse, form the foundation for the version of discourse analysis employed in this thesis project.
At the core of this textual representational news media study is a discourse analysis of MetroXpress’ news articles. Norman Fairclough identifies discourse as such; “Discourses are, as I have indicated, constructions or significations of some domain of social practice from a particular perspective” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 94). In this case, the domain of social practice pertains to a particular set of textually performed news media practices constructed within the Danish newspaper’s news section, while the perspective it is analyzed through is deviance-representation. Furthermore, in relation to the study of media discourses, Norman Fairclough proposes eight analytical criteria which are to be considered. With a focus on the representational value of MetroXpress’ news articles the discourse analysis is operationalized with a determined focus on textual functionality and implicit value systems. The nature of the discourse analysis is textually oriented since the thesis project seeks to uncover representations of a specific topic within a specific newspaper’s news articles, and not the effects and consequences of said representation. That is to say, some of Fairclough’s criteria are of limited relevance to this study as they refer to the examination of societal impact and influence of news media practices. Contextualized sociological influence will be discussed in relation to a broader discussion of the social functionality of crime, but will not be present in the primary analysis of representational discourse. In the following paragraph the desiderata, which are of relevance to my study of representational discourse, will be clarified.
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As a starting point, Norman Fairclough notes that the “analysis of media texts should include detailed attention to language and ‘texture’ […]” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 94). The study of the construction of meaningful communication finds its fundament in the discursive use of language. This means that this fairly straightforward suggestion of analytical textual attention goes hand in hand with the semiotic emphasis that will be present in the analysis. Similarly, Fairclough announces that “Text analysis should include both linguistic analysis and intertextual analysis in terms of genres and discourses” (Ibid). In this regard, he goes on to explain that it is paramount to understand that texts are often the product of multiple discursive currents and trend of genre, and that these hybrid features manifest themselves in the final textual product. To look for a singular homogenous discourse to represent the textual output of MetroXpress’ discursive practices would therefore be amiss. One should instead seek to locate the different currents that make up the overall hybrid-discourse which is present in all the writings in the newspaper’s news articles. In relation hereto, the analysis will also emphasize the functional representation of the subject matter of deviance. Fairclough then proceeds to his reflections on linguistics within the discourse analysis and states; “Linguistic analysis of texts should be conceived multifunctionally, and be oriented towards representation and the constitution of relations and identities as simultaneous processes in texts, and the important relationships between them” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 32-34). With this recommendation, Fairclough pinpoints the fact that a textual discursive analysis has the ability to, and should seek to, unearth constructed relational networks and processes from a representational perspective. These analytical concerns will be put into effect in the analysis in combination with an analytical focus from the perspective of news values.
A theoretical semiotic focus on news media discourse will be employed in order to uncover how MetroXpress establishes a meaningful communicative news practice. This practice will be uncovered through the aforementioned discourse analysis in combination with an examination of implicit news values. News values are to be understood as a set of criteria or a systemized selection process that influences news production. While many studies of news values are concerned with the news selection processes itself and places the journalistic news room as the object of analysis, this thesis study will focus on the news values which are embedded within MetroXpress’ news discourse. In the article “Rethinking news values: What a discursive approach can tell us about the construction of news discourse and news photography”, Monika Bednarek and Helen Caple propose ten individual components of inquiry with which to uncover implicit news values in media texts; negativity, timeliness, proximity, superlativeness, eliteness, impact, novelty, personalization,
15 consonance and aesthetic appeal (Bednarek, 2016, p. 438-440). Based on my interpretation of a similar table included in the article, table 1.1 illustrates a descriptive overview of each news value component tailored to fit this project (see table 1.1. below) (Bednarek, 2016, p. 439).
News value proponent Description
1. Negativity News stories which are negative in nature, and portray the negative features of a particular event or issue.
2. Timeliness A news story which is observed to adhere to a sense of time; the relevance of a reported event in regards to time.
3. Proximity The geographical-cultural proximity of news events.
4. Superlativeness A news event’s macro-perspective properties, that is to say, the particular scope and reach of the issue.
5. Eliteness The superior status of independent actors awarded agency involved in a news item, be it singular individual persons, organizations or even countries.
6. Impact Impact refers to the significance of a reported news event in relation to consequences and effects.
7. Novelty An event or issue which strays from a predictable narrative. The incorporation of something new and irregular.
8. Personalization The personal face of an event also referred to as the ‘single agent focus’ in the forthcoming analysis. Emphasis is placed on a singular human insight into a news event, this includes eyewitness reports.
9. Consonance In contrast to ‘novelty’, consonance indicates the adherence to familiar tropes, and a stereotypical narrative.
10. Aesthetic appeal Aesthetic appeal, or ‘spectacle’ as it will also be referred to in this thesis project, denotes
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aesthetically oriented aspect of news events. Since the analysis does not include a study of visual journalism, the news value component will instead refer to news stories that are constructed with spectacle as a point of attraction.
Table 1.1 News value components
The ten news value components act as a catalyzer for the analysis to go beyond news organizations’ official codes of ethics in the terms of ”accuracy, fairness and balance” and similarly the journalistic principles of “storytelling, along with the basics of sound grammar, spelling and punctuation […]” (Bednarek, 2016, p. 438). A news value approach to the Danish newspaper’s discourse grants the analysis the opportunity to unearth persistent tendencies in regards to the “‘newsworthy’ aspects of actors, happenings and issues […]” (Ibid). Thereby, news value conventionalities and traditions contribute to the overall socio-semiotic news discourse present in MetroXpress’ news articles.
4. Methodology
The theoretical field of media discourse is made up of a plethora of fairly distinct types of discourse analysis as proposed by Norman Fairclough in his book “Media Discourse”. Overall, Fairclough assigns the discursive analysis of media output with the ability to illuminate three different sets of questions; How is the world represented?, What identities are set up for those involved in the story? and What relationships are set up between those involved? (Fairclough, 1995, p. 5). Fairclough also describes the basis of media discourse as having a theoretical duality. Two primary strands of media discourse diverge into two separate brands of analysis. One is rooted in language studies, with an analytical focus on interaction and social situations, while the other finds its focus in post-structural social theory which centers on a social construction of reality (Fairclough, 1995, p. 18-19). Within this overarching framework, several approaches to the analysis of media discourse present themselves. The six types are as follows; linguistic and sociolinguistic analysis, conversation analysis, semiotic analysis, critical linguistics, social-cognitive analysis and cultural-generic analysis (Fairclough, 1995, p. 20). In the following paragraphs, I will clarify the
17 different modes of analysis each type of discourse analysis possess, and similarly highlight their individual strengths and limitations in relation to the analysis I undertake in this thesis project.
Conversation analysis diverges from the textual focus, and instead places emphasis on everyday life and the methods which are used in its production. This type of analysis is termed ethnomethodology and is a sociologically rooted analysis of everyday spoken interactions. Granting insight into spoken informal conversation between equals, and existing without the direct interaction with a media component, the analysis is not traditionally deemed suitable for a textual media analysis (Fairclough, 1995, p. 21-23). Another type of discourse analysis, which is not entirely suitable for a textual representational study, is the critical linguistics analysis. This type of method locates expressions of a broader pre-existing societal discourse within media outlets. Critical linguists highlight the role of vocabulary choices in regards to the representation of pre- existing socio-cultural categories (Fairclough, 1995, p. 27). More specifically, the object of study is the societal categorization’s influence on media text rather than the media text’s representation’s influence on society. This type of analysis is therefore best suited for a comparative study between pre-established dichotomized social categories such as gender or ethnicity.
The social-cognitive model of discourse analysis concerns itself with the practice of news production- and comprehension. Diverging from a sociological approach, the method instead attempts a socio-psychological analysis. Processes of social cognition are proposed as the bearing analytical pillar which shape media production and comprehension (Fairclough, 1995, p. 28-30). Consequently, such a study would uncover psychological processes of influence in regards to the potentially textual product of said media process. For this reason the method’s implementation of socio-psychological causality-studies of media production would not provide the required insight into a representational and textual snapshot of MetroXpress’ news discourse regarding punishment and criminal deviance. Cultural-generic discourse analysis refers to the practice of exploring the evolution of interview- or ‘chatting’-practices. The method focuses on structured communicative narratives in media culture as the primary object of analysis, in order to explore cultural and temporal differentiations in broadcast media (Fairclough, 1995, p. 31-32). Highlighting technical discovery and its effects on the broadcast media landscape, the method lends itself to audience reception studies and the interactive field between public versus private spheres regarding media audiences. Exploring a non-textual media sphere, which regards the listening practices and technical
18 circumstances in which media exist, the cultural-generic discourse analysis cannot grant specific insight into functional punishment-representations in a newspaper media.
Fairclough underlines the paramount importance of being aware of one’s own choice of discourse analysis, since the type of discursive analytical lens utilized will necessarily grant different results regardless of the researched object (Fairclough, 1995, p. 94). In my research, I operationalize an amalgamation of the socio-linguistic and the semiotic discursive tradition (henceforth referred to as the socio-semiotic discourse analysis). Linguistic and sociolinguistic analyses are both characterized by a heavy textual focus. Where a purely linguistic analysis is undertaken for the sake of proving syntactical grammatical structures and intonations of language, the sociolinguistic model is grounded in the illumination of socio-cultural patterns in textual news media (Fairclough, 1995, p. 21). The premise of this discourse is that language shapes our perception of reality and therefore placing it as the object of analysis grants insight into connections between socio-cultural representation and linguistic expression. The semiotic method also treats the textual analysis as a key component of a socio-cultural analysis of media. The method regards the analysis of text as a highly important part of any sociocultural analysis of media because it links “properties of texts to ideologies, power relations and cultural values” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 24- 25). That is to say, this type of textual discourse analysis explores value-based usage of language and seeks comprehension on how linguistic choices are implicit expressions of editorial values. The linguistic discourse comes into play in my research when I seek to connect the structured news value components to the linguistic choices undertaken within MetroXpress’ news articles concerning punishment and criminal deviance. Furthermore, the same type of discourse analysis is implemented in my analysis of the linguistic word choices which I perceive to express biased characterizations of punishment and criminal deviance as expressions of specific socio-cultural editorial patterns. Finally, I wish to point out that the chosen methodology is operationalized from an overarching social constructivist position. This position assumes that reality is shaped through language, and more specifically, that any phenomenon is necessarily a product of social processes and human interests. Furthermore, the paradigm applies historicity to all analyzed phenomena as they are believed to possess no inherent eternal quality, but are to be understood as temporal and socially contingent constructions (Collin, 2011, p. 248-250).
With these considerations in mind, the socio-semiotic discourse analysis presents my research with a number of strengths and limitations. In terms of strengths, the socio-semiotic discourse
19 analysis provides my research with two prominent points. First of all, I follow Fairclough’s working assumption that “any part of any text […] will be simultaneously representing, setting up identities, and setting up relations”, and in doing so linguistic scrutiny serves my analysis well (Fairclough, 1995, p. 5). The linguistic angle which the method provides allows for this very scrutiny of the properties of media language. For instance, when seeking evidence for the symbolic processes with which the phenomena of punishment as a response to criminal deviance is constructed, I conduct an in-depth analysis of the linguistic choices employed and the values which they represent. Along similar lines, this type of discursive language analysis “can help anchor social and cultural research and analysis in a detailed understanding of the nature of media output” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 16). What is meant by that is, the basic premise of socio-semiotics is “that coding events in language entails choices” which specific expressions of language structures “make available, and that such choices are […] ideologically significant” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 25). The analysis of media language is therefore a tangible expression of underlying socially and culturally motivated choices, which the socio-semiotic discourse analysis can bring into light. Researching how MetroXpress implement specific modes of language use, consequently grants awareness of underlying socio-cultural inspirations, which in turns speaks to the newspapers representation- ideology.’
The chosen methodology’s limitations present themselves as two interconnected points of contention; undue emphasis on text and lack of a greater contextualization of audience reception studies. Some media analysts object to those who approach media from a purely linguistic textual angle. This contention stems from the fact that “Media reception research has suggested that texts do not have unitary meanings, but are quite variously interpreted by different audiences and audience members, and may be quite various in their effects” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 16). The point being that the disregard of audience reception studies in favor of textuality will result in a less nuanced interpretation of the researched media output. Keeping that in mind, I assume Fairclough’s negating position which states that the nature of any media text will necessarily constrain and limit the capacity for potential interpretations (Ibid). That is to say, the specific type of text will create boundaries for the potential range of interpretations, and therefore it is within reason to acknowledge the value of conclusions made regarding MetroXpress’ general news discourse obtained through textual analysis.
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This thesis project’s data collection is based on existing materials in the form of newspaper articles, put though a selection process of purposive sampling. The purposive sampling method was essential because I had to locate the news articles of relevance in MetroXpress pertaining to criminal deviance and punishment. In order to locate these articles I searched through the online newspaper’s database, and disposed of articles relating to the sports- and television sections. The search was limited to the first three month of 2018, as it was my wish to surmise a snapshot current sample of the newspaper’s representational practice. The time frame is in line with what has been used in a number of comparable studies such as “People see what papers show! Psychiatry's stint with print media: A pilot study from Mumbai, India” by Shivanshu Shrivastava and “Hate Crime Victims in Serbia: A Case Study of Context and Social Perceptions” by Jelena Jokanovic (Shrivastava, 2018, p. 407-411; Jokanovic, 2018, p. 21-37). The buzzwords utilized in order to locate relevent articles are as follows; Punishment: Straf/ straffet/ straffesag, Judge: Dom/ Dommer/ domstol, Prison: Fængsel/ fængslet/ fængselsstaf, Crime: Forbrydelse/ forbryder/ indsat/ kriminel/ kriminalitet/ fange, Breach of law & Illegal: Ulovlig/ regelbrud/ lovovertrædelse, Court & Justice: Højesteret/ ret / retten/ retslige/ rettergang/ retfærdig. The emboldened words represent the English translation, or equivalent, of the Danish words which the search is supposed to cover. In appendix 9.1 the accumulative amount of word occurrences are showcased after each buzzword. For instance, the amount of articles which included the words pertaining to ‘Punishment’ over the three month span was 102 words. Afterwards follows a string of numbers which represent a specific day of the month and the number of buzzwords occurrences on that day. An example hereof is: ‘23/3-18 (2)’. In this case the first numbers is the publication date on which the words occurred, and the number in brackets refer to the amount of occurrences that were present in that specific newspaper issue. If there were no occurrences of the buzzword the newspaper issue is not mentioned in the appendix. When the word search was completed, I proceeded to transform the data-set into statically descriptive diagrams (see figures 1.4. and 1.5.).
The socio-semiotic news value oriented methodology allowed for the categorization of the news articles into five interrelated sub-discourses. The process of separation was made based on the localization of continued repetition of linguistic tools of representation relating to the news value components. I read through all compiled articles and categorized them by a number of factors; article length, tone of language, adherence to a recurrent structure of actor inclusion, use of legal terminology, tone regarding representation of deviants, rhetorical tools, implementation of news value components and the context in which punishment was most frequently represented (See tables
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1.2. and 1.3.). This analytically motivated classification organically fostered five separate strands of sub-discourses which consequently were characterized by their differences in how they utilized the news value components and thereby simultaneously how they represented punishment and criminal deviance through distinct patterns of language use.
Table 1.2. Article categorization chart
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Table 1.3. News value component categorization
5. Ethics
Ethically, the chosen methodological and topical choices present two primary issues of concern; the primary use of secondary data, combined with the theoretical research focus on a marginalized societal group, termed ‘deviant’.
The theoretical foundation of my thesis analysis is partly based upon data from secondary qualitative empirical studies. Secondary data has been processed by another researcher, which means that the thesis analysis is reliant on another researcher’s self-governing observational skills and adherence to the universal code of research-ethics. This type of data has undergone a selection process, which influences the scope of the data I have access to, and can carry undetected interviewer bias. Likewise, the data was collected for a research study with a separate distinct field of inquiry from that presented in this thesis, which can lead to a problematic use of data when used outside its natural context. That being said, by shifting the research-focus from primary empirical data gathering, towards a study of representation and discourses, I have greatly reduced ethical concerns when undertaking social research. Every academic resource utilized in this project is, with the authors consent, available in the public domain. Furthermore, the representational research approach means that I do not hold direct responsibility over ethical, legal and moral issues governing the primary data-gathering processes (Collins, 2010, p. 82-95).
In the article “Contextualizing Deviance within Social Change and Stability, Morality, and Power”, Nachman Ben-Yehuda puts forward arguments concerning the research challenge of studying social deviance and deviant behaviour. The author pinpoints a current dominant trend of politically oriented criticism towards sociological narratives in the study of deviance. These common criticisms centers on what is perceived as an oppressive hegemonic practice of defining
23 certain behaviors as deviant, and in so doing supporting domineering systems of social power. The accusatory claim places the sociological researcher in the position of contributing to a systematic de-legitimization of social minorities, and concurrently, the very act of defining deviant behavior hinders cultural diversity and social inclusion (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 561). The thesis project theoretically explores the phenomenological realm of the representational value of crime, prison and deviant behavior in relation to news discourses of crime and punishment. That is to say, I do not engage in primary research, and offer no judgement on what is deemed deviant behavior, and instead focus on the analytical value of Émile Durkheim’s theories of social deviance. While the analytical utilization of deviance does not render the ethical discussion non-consequential in a general sociological academic forum, it removes its central importance in this study.
6. Analysis: Five sub-discourses
The buzzword search within MetroXpress’ online data archives granted a total of 702 word- occurrences, collected over a three month period of data gathering. The outcome for each individual buzzword-category were distributed as follows; the category of ‘Punishment’ reached 102 word- hits, ‘Judge’ reached 136, ‘Prison’ reached 155, ‘Crime’ reached 73, ‘Illegal’ reached 98 and ‘Court and Justice’ reached a hitrate-score of 138. The average hit-rate covering the six categories amounted to a score of 117 buzzword occurrences.
.
Buzzword occurrences in
MetroXpress 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0
Frequency of occurrence Average
Fig. 1.4. Buzzword occurrence
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The tendencies exhibited through the hit-rate trend indicates that certain linguistic expressions were more commonly utilized than others, in regards to the description of newsworthy events relating to crime and punishment within MetroXpress’ news articles. Interestingly, the lowest hit-rate score was that pertaining to words from the category of ‘Crime’. This word-category includes the Danish words for; ‘crime’, ‘criminal’, ‘criminality’ and ‘incarcerated’. Three much more prevalent word- categories present in the linguistic discourse of MetroXpress are the categories of ’Judge’, ‘Illegal’ and ’Court and Justice’, two of which received above average hit-rate scores. All three categories pertain to language of legality and courtly punishment as they include the Danish words for ‘law court’, ‘supreme court’, ‘judge’, ‘illegal’, ‘breach of law’, ‘verdict’ and ‘sentencing’. The category of ‘Punishment’ placed slightly below average and included the following translated words; ‘punishment’, ‘punish’, ‘criminal penalty’ and ‘penalty’. The category of ‘Prison’ noticeably received the highest score of all categories with a hit-rate of 155. Similarly to the words from the punishment-category, the words in this category revolve around the legal process of sentencing, and includes the Danish words for ‘Prison’, ’imprisoned’ and ’imprisonment’. Overall, this distribution of buzzword hit-rates across the six categories points towards a trend of higher scores in the categories which include words which implicitly describe the result of the courtly verdicts and the engagement of performed punishment.
Fig. 1.5. The five strands of discourse
The analysis operates with a five tiered division of sub-discourses which make up the entirety of MetroXpress’ news discourse (See figure 1.5.). The five sub-discourses are called “Blurbs”,
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“Single agent focus”, “Spectacle”, “Verdicts” and “Cultural context”. The amounts of articles corresponding to each of the five sub-discourses are distributed between them with vast differences in numbers (see fig. 1.6.). With a total of 216 news articles the highest concentration of articles was present in the ‘Blurbs’-discourse, which was made up of a total of 86 relevant articles. Second in line was the ‘Verdicts’-discourse with a total of 63 articles. In third place the ‘Single agent focus’ discourse received 33 articles, while the ‘Spectacle’-discourse got 27 articles and ‘Cultural context’ came last with only 7 articles. The average number of articles came to a final score of 43,2. That is to say, articles pertaining to the sub-discourses of “Blurbs” and “Verdicts” were most common within MetroXpress’ general news article discourse.
Table 1.4. Number of articles corresponding to each of the five discourses 90 80 70 60 50 40 Number of articles 30 Average 20 10 0 Blurbs Single Spectacle Verdicts Cultural agent context focus
Fig. 1.6. Division of articles
6.1. Blurbs: The dominant sub-discourse
The sub-discourse Blurbs utilizes the news value components of timeliness, proximity, superlativeness, impact and eliteness. Subsequently, the sub-discourse addresses narrative locality, structures of punitive legitimization, the positive connection between the justice system and MetroXpress and elitist agency expressed through a structured functionality of names and titles.
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6.1.1. Timeliness and Proximity
The prominence of the news value components timeliness and proximity bear witness to a discourse influenced by a conscious effort to situate the news articles in time and place. The temporality of the news pieces permeates throughout the articles, to such an extent that less than a tenth of the articles were written with an absence of word structures such as; “i går”, “for to uger siden”, “tidligt i går morges” and “natten til i går” (MetroXpress (ed.), 20184, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201827, p. 8; MetroXpress (ed.), 201818, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201830, p. 8).1 Similarly, 81 out of a total of 86 articles were introduced with the location in which the criminally deviant event had occurred, which speaks to the centrality of locality within the news narratives. These persistent and continuous mentions of the regularity and spacial scope of criminal deviance instills and conveys a particular sense of the perceived magnitude of the problem of criminal deviance to the newspaper’s readership. From Esbjerg to Odense, Hjørring to Sønderborg, all of Denmark’s regions are included within the news articles (MetroXpress (ed.), 20188, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201825, p. 10; MetroXpress (ed.), 20184, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201828, p. 4). That is to say, the entire country is drawn into a narrative of omnipotent surveillance and the punitive efforts enforced by an authoritative justice system. The sheer amount of articles combined with their temporal and spacial scope function as a constant reminder of the threat that criminally deviant behavior poses. These representations of the state of affairs in the country serve to legitimize the authority and power of the justice system and the police force. As it is explained by Henrique Carvalho; “punitiveness allows the state to deny its impotence and to promote an image of power and activity” (Carvalho, 2018, p. 227). This means that the situated timeliness assists in the promotion of an image of a legal system as an actively working governmental organ, which succeeds in combating the threat which deviant behavior poses for the society in which it occurs. It is therefore important to convey the vital social role of the punitive institution in order for the system to legitimately earn its place of power in the eyes of society at large.
6.1.2. Punitive legitimacy
In regards to the punishment for deviant behavior, MetroXpress has positioned itself as the mouthpiece of the justice system, in such a way that they have become a legitimizing force for the
1 “yesterday”; “two weeks ago”; “early yesterday morning”; “the night before yesterday”.
27 punitive justice system. The argument that the newspaper functions as an active mouthpiece for the governmental agency rather than work to present an unbiased interpretation of criminal news events, is exemplified through the lack of nuanced representations of court verdicts. Within this sub-discourse, no articles whatsoever present any confrontational narratives when it comes to the implementation of punishment dealt by the justice system and enforced by the police. It is only in relation to courtly appeal-cases that a negative tone is adapted, and in these cases the negativity is directed towards the individual or the individuals who attempt to overturn a previous conviction. The narrative in the article “Sexdømt vil frifindes” from March 14th is contingent on the supposition that being convicted is a state of identity that cannot be overturned, and proposing to do so is an affront to the justice system.2 This is apparent in the structure of the article, which reiterates the details of the previous conviction and offers no insight into why the convict wants to appeal his case, simply noting that the individual wants to be acquitted of his crimes (MetroXpress (ed.), 201860, p. 6). As the newspaper chooses a singular repetitive focus on the crimes for which the individual was convicted, and simply portrays the appeal case of said convict as being solely based on the wants of the stigmatized convict rather than present the arguments for such an appeal, MetroXpress implicitly sides with the forces of legal punitivism. That is to say, they present no evidence or arguments on behalf of the previously convicted induvial which potentially could warrant an appeal and therefore they present a biased viewpoint to their readership. This goes to show that MetroXpress does not show any particular interest in portraying the justice system as fallible or suggest that the nature of the court’s verdicts is not absolute and enduring. To further this point, the news narrative in regards to appeal cases applies a supportive note when the attempt is to award a more severe punishment than that which has previously been dealt. This trend is exemplified in the article “Anker vandscooterdom” from the January 19th issue of MetroXpress.3 The newspaper showcases support for the justice systems attempt to deal a more severe punishment by discarding their otherwise non-expressive language and replacing it with animated and emotionally laden words such as ‘vanvittige’ and ‘kostede de to unge kvinder livet’, followed by a description of the two young victims. In their narrative they unambiguously attempt to evoke feelings of indignation on behalf of the victims, which is implemented in order to gather support for the justice system’s actions (MetroXpress (ed.), 201817, p. 2).4
2 ”Sex-convict wants to be acquitted”. 3 “Appeals waterscooter-verdict”. 4 “insane”; “cost two young women their lives”.
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6.1.3. Superlativeness, Impact and performative punitivism
In continuation hereof, the news value components Superlativeness and Impact support the argument of the positive relationship between the justice system and MetroXpress. This is apparent in the consistent representation of the success of the justice system, and the implicit support of the performative elements of the punitive power which society as a collective possess. Evidence that speaks to, and exemplifies, the narrative of the success of the justice system can be located in, amongst others, the articles; “55-årig melder sig selv” from January 5th, “Sigtet for skuddrab” from January 29th and”Politiet sigter flere for ulovligt ophold” from January 29th (MetroXpress (ed.), 20184, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201830, p. 8; MetroXpress (ed.), 201829, p. 6).5 In the first article, MetroXpress places emphasis on the fact the perpetrator has opted to turn himself in to the police. At first it is simply stated that the deviant ‘melder sig selv’, and later it is expressed that he has turned himself in as a consequence of the pressure placed on him by the police force; “Han meldte sig selv efter pres fra politiet[…]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 20184, p. 6).6 The interpretive narrative therefore enforces a mode of thought which showcases the weight of the systemic powers at play as a positive force, which has the instructive ability to undermine the criminal deviant’s agency. This falls in line with Durkheim’s argument that penal sanctions have the function of making individuals feel the weight of social constraint (Tiryakian, 1964, p. 265; Durkheim, 2004, p. 34-37). By the same token, the narrative speaks to the omnipotence of the justice system, as an institutional force which is ingrained into the subconscious of all members of society, particularly those who contemplate deviant actions. MetroXpress’ ambition to portray the excellence of the Danish executive justice system is similarly present in the article ”Sigtet for skuddrab”.7 The article states that ”Manden, der er i 30’erne, har været internationalt efterlyst og blev standset lørdag i grænsekontrollen i Rødbyhavn” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201830, p. 8).8 The article’s purpose is therefore to inform the newspaper’s readership of the fact that where other countries have failed, the Danish justice system has been successful in capturing an internationally renowned criminal. That is to say, MetroXpress unreservedly construct a narrative in which the reader is subconsciously invited to take part in the celebration of the success of the systemic powers and support their primary societal function. Futhermore, the third article “Politiet sigter flere for ulovligt ophold” sees the
5 “55-year-old turns himself in”; “Charged for lethal gunshot”; “Police charge numerous for illegal residence”. 6 “turns himself in”; ”He turned himself in after pressure from the police […]”. 7 “Charged for lethal gunshot”. 8 “The man, who was in his 30s, has been wanted internationally and was stopped on Saturday at the border control in Rødbyhavn”.
29 construction of a news story which is not merely an account of a current criminal event. Rather, the newspaper has seen fit to accumulate a narrative which has not been prompted by a current event, but has its foundation in accrued statistics on the rising frequency of perpetrated foreigners without a valid Danish residence permit during the last decade. In the article they write; “Sjældent har så mange udlændinge fået problemer med ordensmagten for at opholde sig I Danmark uden tilladelse” and ”Det er næsten en firedobling på 10 år” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201829, p. 6).9 The article therefore bears evidence to the fact that MetroXpress actively seek to support the justice system to such an extent that their news narrative does not have to be prompted by current events in order to award the justice system with positive media coverage.
Additionally, the news value component Impact, and its relation to performative punitivism, result in a construction of a penal discourse which normalizes a conception of the criminal deviant as a human obstacle which prohibits organic social cohesiveness (Mason, 2006, p. 252). MetroXpress’ news discourse supports the Durkheimian viewpoint which conceptualizes criminal deviance as an asocial phenomenon (Lehmann, 1995, p. 904). That is to say, MetroXpress follows Émile Durkheim’s postulate which states that interdependence is the key to social solidarity and therefore is the cornerstone in any functional society (Lehmann, 1995, p. 909-910). Criminal deviance is portrayed as a breach of the implicit social contract which exists between all individual members of society. Figuratively speaking, it can be said that the machine of society cannot function if any single cog should malfunction. This conception is evident in implicit narratives of Impact. These narratives implicitly address the increased threat to a functional society posed by deviant individuals through a solution-focused angle. The article ”Dømt for skydevåben” is an implicit narration of the safety which prison sentences and deportation provides the Danish society (MetroXpress (ed.), 20186, p. 6).10 The journalistic focus is on the fact that the criminal deviants are condemned to long prison sentences with an emphases on the long duration of time in which they will be isolated from the rest of society. Furthermore, the newspaper reassure the readers that once the prison sentences are completed the deviants will be deported; ”Når straffen er udstået, skal mændene udvises” (Ibid).11 Similarly, the article ”Udvist efter overgreb” establishes isolatory punishment as the solution to criminal deviance (MetroXpress (ed.), 201821, p. 6).12 Once again, it
9 ”Rarely have so many foreigners had problems with the law in order to stay in Denmark without permission”; ”It is almost a quadrupling in 10 years”. 10 “Convicted for firearms”. 11 ”When the sentences has been served, the men will be expelled”. 12 “Expelled after assault”.
30 is stressed that after a prison sentence of three and a half years, the deviants will be guaranteed a deportation from Denmark for forever; “Tre et halvt års fængsel og en udvisning af Danmark for bestandigt” (Ibid).13 The use of the word “bestandigt” suggest a narrative of reassurance aimed at the newspaper’s readership, a reassurance based on the conclusion that society has to rid itself of deviants to provide safety for the collective at large.14 These narratives bare evidence to a discourse which promotes the alienation of deviants without considering any behavioral amendment as a possible solution. The perception is thus that deviants are no longer functional members of society once they have committed acts of an asocial deviant nature.
6.1.4. Eliteness and narrative actors
In regards to participating actors, the basis of the news narrative structure revolves around the deviant perpetrator and the executive justice system. Occasionally the narrative will include victims, the Danish police force and, on a less frequent basis, lawyers and bystanders (MetroXpress (ed.), 201817, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201827, p. 8). A tendency of Eliteness is apparent in the structural function of names and titles and its influence on how agency is awarded within the representative news narrative. MetroXpress sets a tone in which they communicate an imbalance in the distribution of the power they award participating actors within their news narratives. This is achieved by granting selected actors a title, while other must find their identity solely in their age, gender and ethnicity. For instance, in the article ”Truede sagsbehandler” the narrative presents two opposing actors; the offender in the form of a 19 year old man versus a victimized caseworker (MetroXpress (ed.), 201810, p. 6).15 A similar structure is present in the article ”Drabssag for retten” in which the victim is presented as a 70 year old accountant and the perpetrator is described as a 31 year old man from Cameroun (MetroXpress (ed.), 201846, p. 4).16 The disproportionate distribution of categorical identifiers amounts to a biased representation of the actors who are a part of the news stories. This is the case because the actors’ identities are shaped by the portrayal which the newspaper establishes for their readership. MetroXpress demonstrates their capacity to award and subtract status through their labelling of the actors, and while some are presented with added identifiers of status, other are purposefully left without such social identifiers. In continuation
13 “Three and a half years of prison and an expulsion from Denmark for forever”. 14 forever”. 15 ”Threatened caseworker”. 16 “Murder case in court”.
31 hereof, it is significant to point out a trend within MetroXpress’ news articles in which ethnicity is recognized as identity. Through certain lexical choices and a limited vocabulary of labels, when it comes to the description of the criminal deviants, ethnicity continually replaces other types of available labels. Frequently presented as a casual remark or an interposed phrase, ethnicity has become a linguistic tool which has the capacity to distance the reader from the person presented within the narrative. In the article ”100.000 i erstatning” ethnicity is posed as a central factor in the narrative through the following interposed sentence; ”[…] dømt stedfaderen, der er serbisk statsborger, en straf på […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201850, p. 4).17 A similar structure can be seen in the article”39-årig dræbte familie” in which the following sentence occurs; ”Manden, der har afghanske rødder, er kendte […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201863, p. 6).18 Juxtaposed to this presentation of identity which relies on ethnicity, other actors within the news narratives are frequently mentioned by both job title and name. These actors are those who are deemed commendable in regards to their relationship to the justice system or the injured party. The following three sentences are examples of the name-inclusion of secondary actors, whose role within the narrative is minor in character; ”Formanden for Det Kriminalpræventive Råd, Henrik Dam […]”, ”Det bekræfter ofrenes advokat, Karen Marie Jespersen” and ”Det oplyser mandens advokat, Jesper Ravn […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201824, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201860, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 20183, p. 4).19 Not central to the narrative, the naming of certain minor actors speaks to the respectability and value MetroXprees seeks to impose on actors who portray the contradictory role to the deviants. This is even more so evident in the article ”Fotograf frifindes” in which they write that ”Det var i orden, at fotograf Martin Lehmann nægtede […]” and then provides a more detailed description of the identity of the acquitted photographer by stating the following; ”[…] da man frifandt Politikens pressefotograf […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201820, p. 6).20 An in-depth description such as this is only ever present in relation to persons of influence or those who fall on the correct side of the justice system. Thus, individuals who have been convicted of criminal actions obtain the term deviant as the most remarkable identifier of their identity through a lack of personalized social labels, while those who appear on the side of the collective system of justice are portrayed with numerous identifiers of identity. All in all, the perception of
17 “100.000 in compensation”; “[…] convicted the stepfather, who is a Serbian citizen, with a sentence of […]”. 18 “39-year-old killed family”; “The man, who has Afghan roots, is known […]”. 19 “The chairman of Det Kriminalpræventive Råd, Henrik Dam […]”; “Confirmed by the victims’ lawyer, Karen Marie Jespersen”; “Informed by the man’s lawyer, Jesper Ravn […]”. 20 “Photographer acquitted”; “It was right when photographer Martin Lehmann refused […]”; “[…] when Politiken’s press photographer was acquitted […]”.
32 convicted individuals as lacking of an identity outside of their deviance aligns with Nachman Ben- Yehuda’s conclusive supposition that; “[…] deviants are those who simply do not have enough power to prevent others from defining them as such” (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 563; Mason, 2006, p. 251).
Having established an implicit hierarchy of Eliteness in regards to those actors who participate in the news narratives, MetroXpress institutes a position which ranks above this hierarchy. The superior position is awarded to themselves as a critical observatory agent who is placed outside the news narrative and its structure of interconnected positions of power. An example that showcases MetroXpress’ critical approach to otherwise readily accepted courtly verdicts is to be found in the article ”Krænkede taber sag” in which MetroXpress repeatedly use negatively charged words such as “nederlag”, “taber” and “svigtet” on behalf of the victim who has lost their case (MetroXpress (ed.), 201866, p. 4).21 The lexical choices demonstrate how the newspaper goes against the verdict of the justice system and thereby they indicate that the institution of MetroXpress has the agency to interpret the word of the law. The article ”Skal blive i fænglset” exemplifies the narrative liberties MetroXpress exhibit in their construction of news stories based on their own uncertain statements.22 The article states that; “Der er umiddelbart grund til at tro, at en 30-årig mand […] var parat til at begå terror i København” and “I går valgte en dommer […] I hvert fald at forlænge den sigtedes ophold bag tremmer I yderligere fire uger” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201814, p. 4).23 The reliability of the account is negated by the implementation of ambiguous words such as “umiddelbart” and “i hvert fald”, and the sentence altogether showcases a construct of a narrative in which blanks in the court verdicts are filled with hypothetical interpretations by MetroXpress.24 Similarly, the article ”Dømt for hævndrab” has been written as a narrative of revenge and the newspaper has implemented a structured storyline which is an interpretation of a courtly verdict.25 The article presents the court’s verdict of brutal violence, yet chooses to end the narrative on a speculative note stating that; “Motivet var formentlig hævn” (MetroXpress (ed.), 20188, p. 6).26 That is to say, MetroXpress negates the definite finality of the
21 ”violated party loses case”; ”defeat”; ”loses”; ”let down”. 22 “Shall remain in prison”. 23 ”There is apparent reason to believe that a 30-year-old man […] was ready to commit an act of terror in Copenhagen”; ” Yesterday, a judge chose to […] at least further extend the convict’s stay behind bars for four more weeks”. 24 “apparently”; ”at least”. 25 “Convicted for revenge murder”. 26 “The motive was most likely revenge”.
33 verdict and replaces it with its own interpretation in terms of motive and intent. These speculatory and concocted narratives points to the fact that MetroXpress assumes the right to interpret and deflect the word of the law and thus formulate a power structure in which their narrative constitute the final words on the matter.
6.2. Verdicts: The prevalence hypothesis and the ambiguity of mass reporting
In terms of news value components, the sub-discourse Verdicts exhibits the same patterns, characteristics and tendencies as the sub-discourse of Blurbs, albeit with the addition of the news value component of consonance. While the two sub-discourses share similarities regarding news value components, the sub-discourse of Verdicts does offer more extensive and unique insight into the prevalence hypothesis and the ambiguity of mass reporting.
6.2.1. Consonance and the Prevalence Hypothesis
The news value component Consonance comes into play in regards to the prevalence hypothesis. The hypothesis states that public opinions and “legal decisions are influenced by the frequency of the behavior that is the subject of the case” (Cooney, 2008, S. 493). The overall relationship between prevalence and severity is curvilinear which means that the infrequency of a particular type of crime equates to a severe punishment while crimes that typically occur frequently will be awarded less severe punishments (Ibid). The following three paragraphs will explore the potential narrative differentiations regarding three different recurring tiers of crimes (murder, rape and financial crimes), in order to elucidate whether or not MetroXpress exhibit signs of conforming to the prevalence hypothesis.
Within the Verdicts sub-discourse, 8 articles were dedicated to the coverage of cases regarding sexual assault, while financial crimes and homicide both were the focal point in 10 respective news articles.
The standout characteristics of news articles regarding sexual assault cases present themselves in the form of a substantial use of biased adjectives and the implementation of detailed chronological descriptions of a particular criminal act. Adjectives denoting inexcusable harmful
34 behavior such as “uhyrlige”, “rædselsnat”, “utilgivelig” and “medtaget” are generously applied in addition to repetitive use of legal terms describing the criminal act.27 One article consisting of only nine sentences in total include the following direct mentions of the crime committed; “overgreb”, “voldtog”, “voldtægt”, “brud på straffelovens voldtægtparagraf”, “voldtægt ved andet seksuelt forhold end samleje”, ”incest”, ”blufærdighedskrænkelse”, “udbredelse af børneporno” and ”besiddelse af børneporno” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201844, p. 6).28 Repetition as a rhetorical device of consonance forces the reader to recognize the central message of the text. That is to say, MetroXpress seeks to relay the severity of the criminal act committed by continuously relating every sentence back to the criminal act itself or the illegally deviant aspect of the act. Furthermore, these rhetorical devices are situated within narratives of detailed chronological descriptions of the course of the criminal acts. Stylized as news stories with a natural progression which constantly culminate in a relatively optimistic ending, the narrative structure loses its sense of organic realism;”Heldigvis kom et vidne forbi og overtog mobiltelefonen, så alarmcentralen kunne få den præcise adresse” and ”Og det gjorde hun. Hun gik til politiet” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201839, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201851, p. 12).29 This means that in order to fit a wide range of distinct stories into a pre-proposed narrative structure of relative optimism MetroXpress’ news stories regarding sexual assault will showcase a corresponding sense of misplaced homogeneity. All in all, while the topic of sexual assault is treated seriously, the purposefully constructed narratives of relative positivity install a sense of deflection in regards to the abundance of horrendous details.
MetroXpress’ homicide-narratives primarily concentrate on legal prison sentences. Presenting a similar rhetorical structure as narratives regarding sexual assault, repetition of the words “prison” and “lifetime” is present in close to all articles regarding homicides; ”livstid og 12 års fængsel”, ”fængsel på livstid”, ”12 års fængsel”, ”livstid” and ”10 års fængsel” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201856, p. 4).30 That being said, the homicide-narratives do not make use of descriptive adjectives as a linguistic tool and instead maintain a singular focus on the aspect of prison sentencing. Interestingly, the two discourses also diverge in regards to the degree of seriousness the narratives are afforded. A good example of the negation of an otherwise prevalent seriousness is evident in the
27 “outrageous”; “night of terror”; “unforgiveable”; “injured”. 28 “assault”; “raped”; “rape”; “breach of the criminal law’s rape clause”; “rape by other sexual relation than intercourse”; “incest”; “Indecent exposure”; “distribution of child pornography”; “possession of child pornography”. 29 “Luckily, a witness came by and took over the cellphone, so that the emergency center could receive the exact address”; “And she did. She went to the police”. 30 “life imprisonment and 12 years of prison”; “imprisonment for life”; “12 years of prison”; “life imprisonment”; “10 years of prison”.
35 article ”Politidrab giver forvaring” (Poulsen, 2018, p. 2).31 In terms of subject matter, the article deals with the ratification of a custodial sentence given to an individual who has committed a murder of a police officer. A significant shift in focal point occurs almost instantaneously (two sentences into the article) as the victim’s relation to a famous celebrity chef becomes the primary topic of the narration. Insignificant information such as the age difference between the victim and the famous childhood friend, their shared names and the inclusion of the childhoods friend’s famous wife implicitly places the narrative within a context which lack condemnation and downplays the severity of the crime; ”siger kokken, der er gift med Anette Heick” and ”Lige præcis ét år og én dag yngre end Jesper Juhl” (Ibid).32 That is to say, any victim-driven discourse has come to play second fiddle to a narrative focused on single agent celebrities who have no direct relation to the crime which has occurred. While it would be remiss to propose the discourse of victim-neglect as the norm within homicide-narratives, it is important to point out that it is in fact only within these narratives that a serious focal divergence from the victim or the deviant has occurred.
MetroXpress’ narratives concerning financial crimes refrain from adopting a discourse of condemnation. Rather, the newspaper has implemented a discourse build on the idiom “Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me”. That is to say, the narratives have implemented a journalistic tone which appears to be impressed by the magnitude of the crime which the perpetrators have gotten away with; ”Fremgangsmåden har […] været den samme i alle 44 forhold, som de to mænd tiltales for” and ”Ifølge politiet har mændene stjålet varer fra hele landet – fri Hirtshals i nord over Haderslev i syd og til Maribo på Lolland” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201836, p. 12).33 Both examples demonstrate the narrative centrality of monetary and materialistic gain, while mentions of punishment are set aside to further focus on the specific goods acquired through criminality. Another example hereof is one short article which make mention of exact monetary figures a total of five times; ”20.000”, ”13.000”, ”430.000”, ”300.000” and ”200.000” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201833, p. 11). Similarly, using positive descriptions such as “narrede” and “det lykkedes at fuppe” MetroXpress underlines the ingenuity of the perpetrator, while also addressing the perpetrators as either businessmen or without labels (MetroXpress (ed.), 201854, p.
31 “Police murder warrants custodial sentence”. 32 “Says the chef, who is married to Anette Heick”; “Exactly one year and one day younger than Jesper Juhl”. 33 “The procedure has […] been the same in all of the 44 cases the two men are accused of”; ”According to the police the men have stolen goods from all over the country – from Hirtshals in the north through Haderslev in the south all the way to Maribo on Lolland”.
36
4).34 These linguistic choices therefore assume an implicit position of respect which is a trend only present in connection to financial criminality.
In conclusion, while equal attention is paid to all three categories of criminal deviance in terms of the amount of article dedicated to the respective cases, a difference in how the cases are treated can be detected. Financial crimes are afforded little to no stigmatization, while homicide- narratives and cases of sexual assault are treated in a different manner. A difference of narrative focus, and the seriousness of tone applied to the text is what separates the two categories of crime. In homicides-cases, the sober, yet emotional, rhetoric of sexual assault cases is swapped for a sentence-focused discourse which allows space for irrelevant anecdotes. That being said, both homicide- and sexual assault cases present a clear sense of condemnation of the criminally deviant individual on trial. Therefore, these factors, while exhibiting tendencies which adhere to a clear division in severity of condemnation, can be understood to disconfirm that MetroXpress’ news narratives abide by a definite understanding of the prevalence hypothesis.
6.2.2. The contradicting rhetoric of deviance normalization
In opposition to MetroXpress’ rhetoric which highlights the disorderly irregularity of the societal phenomenon of criminal deviance, Émile Durkheim “argued that crime is not a pathological property but a normal feature of social groups” (Cooney, 2018, p. 491). Counterintuitive to the newspaper’s discursive objective which seeks to prohibit the normalization of deviant behavior, the mass reporting dilutes the goal by normalizing the presence of crime through the sheer abundance of articles describing the phenomenon. Through a narrative rhetoric of continuous use of negative descriptive adjectives (eg. “tidligere dømt”, “uhyggelige”, “smertefuldt”, “mystiske omstændigheder”, ”makabert”) a discourse of deviant-isolation (eg. “Selv når […] opholder sig i fænglset […] udgør han en fare for samfundet”, “[…] jublende lykkelig, specielt fordi det er en udvisningsdom på ham”) and a focus on the success of the law (eg. ”Hun gik til politiet […] Manden blev anholdt […]”, ”[…] frifandt polititet for at have handlet forkert”, ”Da de […] kørte mod København, fulgte politiet med og så, hvordan de samlede potentielle ofre op. Ved 03-tiden natten til fredag slog politiet til og anholdt mændene”) MetroXpress seeks to represent deviance as a palpable yet undesirable phenomenon (MetroXpress
34 “tricked”; “succeeded at fooling”.
37
(ed.), 201833, p. 11; MetroXpress (ed.), 201841, p. 6; Poulsen, 2018, p. 2; Larsen, 2018, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201865, p. 3; MetroXpress (ed.), 201858, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201853, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201851, p. 12; MetroXpress (ed.), 201831, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201852, p. 4).35 These factors contribute to a discourse which foster functional punishment. That is to say, it creates an environment in which punishment serves a direct purpose of community protection in the sense that it rids society of the existence of all of that which is negatively associated with deviance within the news narratives. If one were to examine this perspective within a Durkheimian optic, MetroXpress’ intentions were predestined to be unsuccessful from the outset as Emilé Durkheim perceived all societies to possess a relative presence of deviance; ”even a society of saints will have its deviants” (Cooney, 2008, p. 491). This relative interpretation of deviance means that no society is exempt from the manifestation of deviance as an outermost extreme is always present in relation to socially and legally acceptable behavioral norms. All in all, the Durkheimian conviction prohibits the newspapers’ aim in the sense that the goal in itself would only become attainable in a society devoid of any form of social or legal rules.
6.3. Deviance and Punishment in Blurbs and Verdicts
Grouped into a singular chapter for their similarities regarding perspectives on deviance and punishment, the two sub-discourses of Blurbs and Verdicts promote an interpretation of deviance as societal dysfunctionality and showcase an implicit three-layered functionality of punishment in the form of disciplination through fear, community protection and deviant de-individualization.
6.3.1. Deviancy as societal dysfunctionality
Commonly referred to as ”the hour of destiny”, the moment in which a verdict is handed down in a criminal court case is simultaneously the moment in which the deviant individual is deprived of agency in the eyes of MetroXpress (MetroXpress (ed.), 201812, p. 4). That is to say, agency concerning convicted deviants is an attribute only present in hindsight, and bereft in the
35 “previously convicted”; “scary”; “painful”; “mysterious circumstances”; “macabre”; “Even when […] stays in prison […] he is a threat to society”; “[…] extremely happy, especially because it is an expulsion-verdict”; “She went to the police […] The man was arrested […]”; “[…] acquitted police for wrongdoing”; “When they […] drove towards Copenhagen, the police followed and saw how they picked up potential victims. At around 03 the night before Friday the police took action and arrested the men”.
38 interaction with the justice system. Previous to the process of sentencing, agency is present in the individual in the sense that the person is depicted with the ability to act out of their own accord and outside of legal parameters. Examples of news articles which exhibit the deprivation of agency once a verdict has been concluded include; “Sag om diskrimination”, “Røveri mod pusher” and “Tiltalt for dødsbrand” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201834, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201832, p. 8; MetroXpress (ed.), 201842, p. 6).36 Not one of these articles contains statements or observations from defense lawyers, witnesses, the defendant himself or showcase the context in which the deviant action had occurred. A recurring thematic in all of these narratives is the absence of nuance in terms of which actors are represented as having agency. That is to say, once a verdict has been cast MetroXpress is no longer concerned with providing the deviant with an outlet in their news narratives, which in turn leads to the representative erasure of agency in legally deviant individuals.
The interpretation of deviance presented in the sub-discourses of Blurbs and Verdicts present some ambivalence in regards to Émile Durkheim’s conception of social and criminal deviance. In one regard the discourses go against assumptions which exist in Durkheim’s writings. Durkheim proposed that because “definitions of deviance tend to expand and contract as deviant behavior contracts and expands […] the overall amount of deviance will tend to be maintained at specific levels” (Cooney, 2008, p. 491). This proposed tendency of social relativity is not present in either sub-discourse. Instead deviance is portrayed as a phenomenon which is both manageable and defeatable by the justice system. This is evident in the sheer amount of news stories which cover courtly verdicts (see fig. 1.2.) and the prominence of reporting of the success stories of the justice system (chapter 6.1.). These tendencies convey that the justice system has a progressive and positive influence on the amount and scope of deviance present in Danish society, and that the societal trend of deviance can and will be reduced as time progresses and the reach of the justice system expands.
In another regard, the phenomenon of deviance is established as the violation of laws set by the justice system. In this respect the discourse has adopted a Durkheimian position. According to Émile Durkheim the main objective of the legal system is to “[…] restore situations into a state of normalcy […]” (Chaudhuri, 2017, p. 68). That is to say, the purpose of the punitive justice system is to evoke a sense of restitution by compelling the deviant individual “to acknowledge their action, with a binding obligation to reinstate the damage into its previous form” (Ibid). MetroXpress
36 ”Case of discrimination”; ”Robbery against pusher”; ”Accused for deathly fire”.
39 continuously implement this Durkheimian discourse of restorative justice within their news narratives. In the article ”200.000 i erstatning” a monetary compensation is instated to amend the distress caused by the deviant individual (MetroXpress (ed.), 201819, p. 6).37 In a similar article, ”Modtog gaver ulovligt”, another type of amends is sought in the form of a twenty day prison sentence for passive bribery (MetroXpress (ed.), 201868, p. 6).38 As opposed to the monetary compensation, recompense is made by isolating the deviant individual from society. Both cases warrant the acknowledgement of wrongdoing while establishing a method of manifesting a tangible restitution. Having established a system of penal sanctions, victim-related offenses are subsequently categorized in tiers of severity stemming from the perpetrator’s relation to the victim. Introduced by the explicit titles ”Voldtog mor og eks” and ”Far får otte års fængsel”, emphasis is directed at the breach of trust implicit in family ties, rather than a focus on the illegal violation itself (MetroXpress (ed.), 201822, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201811, p. 6).39 The usual use of the identifying labels of age, gender and nationality is substituted with the familial titles of mother and father. The presented condemnation is far more severe in these narratives when compared to cases in which familial bonds are not broken. For example the inclusion of the duration of time in which the violation had occurred in addition to a detailed description of the victims are facts only present in offenses in which the perpetrator had a familial or close bond with the victim. This means that while the majority of cases regarding criminal deviance are merely judged according to the law, the degree of condemnation expressed by MetroXpress is influenced by facets of victim relations.
Summed up, deviance is perceived as a social concept which equates to societal anti-stability or, in other words, the overabundance of deviance is the antithesis to a functional society. The deviant individual is the manifestation of dysfunctionality and the deprivation of agency. Furthermore, deviancy is commonly perceived as a violation of the law, but also a defeatable phenomenon which an active justice system is continuously working to overcome.
6.3.2. The three functions of punishment
Within the two sub-discourses, punishment is portrayed through an implied sense of consequentialism. As previously established, deviance is defined in relation to the law, or in other,
37 ”200.000 in compensation”. 38 “Received presents illegally”. 39 “Raped mother and ex”; “Dad gets eight years of prison”.
40 less frequent cases, in relation to the victims of the criminally deviant behavior. Influenced by this understanding of deviance, the functionality of punishment can be divided into three categories; Disciplination, Social Cohesion and Stigmatization.
The first function of punishment, disciplination through fear, aims to limit and disrupt behavioral patterns in addition to the of garnering support for the legitimization of the justice system. Allen E. Liska and Barbara D. Warner propose that “People who fear crime constrain their social behavior to safe areas during safe times, avoiding unsafe areas of cities and the businesses and residences located in them; and people who are unable to avoid living in unsafe areas frequently become prisoners in their own homes, afraid to walk the streets in their own neighborhoods” (Liska, 1991, p. 1444). The underlying discourse of fear, which exemplifies Liska and Warner’s proposition, is evident in the following two examples. Under the headline ”Flere stukket med kniv” MetroXpress’ readership is informed that six persons have been stabbed the previous night on an outing in Aalborg; ”Seks personer blev natten til i går behandlet på skadestuen i Aalborg efter et natligt knislagsmål […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201818, p. 6).40 The explicit connection made between movement in the nightlife of the city and the likelihood of exposure to danger instills a sense of tangible fear, which in turn functions to limit existing patterns of behavior. The discourse is furthered in a similar article in which the premise is that a young man has been assaulted in his own home in the northern city of Skagen; ”Den unge mand blev overfaldet i sit eget hjem i Skagen […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201813, p. 6).41 What the narrative depicts then is a construct of reality in which every physical sphere has lost its sanctity due to the permeation of deviance. These examples illustrate how MetroXpress implicitly construct guidelines of correct behavior by demonstrating the dangers the presence of improper and illegal conduct inflict on society. The newspaper’s reports therefore present narratives in which the restriction of physical movement in society speaks to a limitation of agency that is inflicted upon non-deviant members of society by the mere existence of deviance as a phenomenon (Richter, 2011, p. 420-421).
The second component of the functionality of punishment occurs in the form of the prevalent focus on community protection (Ward, 2009, p. 240). A wide range of MetroXpress’ news articles center on the implementation of the imprisonment of deviant individuals. That is to say, the narratives have adopted an isolatory discourse which supports the physical and psychological
40 “Numerous stabbed with knife”, “The night before yesterday, six persons were treated at the emergency room in Aalborg after a nightly knife fight […]”. 41 “The young man was assaulted in his own home in Skagen […]”.
41 dichotomization of “us”, the collective society, versus “them”, the deviants. Time and time again, convicted and accused deviants are designated a representation as a physical threat to the rest of society (MetroXpress (ed.), 20186, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201830, p. 8; MetroXpress (ed.), 201851, p. 4; MetroXpress, 201840, p. 6). In this regard, MetroXpress promotes the Durkheimian argument which states that the reaction to crime, in the form of punishment, promotes social solidarity and cohesiveness (Liska, 1991, p. 1442). The newspaper implements and maintains this socially divisive discourse through narratively constructed feedback loops which informs and strengthens the newspaper’s readership of society’s moral boundaries. These feedback loops therefore function to corroborate, confirm and validate the legally proper behavior of the collective “us” positioned against the immoral and deviant “them” (Liska, 1991, p. 1441). Durkheim further acknowledges the instrumental role of the state in the suppression of those deviants who challenge the collective consciousness of society (Chaudhuri, 2017, p. 65; Carvalho, 2018, p. 217-218). This is the case because punishment, dealt by the justice system, acts as the tangible manifestation of the community's reaction. A function of punishment is therefore manifest as a solidarity-producing process, which promotes a discourse of social isolation as a reaction to the threat of deviance to an interdependent society.
The third function of punishment presents itself in the form of the social stigmatization which is imposed on the convicted individual and the subsequent de-individualization of said deviant individual. Mark Cooney and Callie Harbin Burt argue that “to be caught up in the criminal justice system is itself a sanction” (Cooney, 2008, p. 495). Building on this understanding, MetroXpress follow the proposed tripartite classification of punishment that are imposed on deviants; “[…] to be arrested is to be legally punished, to be convicted is to be punished more severely, and to be sentenced to a long prison term is to be punished more severely still” (Ibid). The three articles “Dømt for 92 indbrud”, “Dømt for skydevåben” and “Dømt for hævndrab” exemplify narratives in which the character of the punishment imposed on the convicted deviant is secondary to the fact that the accused individuals are now to be perceived as convicts instead of individual people (MetroXpress (ed.), 201847, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 20186, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 20188, p. 6).42 The narratives oftentimes provide sentences such as “Retten i Hjørring har kendt fire mænd skyldige […]” without including any type of description of the sentence itself (MetroXpress (ed.), 20188, p. 6).43 Similarly, the articles all share the headline introduction of “Convicted of”. These
42 “Convicted of 92 break-ins”; “Convicted for firearms”; “Convicted of revenge-murder”. 43 “Hjørring court has judged four men guilty […]”.
42 narrative constructions deprived of context function to associate each convicted individual with every other case in which a person has been judged a deviant. The function of stigmatization is therefore to de-individualize the deviants in order to fit them all into the same category of the deviant “other”.
6.4. Spectacle: Shocking titles and filmic aesthetics
News articles pertaining to the sub-discourse of Spectacle make use of the news value components of aesthetic appeal and proximity. Framed within a context of socio-cultural familiarity the discourse is centered on the aesthetically exceptional elements of the news story. Relying on rhetorical instruments of shock, scope and cinematic references, the sub-discourse sets aside less spectacular facets of crime reports such as trial descriptions and sentence speculation.
6.4.1. The aesthetics of spectacle
Émile Durkheim asserted that the study of criminality was in fact the study of negative morality. In this sense MetroXpress’ implementation of shocking headlines can be said to exemplify a confrontation with social extremity which in turn function to reaffirm honest individuals in the moral- and legal codes of the collective society; ”Likvideret mens de sov: Nu skal sagen for landsretten”, ”Madsen drages af døende kvinder”, ”Tiltalt for børnevoldtægter hædret” (Tiryakian, 1964, p. 262; MetroXpress, (ed.), 20182, p. 4; MetroXpress, 201855, p. 3; MetroXpress (ed.), 201862, p. 4).44 Posed as a spectacle of deviance, the discursive narratives informs MetroXpress’ readership of “what social conduct is "bad"” (Tiryakian , 1964, p. 265; Durkheim, 2004, p. 34-37). The implicit function of the chosen confrontational rhetoric is thus a socio- behavioral disciplination on behalf of a greater social harmony. MetroXpress therefore position themselves as direct advocates for social cohesion as they consistently provide the public with negative contrast-perspectives with which they can monitor and model their behavior in relation to.
44 “Liquidated while asleep: Now the case has to stand before high court”; “Madsen is drawn to dying women”; “Accused of child-rape honored”.
43
The element of scope is especially evident in the article “’Århundredets retssag’ er i gang” (MetroXpress, 201857, p. 1).45 With a distinct narrative focus on sensational descriptions, the article closes in on the newsworthy spectacle of the event; “mest opsigtsvækkende og makabre retssager i nyere danmarkshistorie […]” and “nye makabre detaljer” (Ibid).46 Equally, almost no space is awarded to the discussion of the criminal act itself, the perpetrator or the courtly proceedings. In fact, only one single line has been dedicated to a brief summary of the accusations directed at the suspected murderer. Having established rhetorical sensationalization as a narrative focal point a discourse of a fear of missing out on a landmark news event is simultaneously implemented; ”Århundredets retssag”, ”opsigtsvækkende” and ”danmarkshistorie” (Ibid).47 MetroXpress therefore both poses and fulfills the newspaper readers’ need to be kept informed of current spectacular news events which are otherwise inaccessible to the readership.
6.4.2. Cultural Proximity
The News value component of cultural proximity based on a common socio-cultural foundation exists in interplay with a rhetorical use of cinematic aesthetics which function to sculpt a discourse of visually descriptive captivation. The Olsen Gang, a series of Danish comedy films spanning approximately thirty years starting from the late 1960’s, is utilized as descriptive symbolism in the article ”Egons plan er reddet: ’Luset amatør’ melder sig selv” (MetroXpress (ed.), 20189, p. 4).48 Symbolism, allegorical markers and exact turns of phrases is extracted directly from the film series in order to generate recognition and figuratively communicate a complex narrative in only a few words. For example the catchphrase ”luset amatør” denotes a deviant character characterized by incompetence and failure.49 Concurrently, the phrase also informs the reader of the seriousness, or lack thereof, of the crime as the context deems the issue laughable. This is the case because the phrase is routinely included in a catchphrase-type rant aimed at fictional persons who have failed at minor monetary criminality. Therefore, access to full insight into the article’s narrative is posed as a cultural code only accessible to those informed of the cultural significance of the cinematic catchphrase. In addition to the inclusion of specific references to the
45 “’Trial of the century’ has begun”. 46 “Most sensational and macabre trial in newer Danish history […]”; “new macabre details”. 47 “Trial of the century”; “sensational”; “history of Denmark”. 48 “Egon’s plan saved: ’Lousy amateur’ turns himself in”. 49 “lousy amateur”.
44 cinematic universe, MetroXpress correspondingly make use of less specific descriptive connections to said cinematic universe e.g. ”Medier: Øksemand bag overfald” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201848, p. 2).50 Within this article it is particularly evident that the filmic rhetoric with which the assailants are continuously referenced frames the news narratives in a familiar recognizable cinematic context. That is to say, the type of cinematic referencing employed within these narratives is contingent on the utilization socio-cultural complicity in order to situate certain criminal news narratives within a culturally recognizable context and thereby foster a sense of social cohesiveness contingent on a common cultural foundation.
In sum, the spectacle of punishment is one sub-discourse which draws on aesthetic descriptive appeal, cultural proximity and moral confirmation, while the concept of punishment and its direct functionality is heavily modulated within the news narratives in favor of an animated and enthralling mode of storytelling.
6.5. Single agent focus: The emotive victim-driven discourse
The “Single agent focus” sub-discourse’s primary narrative concern lies with the adaptation of a victim-driven news chronicle. Emotive and victim-oriented protection-narratives coinciding with a de-sensationalized focus on the ramifications of deviant acts are a consistent and prominent tendency within the sub-discourse. Combined with vague societal criticism, the narratives present a new agency structure constructed around a solution-oriented approach to matters of criminal deviance. Furthermore, particular attention is paid to what Émile Durkheim termed the sacralization of the person.
6.5.1. Narratives of emotion
The sub-discourse presents a persistent narrative driving force in the form of an emotionally driven mode of storytelling, which is especially exemplified in the article ”Politichef i ubådssag: >>Jeg følte mig bare rigtig trist<<” (Petring, 2018, p. 6).51 With emotive statements such as ”[…] ubådssagen har gået ham på personligt” and ”Forleden havde jeg en dag, hvor følelserne kom i
50 “Media: Axeman behind assault”. 51 “Police chief in submarine case: >> I just felt very sad <<”.
45 spil”, the very essence of the story itself is grounded in an emotional insightful rhetoric which centers around a single individual’s experience with a case of severe criminal deviance.52 Moreover, the general structure within the sub-discourse relies on personal statements, -insights and - viewpoints exclusively framed within a victim-focused discourse. This is exemplified through the constant use of directly quoted ”I”-statements, which function to personalize the narratives; “Jeg har så utrolig ondt af den her pige” , ”Jeg blev ret bange[…]”, ”Jeg synes ikke, det er fair […]” and ”[…] jeg vil ikke gøre mig til dommer […]” (Bülow, 2018, p. 2-3).53 Therefore, within this particular sub-discourse, MetroXpress has established a divergence from an individualized absence of emotional agency and replaced it with a sub-discourse which illuminates the phenomenon of deviance through personalized and emotional ramifications.
6.5.2. Implicit systemic criticism
Amidst the application of an emotional mode of storytelling a minor inexplicit underlying discourse of systemic criticism can be detected. Framed with a preventive-protective objective, the articles possess a mild confrontation with the Danish justice system. The articles “Frist for at melde voldtægt øges” and “Børneattester skal hindre overgreb på filmset” present a corrective opposition to well established concessional criminal laws in order to preemptively prevent harmful situations (MetroXpress (ed.), 201837, p. 8.; MetroXpress (ed.), 201864, p. 6).54 Both cases suggest the expansion of criminal liability and a consequent increase in the possibility to punish; ”Det betyder at gerningsmandens strafansvar i sager om seksuelt misbrug af børn ikke længere kan blive forældet” and ”Børn i filmbranchen beskyttes i dag langt mere mod overgreb end tidligere. Men der kan og bør gøres mere […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201837, p. 8).55 In addition, the article “Kræftsyge kvinder får ingen erstatning for sen screening” includes a more direct critical confrontation with a judicial verdict; ”Dommen møder bred kritik” and ”[…] efterlyser særligt en lovmæssigt præcisering af brugen af børneattester i underholdningsindustrien” (MetroXpress (ed.),
52 “[…] submarine case got to him personally”; “The other day, I had a day on which emotions came into play”. 53 “I just feel so incredibly bad for this girl”; “I got pretty scared […]”; “I don’t think it is fair […]”; “[…] I will not make a judge of myself […]”. 54 “Deadline to report rape increased”; “Criminal records (“Child records”) shall prevent assaults on film sets”. 55 “It means that the perpetrators liability in cases of sexual abuse of children no longer can become outdated”; “These days, children in the film industry are far more protected against assaults than previously. But, more can and should be done […]”.
46
201845, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201864, p. 6).56 That is to say, MetroXpress criticizes what they perceive to be a lenient justice system, and seek to uncover specific harmful situations which have been prompted by a fault in a forgiving systemic mode of punishment.
6.5.3. Sacralization and inclusive agency structures
Within the narrative universe of MetroXpress the sacralization of human personhood is made manifest through the transformation of inclusive descriptive power structures. This sacralization is to be understood as a modern social process in which “more and more people were included within the category of human personhood” (Joas, 2008, p. 159). The implementation of the sacrality of human personhood is made evident through an inclusive discourse in which agency is awarded to a much broader spectrum of narrative actors. For example, the article ”Hjemløs svensker forsøgte at få hjælp til sin druknende ven i volden” includes specific statements from a witness, the ambulance driver and the defendant (MetroXpress (ed.), 201816, p. 4).57 This choice allows for nuanced and complex description of the event, and provides the suspected deviant with the ability to comment directly on the accusations made against them; ”Der stod to mænd inde i huset, vinduet var gået i stykker. Det så mærkeligt ud. Jeg sagde til dem, at de ikke måtte være der. Manden kom ud ad vinduet, han var fuld og begyndte at råbe og fægte med armene. Jeg kan ikke huske, om jeg eller min ven slog ham først” (Ibid).58 Not only is the deviant positioned as a co-creator of the news story, his testimonial is treated in an equal manner to non-deviant narrative participants. MetroXpress has therefore established a narrative in which the supposed deviant is awarded equal agency to other actors present in the narrative. A similar example is present in the article ”Undskyld til ofrene” in which the statements from a close relative of a convicted criminal make up the entire news story (MetroXpress (ed.), 201843, p. 6).59 This mode of storytelling provides the narrative with a new perspective contingent on the assumption that contextual mitigating circumstances poses relevant facts in the deviant criminal case; ”Hans far var i tårer, men også lettet over anholdelsen”
56 “Women suffering from cancer receive no compensation for late screening”; “The verdict was met with widespread criticism”; “[…] particularly calling for a legal clarification of the use of criminal records (“Child records”) in the entertainment industry”. 57 “Homeless Swede tried to get help to his friend who was drowning in Volden”. 58 “Two men stood inside the house, the window was shattered. It looked strange. I told them that they couldn’t be there. The man came out the window; he was drunk and started yelling and flailing his arms about. I don’t remember whether my friend or I hit him first”. 59 “Apologies to the victims”.
47 and ”Det er forfærdeligt det, han har gjort, og jeg vil gerne sige undskyld til ofrene. Men det er ikke min søn, der har gjort det. Det er en syg mand. Han hører ikke hjemme i et fængsel, men på et sygehus” (Ibid).60 These articles can therefore be understood to reduce the otherwise prominent stigmatization that is associated with the label of deviance through emotionally motivated structural nuance and contextualization.
All in all, the emotional dimension of punishment is evoked through the implementation of the news value components of emotional personalization and eliteness in terms of the narrative establishment of increasingly inclusive positions of power. Furthermore, the sub-discourse has been proven to showcase fledglings of systemic criticism through narratives driven by a victim- protection logic which in turn prompts systemic condemnation. Based on these particulars, the sub- discourse consequently provides a subtle structural contrast in relation to the other sub-discourses.
6.6. Punishment and Deviance: Spectacle and Single agent focus
Continuously showcasing a definitive likeness regarding the problematization of deviance and punishment, the sub-discourses of Spectacle and Single agent focus have been analyzed as one within this chapter. The forthcoming analysis presents insight into how the narratives convey punishment as either an act of retribution or restitution, how punishment can be understood as a social identity and the representational individuality of the phenomenon of deviance.
6.6.1. Punishment as retribution or restitution?
The functionality of punishment presents itself as a twofold phenomenon in the form of retribution and restitution. Retribution punishment theory states that “society punishes the offender and thus prevents the victim from personally avenging themselves”, while restitution theory is defined as “when accused primarily through financial means compensates the victim” (Chaudhuri, 2017, p. 63). Examples of an isolatory retributive approach includes “12 års fængsel […] Han udvises ligeledes af Danmark” and “I går blev kvinden varetægtsfænglset I foreløbig 13 dage for
60 “His father was in tears, but also relieved about the arrest”; “It is terrible, what he has done, and I would like to apologize to the victims. But it isn’t my son who has done it. It is a sick man. He does not belong in prison, but at a hospital”.
48 sin rolle i sagen”, while the following two quotes constitute examples of compensatory restitutive approach; “Anklageren kræver, at Medina betaler en bøde, og at hun ubetinget frakendes kørekortet” and “Der blev begået fejl i Udlændinge- og Integrationsministeriet […] En praksis, som nu fører til, at ministeriet skal finde frem til syv personer, der kan være udsendt fra landet i strid med en dom fra Menneskerettighedsdomstolen” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201861, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201867, p. 22; Rantorp, 2018, p. 3; MetroXpress (ed.), 201869, p. 2).61 Despite the fact that a large number of the articles within the sub-discourse involve criminal cases which are yet to be settled in court, it is nevertheless significant to point out that, out of the ten articles which include verdicts, retributive narratives outweighs restitutive narratives by a margin of seven to only three (Petring, 2018, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201861, p. 4; MetroXpress (ed.), 201869, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201835, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201849, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201859, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201815, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201823, p. 4; Rantorp, 2018, p. 3; MetroXpress (ed.), 201867, p. 22). From this representative imbalance of presented functionality-types a deduction of MetroXpress stance on social punishment can be hypothesized. Relying on a primarily retributive punishment position, the newspaper establishes the punitive judicial system as the protective guardian of the victims of deviant criminality.
6.6.2. Punishment as social identity
From a Durkheimian perspective another relevant aspect of the phenomenon of punishment, which is present within the two sub-discourses, centers on the conception that punishment is in fact primarily about ourselves as active punishers (Carvalho, 2018, p. 228). Durkheim located the motivation behind the need to punish within an emotional dimension “rather than on an understanding (or misunderstanding) of its social outcomes” (Ibid). There are several examples which places the act of punishment within the emotional realm; “Undskyld til ofrene”, “Han var fuldstændig anderledes og bange, da han kom ud. Han var ikke som I gamle dage”, ”Jeg har så utrolig ondt af den her pige” and “Jeg blev ret bange […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201843, p. 6.;
61 “12 years of prison […] He will likewise be expelled from Denmark”; “Yesterday, the woman was placed in prison custody for 13 days for her role in the case”; “The prosecutor demands that Medina pays a fine and be dealt an unconditional driving disqualification”; “A mistake has occurred in the foreign- and integration ministry […] A practice which now has led to the ministry needing to find seven persons who possibly have been expelled from the country in violation against a verdict from the Court of Human Rights”.
49
Bülow, 2018, p. 2-3).62 Essentially, punishment is the practice of reinforcing a social conscience and the nature of punishment itself is therefore predominantly reactive, or rather "the essential function of punishment is […] to buttress those consciences which violations of a rule can and must necessarily disturb in their faith” (DiCristina, 2000, p. 493). In this regard, MetroXpress’ narratives present several emotionally driven reactive modes of punishment-representation; “Seks mænd og 16 kvinder står frem og beretter om krænkelser og overgreb, som to filminstruktører begik mod dem, da de var børn i 70’erne […]. Der er iværksat flere tiltag specifikt for at beskytte børneskuespillere […]”,“En skyldkendelse, der udløster tårer hos de pårørende på tilhørerpladserne” and “Et bredt flertal i Folketinget har stemt for at sikre seksuelt misbrugte børn og voldtægtsofre en mere retfærdig behandling. […] Seksuelle overgreb og særligt seksuelle overgreb mod børn er en utilgivelig forbrydelse […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201869, p. 2; MetroXpress (ed.), 201864, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 201837, p. 8).63 With an emphasis on the direct link between the emotional description of a criminal act and punishment presented as a singular solution thereto, these examples showcase that the primary function of punishment is presented as a reactive force which is brought into being because social boundaries have been overstepped. That is to say, the social act of punishing a deviant being includes a performative element, which works to reinforce a homogenous social consciousness.
6.6.3. The individuality of deviance
Finally, deviance is posed as a phenomenon, which occurs on an individual level. Building on an assimilation-discourse, Émile Durkheim located the root of deviance in the fact that “it is caused by individuals, particularly those who are insufficiently integrated and regulated by society” (Lehmann, 1995, p. 909). MetroXpress’ narratives support a Durkheimian conception of deviance as a product of a fragmented society by presenting a complimenting discourse of individualized blame. The following quotes are examples said personlized discourse; “Det var om eftermiddagen den 2. februar, at den 15-årige i selskab med en klassekammerat indtog det farlige stof” and
62 “Apologies to the victims”; “He was completely different and scared when he came out. He wasn’t like in the old days”; “I feel so incredibly bad for this girl”; “I got pretty scared […]”. 63 “Six men and 16 women came forward to tell of the violations and assaults which two directors committed against them when they were children in the 70s […]. Several steps have been taken in order to specifically protect child actors […]”; “A guilty verdict, which prompted tears from the next of kin in the audience”; “A broad majority in Folketinget has voted to secure sexually abused children and rape victims a more fair treatment. […] Sexual assaults and especially sexual assaults against children is an unforgivable crime […]”.
50
“Københavns Byret straffede i går en ung mand med to års fængsel for på vandscooter at have torpederet en lille udlejningsbåd i Københavns havn. I båden sad syv amerikanske kvinder, og to af dem blev dræbt” (MetroXpress (ed.), 201838, p. 6; MetroXpress (ed.), 20185, p. 3).64 These examples merely hint at a consistent narrative structure which individualizes criminality as it is the absence of societal responsibility which underlines the point. That is to say, the criminal justice cases are not contextualized as societal problems, rather they are posed as singular events involving singular actors. On a more positive note, Durkheim concluded that crime is a necessary and vital part of any culture as it “helps into being, and sustains, the flexibility necessary for cultures to adapt themselves to varying conditions” (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 569). The existence of crime within any society can therefore be perceived positively as a mechanism for social change. This ambiguity regarding the potential perception of a positive functionality of criminality merely exist on a theoretical level in regards to MetroXpress, as little ambiguity is present within the newspaper’s narratives concerning deviant criminality.
6.7. Cultural Context: The hypocrisy of contextual deviance
The sub-discourse of cultural contextualization functions as a discursive outlier, which provides contrast to the more prominent modes of deviant representation. That is to say, the discourse of egalitarian deviance, in which all convicted individuals are grouped into a collective of deviants, is eradicated when the deviant is placed within a context of success. MetroXpress’ representational efforts to classify convicted deviants as a homogenous group devoid of agency (see chapter 6.2.Verdicts) is refracted in the newspaper’s treatment of monetarily successful and culturally significant personalities. Three articles which present this contextual modification of the deviant are; “USA’s nye skandalerapper hedder 6ix9ine”, “4 danske mærker, du skal holde øje med” and ”USA’s hiphophovedstad hedder Atlanta” (Holm, 20181, p. 17; MetroXpress (ed.), 20181, p. 18; Holm, 2018, p. 17).65
64 “It was on the afternoon of February 2nd that the 15-year-old accompanied by a classmate consumed the dangerous drug”; “Yesterday, Copenhagen courthouse punished a young man with two years of prison for having torpedoed a small rental boat in the harbor of Copenhagen on a water scooter. In the boat sat seven American women, and two of them were killed”. 65 “USA’s new scandal-rapper is called 6ix9ine”; “4 Danish brands you should keep an eye on”; “USA’s hiphop-capital is called Atlanta”.
51
The narratives which seek to contextualize deviance both downplay serious criminal offenses and foster the commodification of criminality. The following sentence contruction is telling of the newspaper’s trivialization of severe offenses; ”[…] rapperen med ansigststatoveringer og det multifarvede hår og tænder også anklaget i en ekstrem ubehagelig sag om seksuel krænkelse af en mindreårig: Han deltog i en sexvideo med en 13-årig pige, da han var 18” (Holm, 20181, p. 17).66 The singular sentence description of the rapper 6ix9ine pays equal attention to his conviction of statutory rape and his wacky multicolored hair. Continuously described with rebellious adjectives such as anarchistic, problem child and controversial, the news piece ends in a detailed description of viral success; ”Indtil videre er videoen til hans første virale hit, ’Gummo’, set næsten 150 millioner gange på Youtube, mens andensinglen ’Kooda’ på anden måned ligger i top-20 på Billboards hiphop-hitliste” (Ibid).67 In sharp contrast to MetroXpress’ common discourse of highly limited descriptions of deviants (age, nationality and gender), the successful rapper is portrayed as a non- conforming rebel and a revered successful artist, despite being a convicted criminal. The newspaper’s linguistic choices combined with the imbalanced coverage of the deviant’s offenses compared to his successes paint a picture of a narrative that is constructed to favor those in positions of power.
A parallel inclination of bias is evident in Metroxpress’ use of commodified criminality when constructing an image of celebrity deviants. Criminality is implemented to showcase an antiestablishment attitude and provide the prison narrative with a somewhat glamourous quality. Otherworldly and cinematic in its descriptive set-up the narratives are removed from a sense of reality; ”I Atlanta hænger narkomiljøet, trap-rappen og stripklubberne uundgåeligt sammen. Her er det mest magtfulde sted ikke pladeselskabskontoret, men stripklubben Magic City […]” (Holm, 2018, p. 17).68 These narrative choices function to associate the news story with a dramatic fictional tale more so than a sober narration concerning a class of infamous criminals. Simultaneously, the narratives express that having served time in prison can add a certain value to a brand; ”Med en fortid i fængsel og en god portion attitude er designer Reza Etamadi (mode)klassens klovn […]” and ”har udgivet mixtapes fra fængslet i store dele af 2010’erne […]” (MetroXpress (ed.), 20181,
66 “[…] the rapper with facial tattoos and the multicolored hair and teeth was also accused in an extremely uncomfortable case regarding sexual abuse of a minor: He participated in a sexvideo with a 13-year-old girl when he was 18”. 67 “So far the video to his first viral hit, ’Gummo’, has been seen almost 150 million times on Youtube, while the second single ‘Kooda’ has been the top-20 on Billboards hiphop-hitlist two months in a row.” 68 “In Atlanta, the drug-environment, the trap-rap and the strip clubs are intrinsically connected. Here the most powerful place is not the record label’s office but the strip club Magic City […]”.
52 p. 18; Holm, 2018, p. 17).69 MetroXpress therefore affords both the rap- and the fashion industry with a reputation which is positively associated with criminality.
Since deviance in itself is not a quality of a specific act but “rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an ‘‘offender’’ one must observe the deviant as “one to whom that label has successfully been applied […]” (Ben-Yehuda, 2006, p. 563). In cases regarding successful convicted criminals who have acquired a doting audience MetroXpress actively choose not to apply these rules and sanctions. That is to say, once a different power structure enters the narrative deviance is no longer simply measured as a violation against the justice system. All in all, MetroXpress’ narratives represent monetary success as a factor which has the potential to negate the deviant-stamp.
7. Concluding discussion
Having summarized throughout the analysis, this conclusory chapter will present my findings regarding the three research questions in relation to the news value components and briefly reflect on the limitations of the methodology of the research as a whole.
MetroXpress’ representation of the function of punishment as a response to criminal deviance is firmly rooted in expressions of retribution and social homogeny legitimized by the judicial system. MetroXpress presents a conception of punishment which acts on behalf of the judicial system in order to restrict specific behavioral patterns through linguistic tools of fear, stigmatization and measures of legality. The newspaper’s narratives are primarily concerned with judicial repression of anti-social behavioral patterns which violates any attempt to discipline individuals into that of a cohesive public. Subsequently, punishment functions to restrict the boundaries for acceptable behavior. The logic of punishment therefore finds its roots in a construction of punitvism as a systemic protective force, which upholds a sense of interpersonal societal solidarity as it exemplifies the attempt at reinforcing a social conscience through the elimination of behavioral opposition. Furthermore, the newspaper presents the functionality of punishment as a legitimizing tool, employed on behalf of the justice system, which has the power to enable the social commodification of the deviant individual. The stigmatizing de-individualization of the deviant
69 “With a past in prison and a good portion of attitude, designer Reza Etamadi is the (fashion)class clown”; “has released mixtapes from the prison in large parts of the 2010s […]”.
53 through punitive measures fosters the physical and psychological dichotomization of “us”, the collective society, versus “them”, the deviants’. This distinct separation between good and evil, combined with a representative abundance of success-stories regarding the judicial system, allows the system to appear as a socially unifying force whose legitimacy stems from their punitive efforts.
Intrinsically connected to the newspaper’s representation of punishment, MetroXpress simultaneously presents deviance as a contained and individualized phenomenon defined in opposition to the law. Deviance is the foreign “other”, a threatening anti-social construction which foster societal dysfunctionality and heterogeneity. Presented as the anti-thesis to a functional society, the premise for understanding the essence of deviance lies in its anti-establishment confrontation with the judicial system. That is to say, the newspaper defines deviance solely through its illegality according to current laws. Narratively, deviant criminality is made manifest in individualized behavior which violates these established laws. This individualization further eradicates societal responsibility regarding the presence of deviance in society and establishes the judicial system as the executive frontier against such a destructive force. In this regard, MetroXpress’ news discourse diverges from the Durkheimian perception of deviance. While both parties perceive the phenomenon of deviance to be a-social in nature, Emilé Durkheim also viewed it as an instrument of social cohesion rather than one of fragmentation, as is implied within the newspaper’s narratives. Likewise, in contrast to the Durkheimian observation that no modern society can feasibly exist without its portion of deviance, MetroXpress portrays deviance as manageable and defeatable by the justice system. These contrasts therefore bear evidence to a discourse which seeks to distance its societal representation from a potential normalization of deviance.
Within the framework of the news value analysis, MetroXpress’ news discourse regarding punishment and criminal deviance, is characterized by characteristics pertaining to timeliness, proximity, superlativeness, impact, eliteness, consonance and aesthetic appeal. The specific combination of news values amounts to a discourse with a set of particularities grounded in an effort to construct an implicit hierarchy of eliteness. An uninterrupted application of a combination of timeliness and proximity provides the discourse with a temporal and situated mode of storytelling, while the implementation of aesthetic appeal affords the discourse with rhetorical instruments of spectacle creation. Albeit not the most prominent utilization of language within the discourse, these three news values affords the discourse with culturally coded narratives which
54 oftentimes address the subject matter of criminal deviance through a vibrant and captivating use of visually descriptive linguistics. A better representation of the primary linguistic tone is seen in the sub-discourses of Blurbs and Verdicts which make up the largest parts of the article sample. These narratives in particular rely on superlativeness, impact, consonance and eliteness. From the news value components of superlativeness and impact the discourse draws characteristics regarding scope and reach as it focuses on consequences and effects from the presence of criminal deviance in society. The discourse is heavily characterized by a purely negative representation of this presence, and continuously report on the success of punitive measures applied by the judicial system. This rhetoric of systemic complementation, simultaneously speaks to the characteristic use of the news value component of eliteness. Structured superiority is a noticeable feature of MetroXpress’ news discourse and through a biased practice of awarding titles, names and detailed markers of identity in a manner which favors judicial representatives, agency is awarded on a dichotomized imbalanced scale. The criminal deviants are placed at very bottom of the pecking order while spokespersons of the judicial system are at the top. Beyond the textual framework, the newspaper proposes the ultimate expression of eliteness by placing themselves as the sole agent in possession of enough agency to be able to comment on judicial verdicts, although rarely exercised as systemic criticism goes against their deep-rooted complimentary representation of the judicial system. All of these efforts are wrapped up in a state of consonance. That is to say, the discourse adheres to a high prevalence of specific tropes, as repetition of these specific tropes has played a key part in the narratives’ normalization of conceptions such as the criminal deviant as a human obstacle which prohibits organic social cohesiveness. All in all, MetroXpress’ discourse is one of implicit homogenous conformity, biased identity representation, socio-cultural codes and a stringent adherence to the law. Consequently, the discourse relies on the judicial system to define which actions are to be deemed deviant with little to no explicit discussion of said definition or, in other words, MetroXpress legitimizes and positions themselves as strong advocates for the Danish judicial system.
Methodologically, the scope of this thesis project has been limited by a lack of theoretical contention as my methodology is dominated by Norman Fairclough’s insights into the spectrum and distinctions of discourse analyses. The utilization of a singular source, albeit one which includes opposing perspectives, implicates my application of discourse analysis in manner which diminishes the nuances with which I employ the analytical facets. Along similar lines, I am also aware that the choice of the socio-semiotic discourse analysis eliminated other types of analyses which might have
55 granted my research with further depth. Despite a prominent focus on news values, my analysis does not touch upon the journalistic editorial process of news story selection. Otherwise stated, I analyze the result of a process which is left bare of analysis. Therefore, MetroXpress’ journalistic practice of choosing specific news events based on a range of specific conditions is left unexplored. The study therefore exists without a contextual facet which an analysis of media production could have provided. Consequently, if I were to continue my exploration of the subject matter I would begin by expanding the methodology so as to include production practice as another central object of analysis. This methodological expansion would situate conclusions drawn from the representational textual analysis within a causative context of mass communication, and elucidate the institutional news room practices which the news texts were born from. An analysis of the specific parameters that are operationalized in the process of collecting and selecting news stories would further an understanding of the manner in which that process is embedded within the textual news discourse, and similarly show how organizational news rooms practices manifest themselves in their textual output. All in all, the addition of a production perspective would provide insight into a primary influence on why MetroXpress’ news narrates developed their particular characteristics, and simultaneously promote a functional conception of the newspaper as a communicative instrument.
8. Literature
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9. Appendix
9.1. Buzzword occurrence
Punishment: Straf/ straffet/ straffesag: 102
23/3-18 (2), 22/3-18 (3), 21/3-18 (2), 20/3-18 (1), 16/3-18 (3), 15/3-18 (2), 14/3-18 (3), 13/3-18 (2), 9/3-18 (1), 8/3-18 (3), 7/3-18 (2), 2/3-18 (2), 28/2-18 (2), 27/2-18 (3), 26/2-18 (1), 23/2-18 (2), 22/2-18 (2), 21/2-18 (3), 20/2-18 (2), 16/2-18 (4), 15/2-18 (1), 14/2-18 (2), 13/2-18 (1), 9/2-18 (2), 8/2-18 (1), 7/2-18 (4), 6/2-18 (3), 2/3-18 (3), 1/2-18 (2), 30/1-18 (3), 29/1-18 (1), 25/1-18 (4), 24/1- 18 (2), 23/1-18 (1), 19/1-18 (1), 18/1-18 (3), 17/2-18 (2), 16/1-18 (2), 15/1-18 (1), 12/1-18 (5), 11/1-18 (1), 10/1-18 (2), 9/1-18 (2), 8/1-18 (1), 5/1-18 (1), 4/1-18 (2), 3/1-18 (3), 2/1-18 (1).
Judge: Dom/ Dommer/ domstol: 136
23/3-18 (7), 22/3-18 (5), 21/3-18(3), 20/3-18 (1), 16/3-18 (1), 15/3-18 (1), 14/3-18 (4), 13/3-18 (1), 9/3-18 (3), 8/3-18 (4), 7/3-18 (5), 6/3-18 (4), 5/3-18 (1), 2/3-18 (1), 28/2-18 (3), 27/2-18 (3), 26/2- 18 (3), 23/2-18 (2), 22/2-18 (3), 21/2-18 (3), 20/2-18 (3), 19/2-18 (2), 16/2-18 (1), 15/2-18 (1), 14/2-18 (3), 13/2-18 (3), 9/2-18 (2), 8/2-18 (3), 7/2-18 (4), 6/2-18 (6), 2/2-18 (2), 1/2-18 (2), 31/1- 18 (4), 30/1-18 (2), 26/1-18 (2), 25/1-18 (5), 24/1-18 (1), 23/1-18 (2), 22/1-18 (2), 19/1-18 (3), 18/1-18 (2), 17/1-18 (3), 16/1-18 (1), 12/1-18 (6), 11/1-18 (1), 10/1-18 (2), 9/1-18 (1), 8/1-18 (1), 5/1-18 (3), 4/1-18 (2), 3/1-18 (3).
Prison: Fængsel/ fængslet/ fængselsstaf: 155
23/3 – 18 (6), 22/3-18(4), 20/3-18 (2), 19/3-18 (1), 16/3-18 (8), 14/3-18 (2), 13/3-18 (3), 9/3-18 (4), 8/3-18 (1), 7/3-18 (2), 6/3-18 (2), 5/3-18 (1), 2/3-18 (2), 28/2-18 (8), 27/2-18 (3), 26/2-18 (2), 23/2- 18 (2), 22/2-18 (2), 21/2-18 (6), 20/2-18 (1), 19/2-18 (4), 16/2-18 (3), 15/2-18 (1), 14/2-18 (3), 13/2-18 (2), 12/2-18 (3), 9/2-18 (2), 8/2-18 (3), 7/2-18 (5), 6/2-18 (6), 2/2-18 (4), 1/2-18 (1), 31/1- 18 (2), 29/1-18 (1), 26/1-18 (4), 25/1-18 (4), 24/1-18 (3), 23/1-18 (4), 19/1-18 (4), 18/1-18 (2), 17/1-18 (2), 16/1-18 (3), 12/1-18 (6), 11/1-18 (3), 10/1-18 (2), 9/1-18 (3), 5/1-18 (3), 4/1-18 (3), 3/1-18 (8).
64
Crime: Forbrydelse/ forbryder/ indsat/ kriminel/ kriminalitet/ fange: 73
23/3–18 (5), 22/3-18 (1), 20/3-18 (1), 19/3-18 (2), 16/3-18 (4), 15/3-18 (1), 14/3-18 (2), 13/3-18 (2), 9/3-18 (3), 8/3-18 (2), 7/3-18 (2), 6/3-18 (4), 5/3-18 (1), 28/2-18 (2), 27/2-18 (5), 26/2-18 (5), 22/2- 18 (2), 21/2-18 (3), 19/2 (2), 13/2-18 (1), 12/2-18 (3), 9/2.18 (2), 8/2-18 (1), 6/2-18 (1), 5/2-18 (1), 1/2-18 (1), 25/1-18 (2), 24/1-18 (2), 23/1-18 (2), 22/1-18 (1), 19/1-18 (1), 12/1-18 (1), 9/1-18 (1), 3/1-18 (2), 2/1-18 (2).
Breach of law & Illegal: Ulovlig/ regelbrud/ lovovertrædelse: 98
23/3 – 18 (8), 22/3-18(3), 21/3-18(1), 20/3-18 (2), 19/3-18 (1), 16/3-18 (6), 15/3-18 (5), 14/3-18 (3), 13/3-18 (3), 12/3-18 (3), 9/3-18 (1), 8/3-18 (1), 7/3-18 (2), 5/3-18 (2), 2/3-18 (3), 27/2-18 (1), 26/2- 18 (1), 22/2-18 (2), 20/2-18 (1), 16/2-18 (1), 14/2-18 (1), 13/2-18 (2), 12/2-18 (1), 9/2-18 (1), 8/2- 18 (3), 7/2-18 (2), 6/2-18 (1), 5/2-18 (2), 2/2-18 (4), 1/2-18 (1), 31/1-18 (2), 29/1-18 (1), 26/1-18 (1), 25/1-18 (3), 23/1-18 (1), 22/1-18 (1), 19/1-18 (1), 18/1-18 (2), 17/-18 (3), 16/1-18 (3), 12/1-18 (2), 9/1-18 (2), 8/1-18 (1), 5/1-18 (1), 4/1-18 (3), 3/1-18 (1).
Court & Justice: Højesteret/ ret / retten/ retslige/ rettergang/ retfærdig: 138
23/3 – 18 (4), 22/3-18(4), 21/3-18 (4), 20/3-18 (2), 19/3-18 (4), 15/3-18 (2), 14/3-18 (2), 13/3-18 (3), 12/3-18 (4), 9/3-18 (7), 8/3-18 (5), 6/3-18 (4), 5/3-18 (1), 2/3-18 (1), 28/2-18 (4), 27/2-18 (2), 26/2-18 (1), 23/2-18 (3), 22/2-18 (1), 21/2-18 (2), 20/2-18 (1), 19/2-18 (2), 16/2-18 (3), 15/2-18 (1), 14/2-18 (3), 13/2-18 (3), 12/2-18 (1), 9/2-18 (1), 8/2-18 (3), 7/2-18 (3), 6/2-18 (3), 5/2-18 (2), 2/2- 18 (2), 1/2-18 (5), 31/1-18 (1), 30/1-18 (3), 29/1-18 (2), 26/1-18 (6), 24/1-18 (1), 23/1-18 (3), 22/1- 18 (2), 19/1-18 (1), 18/1-18 (2), 17/1-18 (3), 16/1-18 (2), 15/1-18 (3), 12/1-18 (4), 11/1-18 (2), 10/1-18 (1), 9/1-18 (3), 8/1-18 (1), 5/1-18 (3), 4/1-18 (1), 3/1-18 (2).
65