DOCSLIB.ORG

Communist Parties in the European Parliament : the Quest for Legitimacy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Communist Parties in the European Parliament : the Quest for Legitimacy University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1976 Communist parties in the European Parliament : the quest for legitimacy. John Foster Leich University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Leich, John Foster, "Communist parties in the European Parliament : the quest for legitimacy." (1976). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1851. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1851 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ilKli'lllilMIMIIIIIII 31EDbb013SH517b C0MUNI3T PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: THE QUEST FOR LEGITIMACY A Dissertation Presented By John Foster Leich Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the renuirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY August. 1976 Department of Political Science COMMUNIST PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: THE QUEST FOR LEGITIMACY A Dissertation By JOHN FOSTER LEICH Approved as to style and content by: Gerard Braunthal (Chairman oi' CoranitteeT George T. Sulzn^^ Acting Chairman (Summer) Eric S. Einhom (Member) Roland Sarti (Member) July Month (c) John Foster Leich 1976 All Rights Reserved iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am very grateful to the members of the Communist and Allies Group in the European Parliament who have been generous with their time and patience in giving thoughtful and frank ansv/ers to my many questions i Signor Amendola, Signora lotti, M. Bordu, and Messrs. Maigaard and Hartogj and to Messrs. Ferrero, Viezzi, Dreyfus and Larsen of the Group's staff. Of the many experts I have had the pleasure to consult I would like particularly to thank Professor Donald Blackmar of MIT, who allowed me to make free use of his invaluable and complete collection of Rinasci ta , and Professor Sergio Pistone of the University of Turin and Dr. Heinz Timmermann of the Bundesinstitut fur ostwissQnschaftliche und internationale Studien, who contri- buted unique material to my fund of information. At the University of Massachusetts I am especially grateful to Professors Gerard Braunthal, Eric Einhorn, and Roland Sarti for their encouragement and advice. Lastly, whatever virtue of style or intelligibility this paper may enjoy is due to the tireless efforts of my wife, Jean, and my son, Christopher, who read every word thereof and whose suggestions have been indispensable. V ABSTRACT Communist Parties in the European Parliament: The Quest for Legitimacy (August, 1976) John Foster Leich. B.A., Swarthmore College M.A., Yale University. Ph.D., University of Massachusetts Directed by: Professor Gerard Braunthal Communist parties have been present in the European Parliament, the proto-legislature of the European Community, since I969, despite the fact that traditional communist and Soviet policy is antagonistic toward the existence and further development of the Community. The Italian Communist Party joined the Parliament in I969, and ¥ras followed by the Danish and French parties in 1973, and the Dutch in 197^. The presence of these parties in the Parliament serves a two-fold legitimatizing function! it enhances the representativeness of the Parliament and provides it with an additional opposition voice, and it also adds to the legitimati zation of the communist parties in their own national subsystems. The parties participate in the Parlia ment's work principally in the interest of domestic politic al objectives. Any parallel policies among the parties toward the construction of an integrated Europe are largely accidental convergences. vi The Italian Communists have played the leading role in the Communist and Allies Group in the Parliament. They are committed to an increase in the Parliament's authority within the Community and to direct elections for the Parliament, with proportional representation. On these two points the Italians are in conflict with the other three Communist parties. The French Communist Party strongly defends French national interests and independence from Community control. The Danish and Dutch parties oppose their countries' membership in the European Community, and exercise their presence in order to prevent what they con- sider further damage being done. In agricultural questions, the communists seek to. protect the small farmers and to exercise some control over Community protectionist policies elsewhere in Europe. They attempt to tackle the problem of control of multinational corporations at the European level, and encourage communist trade union participation in European decision-making. They clearly distinguish between politico-economic integration and intra-European military arrangements. They have accepted the principle of multilateral trade negotiations by the EC, on behalf of the member states, with third countries includ- ing the Communist bloc. The impact of the communist presence in the Parlia- ment is difficult to determine for two reasons i awareness of and interest in the work of the Parliament is slight as vii far as the general European public is concerned, while the mode of operation of the Parliament with its drive for con- sensus does not allow for the free play of measurable poli- tical differences. Nevertheless the Communist and Allies Group can be seen to serve in some respects as an opposition, raising difficult and unpopular questions and airing a view- point not otherwise heard in European institutions. Commu- nist Parliament members have been particularly successful in raising issues involving human rights, the problems of small farmers, and trade union participation in EC actions. In the Parliament the communists, unlike the other five political groups, often find themselves in an isolated position. However, v;hen an opportunity for collaboration with the other groups is offered, the communists are quick to take advantage in order to secure the passage of resolu- tions in which they are interested. On the other hand, the mere fact of participation in the Parliament hais not led to closer relations or a harmonization of policy among the parties in the Group. The communist presence in the European Parliament can be regarded as one of the significant turning points in the development of euro communism, " or the determination of some Western communist parties to develop a type of socialism on a model which is quite distinct from that now existing in Western Europe, the Soviet Union or China. viii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS 3^ INTRODUCTION xii CHAPTER I. STRUCTURE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT (EP)... 1 Historical Development Organization of the EP Mode of Operation Power of the Purse Proposals for the Future II. THE LEGITIMATIZING ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAIilENT 12 Legitimacy and its Elements in a Democratic System The Problem of Democratic Control in International and Supranational OrgaPxizations The Erosion of National Parliamentary Control over Executive Action The European Parliament and Legitimacy - - Representativeness Proposed Direct Elections for EP Members The Opposition's Role Within the System The Opposition's Sub-system Role III. THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNIST PARTY PARTICIPATION IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT .... kl Background PCI Participation in the EP, 1969-1973 The French Communists Enter the EP, 19 73 IV. ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST AND ALHES GROUP TO JUNE, 1975 6^ Characteristics of CAG Membership CAG Policy and Objectives in the EP Policy Rationale Institutional Questions 1. Powers of the EP 2. Budgetary powers Ratification Direct Elections of EP Members ix Substantive Questions 1. Agriculture 2. Economic Organization of the Community 3. Social Policy and Labor Policy ^, Multinational Corporations 5. Attitude toward NATO 6. Energy Policy 7. Tax on Value Added 8. EC Relations with the Third World 9. The EC and East-West trade The Lyrical Function Written and Oral Question Procedure Wi thin-Group Differences and Differentiations 1. PCF-PCI Differences 2. Danish Distinctions 3. Dutch Particularities Institutionalized Inter-party Cooperation in the CAG Is the CAG in fact a Political Group? V. CONSEQUENCES OF CAG PARTICIPATION IN THE EP , , . 131 Impact on EC Policy The Problem of Impact Determination Direct Impact on CAG Participation in the EP Impact of CAG Extra-Parliamentary Actions Impact of EP Membership on Participating Parties Coalition Building and EP Participation Prospects for a Community-wide CP CAG Contrasts with Other Political Groups IV. CONCLUSIONS I58 APPENDIX I; I973 EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES SURVEY Selected Data l64 BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 X ABBREVIATIONS CAG Communist and Allies Group Christlich-Demokratische Union Centro di Studi di Politica Economica COREPER Comit^ des Representants Permanents CP Communist party CPN Communistische Partij van Nederland CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Union DC Democrazia Cristiana DKP Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti EAGGF European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee Fund EC European Community ECG European Conservative Group ECSC European Coal and Steel Community EEC European Economic Community EP European Parliament EPD European Progressive Democrats (Group) MRP Mouvement Republicain Populaire MSI Movimento Sociale Italiano PCI Parti to Comunista Italiano PDIUM Partito Democratico Italiano di Unita Monarchica
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Aporie Dell'integrazione Europea: Tra Universalismo Umanitario E
    TRA UNIVERSALISMO UMANITARIO E SOVRANISMO APORIE DELL’INTEGRAZIONE EUROPEA: Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni 19 Questo volume è frutto di un percorso di studio e di ricerca che ha coinvolto studiosi afferenti all’Università di Évora e al Centro de Investigação em Ciência Política (CICP) in Portogallo e studiosi del DSU della Federico II di Napoli e di altre prestigiose universi- APORIE DELL’INTEGRAZIONE EUROPEA: tà italiane. Articolato in tre sezioni, affronta con un approccio in- terdisciplinare la tensione tra l’universalismo – inteso tanto come TRA UNIVERSALISMO UMANITARIO principio filosofico proprio della tradizione culturale occidentale, E SOVRANISMO quanto come principio giuridico-politico che è alla base del proces- so di integrazione – e il principio di sovranità che invece tende a a cura di Anna Pia Ruoppo e Irene Viparelli preservare l’autonomia politica degli stati all’interno del processo di integrazione. Contributi di: Peluso, Morfino, Cacciatore, Gianni- ni, Rocha Cunha, Boemio, Basso, Amendola, Arienzo, Tinè, Höbel, Donato, D’Acunto. Anna Pia Ruoppo è ricercatrice di Filosofia Morale presso il Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici dell’Università di Napoli “Federico II” e insegna Filosofia Pra- tica nel CdlM in Filosofia. La sua ricerca si articola intorno al nesso tra etica, prassi ed esistenza, umanismo e antiumanismo con particolare riferimento al pensiero di Heidegger e Sartre. È autrice di numerosi saggi e traduzioni, oltre che dei libri: Vita e Metodo (Firenze 2008), L’attimo della decisione. Su possibi- lità e limiti di un’etica in Essere e Tempo (Genova 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Programme of the Youth, Peace and Security Conference
    1 Wednesday, 23 May European Parliament – open to all participants – 12:00 – 13:00 Registration European Parliament Accreditation Centre (right-hand side of the Simone Veil Agora entrance to the Altiero Spinelli building) 13:00 – 14:00 Buffet lunch reception Members’ Restaurant, Altiero Spinelli building 14:00 – 15:00 Opening Session Room 5G-3, Altiero Spinelli building Keynote Address by Mr. Antonio Tajani, President of the European Parliament Chair Ms. Heidi Hautala, Vice-President of the European Parliament Speakers Ms. Mariya Gabriel, EU Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society Mr. Oscar Fernandez-Taranco, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Peacebuilding Support Ms. Ivana Tufegdzic, fYROM, EP Young Political Leaders Mr. Dereje Wordofa, UNFPA Deputy Executive Director Ms. Nour Kaabi, Tunisia, NET-MED Youth – UNESCO Mr. Oyewole Simon Oginni, Nigeria, Former AU-EU Youth Fellow 2 15:00 – 16:30 Parallel Thematic Panel Discussions Panel I Youth inclusion for conflict prevention and sustaining peace Library reading room, Altiero Spinelli building Discussants Ms. Soraya Post, Member of the European Parliament Mr. Oscar Fernandez-Taranco, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Peacebuilding Support Mr. Christian Leffler, Deputy Secretary-General, European External Action Service Mr. Amnon Morag, Israel, EP Young Political Leaders Ms. Hela Slim, France, Former AU-EU Youth Fellow Mr. MacDonald K. Munyoro, Zimbabwe, EP Young Political Leaders Facilitator Ms. Gizem Kilinc, United Network of Young Peacebuilders Panel II Young people innovating for peace Library room 128, Altiero Spinelli building Discussants Ms. Barbara Pesce-Monteiro, Director, UN/UNDP Representation Office in Brussels Ms. Anna-Katharina Deininger, OSCE CiO Special Representative and OSG Focal Point on Youth and Security Ms.
    [Show full text]
  • Fonds André Fougeron Inventaire
    Fonds André Fougeron (1913-1998) Inventaire Versement de 2001 201FGR/1 - 201FGR/29 Instrument de rechercheréalisé par Anysia l’Hôtellier sous la direction de Sandrine Samson octobre 2012 révisé en janvier 2019 © Imec - Tous droits réservés Introduction Identification Producteur : André Fougeron Bbiographie : Autodidacte issu d’un milieu ouvrier, André Fougeron entra en peinture dans les années 1935-1936 et adhéra au Parti communiste français en 1939. Tout en continuant à exposer pendant l’Occupation, il transforma son atelier en imprimerie clandestine et fonda le Front national des arts avec Édouard Goerg et Édouard Pignon. À la Libération, attaché au cabinet de Joseph Billiet, directeur des Beaux-Arts, il fut chargé d’organiser l’épuration de la scène artistique française et de préparer un hommage à Picasso au Salon d’automne de 1944. Élu secrétaire général de l’Union des arts plastiques, il obtint le prix national des Arts et des Lettres (1946). À partir de 1947-1948, s’éloignant d’une certaine tradition moderne proche de Picasso et du fauvisme, Fougeron devint le chef de file du Nouveau Réalisme, trop facilement perçu comme la version française du réalisme socialiste. Sa toile Parisiennes au marché, véritable manifeste pictural, fit scandale au Salon d’automne de 1948. Fidèle à ses convictions communistes, André Fougeron n’a cessé de questionner son époque à travers une œuvre souvent teintée d’allégorie. Durant les années soixante-dix, il fut considéré comme un précurseur de la Nouvelle Figuration critique. Modalité d'entrée Fonds déposé par les ayants droit en 2001. Contenu et structure Présentation du contenu : Une importante correspondance (avec notamment Renato Guttuso, Jean Guillon, Peintres témoins de leur temps, Union des artistes de l'URSS...) et de nombreux dossiers thématiques éclairent tout à la fois l'évolution artistique et les activités militantes au sein du Parti communiste français d'André Fougeron.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communists Back Down
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 12; December 2016 One Step Closer to a Leninist Revolution in France in 1968: The Communists Back Down Yutaka Okuyama, Ph.D. Crimson Academy of Languages 92-134, Omachi 2-14, Asahikawa Hokkaido, Japan Abstract: This study observes French communist actions in relation to the social movement of 1968, especially how the communists defined their behavioral principle in order to satisfy a variety of components as well as to increase their party support. Sticking with their own tradition is the fundamental behavioral mechanism of political groups. However, a favorable outcome does not necessarily result from retaining traditional values. Thus, groups try to incorporate some new elements to encourage more flexible behavior. As a result, a conflict between tradition and innovation arises. French communist behavior in the May Movement in 1968 is a showcase for us to observe how difficult it is for an established group to absorb different perspectives and values in order to become a new entity. By the mid-1990s, through further mutations, the PCF, once enjoyed a quarter of votes in the 1950s and 60s, had virtually lost political significance in the French politics. Key words: French Communist Party, May Movement, Party Behavior, Party Support Introduction: Traditional values define who we are and restrain our behavior. Without consulting our past experiences, we can find a way out neither to move forward nor to change direction. In that sense, we can be called, “prisoners of the past.” Most social gatherings, including family ceremonies, alumni parties or community events, are meant to remind us of our own social position through shared experiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Download (515Kb)
    European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits.
    [Show full text]
  • Œuyre D'un Peuple Non D'un Homme
    19444958 ; 14“ anniversaire LA LIBÉRATION œuyre d'un peuple et non d'un homme Pages glorieuses de notre Histoire V' :*'Vit.r''k CHATEAUBMANT A I endroif même où, le 22 octobre 1941, furent fusillés vingt- tept otoges se dresse, devant les neuf poteaux d’exécution, le Monument National du Souvenir, 2 — PAGES GLORIEUSES DE NOTRE HISTOIRE LA RESISTANCE Voici venir, pour la quatorzième fois, fanniversaire des glorieux combats de la libération, l’anniversaire de l’insurrec­ tion parisienne d’août 1944, couronnement de quatre années d’une Résistance opiniâtre, sanglante, finalement victorieuse menée par des patriotes de toutes opinions, farouchement unis contre l’ennemi hitlérien et ses serviteurs de Vichy. Histoire glorieuse qui nécessiterait des volumes — tant notre peuple fut prodigue d’actes courageux. Parmi tant d’actions audacieuses et tant d’héroïsme tran­ quille face aux pelotons d’exécution ou devant la mort « à petit feu » des camps de déportation, comment choisir ? Voici les carnets du mineur légendaire Charles Debarge — devenu la terreur des hitlériens — le récit d’Aragon sur l’exécution des otages de Châteaubriant, le journal exaltant rédigé à la main par Danielle Casanova enfermée au fort de Romainville, la dernière lettre du métallo Lacazette ou de l’écrivain Jacques Decour, du cheminot Semard ou de l’étudiant Guy Môquet, les communiqués du Comité National des Francs- Tireurs et Partisans ou les comptes rendus des procès des tri­ bunaux hitlériens. A lire cette masse de documents, la gorge se serre d’émo­ tion mais le cœur se remplit de fierté devant la grandeur de ces fils et filles de France.
    [Show full text]
  • Instituto Juan March Juan March Institute
    Instituto Juan March Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales (CEACS) Juan March Institute Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (CEACS) No third way : a comparative perspective on the left Author(s): Lipset, Seymour Martin Date 1991 Type Working Paper Series Estudios = Working papers / Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales 16 (1991) City: Madrid Publisher: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales Your use of the CEACS Repository indicates your acceptance of individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any document(s) only for academic research and teaching purposes. NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT Seymour Martin Lipset Estudio/Working Paper 1991/16 April 1991 Seymour Martin Lipset is Senior Fellow al the Hoover Institution (Stanford University) and Hazel Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. This paper is an extended version of an oral presentation given by Professor Lipset at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute (Madrid) in July 1990. -1- NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT by Seymour Martin Lipset While the attention of the world has been focused on the startling transformations in the Communist world, equally important if less dramatic shifts have been occurring in the noncommunist parties of the Left. Although less noteworthy, since they do not involve revolutionary economic and political changes, they are as ideologically significant, for they represent a withdrawal from the centralized redistributionist doctrines of the democratic Left.1 Their record confirms the conclusion of Pierre Mauroy, Prime Minister of France’s first majority Socialist government, who noted in the Spring of 1990: “We thought we could find a third way, but it turned out there isn’t one.”2 In country after country, socialist and other left parties have taken the ideological road back to capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party and The
    CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Free Movement and the Difference That Citizenship Makes,” in Journal of European Integration History, Vol.23 No.1 (2017) 85-101
    Willem Maas, “Free Movement and the Difference that Citizenship Makes,” in Journal of European Integration History, vol.23 no.1 (2017) 85-101 85 Free movement and the difference that citizenship makes Willem MAAS Abstract Free movement in Europe differs from arrangements in other regional integration efforts because of the introduction of individual rights at the European level, later captured under the legal umbrella of European Union citizenship. In place of previous bilateral and ad hoc arrangements to manage migration between their states, Europe’s political leaders created a new constitutional category: the European citizen, with rights that EU member states cannot infringe except under limited circumstances. The development of European rights means that free movement in Europe can be com- pared with internal free movement in other multilevel political systems, such as fe- deral states, demonstrating the similar political logics at work in dissimilar contexts. One of the core values of shared citizenship is a project of equal political status, which is not always compatible with retaining local particularity. This is why central aut- horities in democratic systems almost invariably work to lower internal borders and boundaries, while local authorities often work to retain them, setting up potential conflicts. Introduction From postwar bilateral labour migration accords and the Treaty of Paris establishing the European Coal and Steel Community to the present day, the project of European integration has been deeply shaped by the politics of free movement, first of workers, then of members of their families, then (via intermediate categories such as students, retirees, and others) to all European citizens and arguably, via legislation and Court interpretation, to everyone living in Europe.1 Free movement reflects the aim of changing the meaning of borders – from Schuman’s aim “to take away from borders 1.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Altiero Spinelli, the "Prophet of European Union", Believes European Political Unity Is Not Far Off' from El País (19 March 1984)
    'Altiero Spinelli, the "prophet of European Union", believes European political unity is not far off' from El País (19 March 1984) Caption: On 19 March 1984, the Spanish daily newspaper El País describes Altiero Spinelli, author in the European Parliament of the Federalist-inspired draft Treaty on European Union. Source: El País. 19.03.1984. Madrid. "Altiero Spinelli, 'profeta' del europeísmo, cree cercana la unidad política de Europa", auteur:Arias, Juan. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/altiero_spinelli_the_prophet_of_european_union_believes_ european_political_unity_is_not_far_off_from_el_pais_19_march_1984-en- 9dbd6edc-eece-41b8-b3a1-3e5f6ff989d7.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/4 Interview Altiero Spinelli, the ‘prophet of European Union’, believes European political unity is not far off Conversation with an Italian MEP devoted to the idea of a federal Europe Juan Arias — Rome Altiero Spinelli has long been known as the ‘prophet of European Union’. For over 40 years he has been obsessed with the idea of European political unity. All those converting to the European ideal, from Pietro Nenni’s Socialists to Alcide De Gasperi’s Christian Democrats, have had to knock at his door. Not least of all, Enrico Berlinguer’s Communists, with whom Spinelli stood as an independent in the most recent European Parliament elections four years ago. His unshakeable determination and optimism, sometimes decried as utopian, began to bear fruit when, at 76 years of age, Spinelli was the driving force behind the important decision taken by the European Parliament on 14 February when it approved, with 76 % of votes in favour, a plan to convert the EEC into a genuine European union.
    [Show full text]
  • Altiero Spinelli - European Federalist
    Policy Department C Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs Altiero Spinelli - European Federalist CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS PE 410.673 JANUARY 2004 EN Directorate-General Internal Policies Policy Department C Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs Altiero Spinelli - European Federalist PE 410.673 EN These contributions were requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional Affairs. John Pinder's paper was also published elsewhere (Altiero Spinelli’s European Federal Odyssey, The International Spectator, Vol. 42, No. 4, December 2007, 571– 588) This collection is published in the following languages: EN, DE, FR, IT Authors: Lucio Levi, Richard Corbett, Ortensio Zecchino, Roland Bieber, John Pinder, Paolo Ponzano, Jean-Louis Quermonne, Philippe de Schoutheete. Responsible: Wilhelm Lehmann Manuscripts completed in October 2007. Copies can be obtained through: E-mail: [email protected] Intranet: http://www.ipolnet.ep.parl.union.eu/ © Brussels, European Parliament, 2009. The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. Editorial Note The papers presented here were submitted for a symposium organised by the Committee on Constitutional Affairs in September 2007. They were reprinted at the occasion of a commemoration of Spinelli's 100th anniversary which took place in the European Parliament on 5 March 2009, in cooperation with the Lazio region. Contents Lucio Levi: Altiero Spinelli, Founder of the Movement for European Unity ................ 7 Richard Corbett: Altiero Spinelli - European Federalist...............................................
    [Show full text]
  • (Eds.) Planning in Cold War Europe Rethinking the Cold War
    Michel Christian, Sandrine Kott, Ondřej Matějka (Eds.) Planning in Cold War Europe Rethinking the Cold War Edited by Kirsten Bönker and Jane Curry Volume 2 Planning in Cold War Europe Competition, Cooperation, Circulations (1950s–1970s) Edited by Michel Christian, Sandrine Kott, Ondřej Matějka Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation. ISBN 978-3-11-052656-1 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-053469-6 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-053240-1 https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110534696 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International License. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Library of Congress Control Number: 2018948744 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2018 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover image: right: Picture on a Slovak box of matches from the 1950s – author unkonwn left: Stamp printed in 1984. Ninth plan 1984–1989: to modernize France. drawn by Rémy Peignot, © la poste Typesetting: 3w+p GmbH, Rimpar Printing: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Acknowledgements This book grew out of aresearch project fundedbythe Swiss National Fund “Competing Modernities, Shared Modernities, Europe between East and West (1920s-1970s).” The contributions publishedinthis volume werediscussed dur- ing aworkshop that was madepossible thanks to the generous support of the UniversityofGenevaand the Swiss National Fund. The transformation of the stimulating debatesthat took place during the conference into acollective volume wasgreatlyassisted by an important number of our colleagues, to whom we would like to express our gratitude.
    [Show full text]